The issue of inclusion in politics
Concept
The concept of the term ‘Inclusion’ is really very significant, democratic and justice-based in view of contemporary world politics. An affirmative action to eliminate and erase discrimination and oppression based on factors like class, caste (racial), region and gender, this social justice-based concept is recognized by world bodies like the United Nations as well as democratic-progressive political forces around the world.
South Asian scenario
This concept is very popular and resilient in South Asian politics because the aforementioned discrimination and oppression run deep in South Asian societies. Different South Asian countries have introduced a slew of legal provisions for bringing up their marginalized groups into the political mainstream through affirmative action (positive discrimination) resulting from reservation and representation systems. Indian democracy is one of the unique and welcoming examples of this kind.
Indian scenario
India has a long history of reservation system and affirmative action, introduced for mainstreaming of marginalized groups in the State architecture. India’s political history shows that a relatively weak regime of reservation system and affirmative action was in place even during the British rule. In 1979, the Mandal Commission gave some concrete recommendations to strengthen the regime, based on which the Modi 2.0 government further expanded the regime in 2019, ensuring 10 percent reservation for economically weaker sections of the general category in educational institutions and government jobs. At central government-funded higher education institutions in India, 22.5 percent of available seats are for students from Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) communities—7.5 percent for STs and 15 percent for SCs). This reservation percentage has been raised to 49.5 percent by including an additional 27 percent reservation for other backward classes (OBCs).
Nepali scenario
The issue of inclusion got legal and political recognition in Nepal mainly after the peoples’ revolution of the year 2006 through the Interim Parliament and the Interim Constitution of 2007 whereas the Constitution of Nepal 2015 institutionalized it. Articles 42, 50 and 283 of the 2015 Charter have ‘guaranteed’ the rights of marginalized communities for representation (inclusion) in different bodies and organs of the State. While some Acts are already in place for enforcing inclusion, some Bills are under consideration in the Parliament.
The yardstick
Let’s examine the Narendra Modi 3.0 government and the Pushpa Kamal Dahal government through the lens of inclusion. In India, a 72-member Council of Ministers has taken shape under Modi, comprising 30 full Cabinet ministers, six ministers of state with independent charge and 36 ministers of state. Seven of these ministers are women—two Cabinet ministers and five ministers of state, constituting about 10 percent of the Cabinet’s strength. Of the 72 Cabinet members, 42 are from marginalized communities (accounting for around 58 percent representation of the Cabinet) and 27 from OBCs, comprising 37.5 percent of the Cabinet. Five are from STs, comprising around 7 percent of the Cabinet and 10 are from SCs, accounting for about 14 percent of the Cabinet.
Nepal’s Council of Ministers has 23 members—22 full Cabinet members and one Minister of State.
Gender-wise, five of the 23 members are women—two from Janajati communities and one each from Khas-Arya 1, Madhesi and Muslim communities—accounting, roughly, for 22 percent of the Cabinet.
Ethnicity-wise, 11 of the 23 Cabinet members are from the Khas-Arya (ruling) community, constituting around 48 percent of the Cabinet, seven from Janjati communities (30 percent of the Cabinet) and four from Madhesi communities (around 17 percent) and one from the Muslim community (around 4 percent of the Cabinet). Notably, there’s no Dalit representation in the Cabinet.
Takeaways
Drawing a comparison between the two cabinets, we can say without hesitation that India’s Cabinet is more inclusive than Nepal’s. Members of marginalized communities account for more than half of the Indian Cabinet’s strength (58 percent), with all legally-recognized marginalized groups represented.
In the case of Nepal, there’s no Dalit representation in the Cabinet, which is totally unjust and inappropriate as well as politically and legally objectionable. Representation of Madhesi communities and women representation is quite low whereas the representation of the Khas-Arya community (the ruling caste group) is pretty high.
This, despite very positive and encouraging constitutional provisions vis-a-vis inclusion, thanks to a lack of full implementation of relevant provisions and political commitments. The Constitution talks about discrimination and oppression on the bases of class, caste (ethnicity), region and gender and envisages legal remedies for ensuring justice and equality. Top leadership of different political parties should have the will to implement relevant constitutional provisions and their own commitments to do away with discrimination and oppression.
Way forward
World bodies like the United Nations have incorporated this important agenda in their policies, programs and actions. Moreover, discrimination and oppression is a political as well as a social agenda of class societies in general and multidimensional societies in particular. In today’s world, no political force can ignore or reject this agenda as it has gone global. It can be a source of conflict as well as a source of peace, harmony and social stability. The time has come for Nepal’s political leadership to choose between social conflict and social harmony. Time has come for our leadership to truly internalize the agenda and work for the protection of inclusive democracy and maintenance of peace, stability and social harmony in the country.
Democracy under threat in South Asia
Democracy in South Asia faces critical challenges that jeopardize its very essence. From India to Pakistan, Nepal to Bangladesh, democratic principles are under siege as political actors employ various strategies—persuasion, monetary influence, punishment, and division—to achieve their goals. This article delves into the precarious state of democracy in the region, where traditional strategies outlined in Chanakya's Arthashastra—Sām (persuasion), Dām (monetary influence), Daṇḍ (punishment), and Bhed (division)—are increasingly prevalent.
Rise of populism and infodemic
Sām, once pivotal in democratic discourse, has been overshadowed by populism and demagoguery. Leaders manipulate rhetoric and propaganda via social media, blurring the line between persuasion and manipulation. The misuse of media platforms during elections amplifies misinformation, exacerbating communal tensions and undermining electoral integrity.
In the bustling streets of South Asian cities, amidst the clamor of election campaigns, a significant concern emerges: The infodemic. As political parties compete for power and influence, the misuse of media and social media platforms has become a potent tool in their arsenal, shaping public opinion and eroding the credibility of the electoral process.
The rise of populism and demagoguery has overshadowed the once-central role of persuasion in democratic discourse. Political leaders exploit rhetoric and propaganda to sway public sentiment, leveraging the pervasive reach of social media. During South Asian elections, the manipulation of media platforms shapes narratives, undermining the integrity of the electoral process. Misinformation proliferates rapidly online through fake accounts and sensationalist content, exacerbated by biased reporting in traditional media outlets. This phenomenon, often termed an "infodemic," fuels societal divisions.
Dām: Corrupting influence of money
Dām, characterized using monetary power, has deeply infiltrated South Asia's political terrain, fostering an environment where corruption and cronyism thrive. Wealthy elites and influential interest groups wield disproportionate sway over policymaking and governance, exacerbating inequality and marginalizing disadvantaged communities. This commodification of democracy, where votes are traded like commodities, undermines the foundational principles of equality and fairness that democracy strives to uphold.
The pervasive influence of Dām, or monetary power, in South Asian politics fuels corruption and cronyism, allowing wealthy elites and interest groups to manipulate governance, exacerbating inequality, and disenfranchising marginalized communities.
Daṇḍ: Punishment for adversaries
Despite attempts to utilize punishment to quell dissent, journalists, activists, and political dissidents continue to face harassment, violence, and imprisonment, eroding both freedom of expression and the rule of law. Nevertheless, grassroots movements and civil society organizations persist in their steadfast resistance, championing transparency and accountability. They represent a beacon of hope for a future where democracy prevails over authoritarianism.
It is evident that those in power spare no effort to punish their adversaries, who fall out of favor. This trend is increasingly prevalent in countries like India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, as well as in Nepal, Sri Lanka, and the Maldives. Such unwarranted harassment of opponents undermines the foundational principles of democracy, where freedom of speech and the ability to criticize are fundamental to a democratic society.
Bhed: Exploiting divisions
Politicians exploit societal faultlines—religious, ethnic, linguistic—to consolidate power. Identity politics fuels social tension and communal violence, weakening societal cohesion and democratic foundations.
In the intricate tapestry of South Asian politics, the insidious strategy of Bhed (division) wreaks havoc on societal harmony. Exploiting faultlines along religious, ethnic, and linguistic boundaries, politicians employ identity politics to consolidate power and rally support. By capitalizing on existing prejudices and grievances, they deepen social tensions and ignite communal violence.
The ramifications of employing divisive strategies like Bhed are severe. Once united communities now find themselves divided, plagued by distrust where harmony once prevailed. Political figures exacerbate these divisions, eroding social cohesion and undermining the foundation of democracy.
The effects of Bhed extend beyond politics, fracturing families with sectarian conflicts, leaving neighborhoods scarred by ethnic tensions, and societies shattered by communal violence. Nevertheless, for those in authority, the tactic continues to yield results: Divide and rule. Recently, the fragmentation of political opponents' parties has become a common practice in India and Nepal. However, amidst these challenges, there is hope for a more inclusive future. Grassroots movements and civil society organizations tirelessly strive to bridge divides and promote understanding. By countering the narrative of division and advocating for unity in diversity, they offer a beacon of hope in a fractured world.
Conclusion
In South Asia’s intricate political landscape, the misuse of Sām, Dām, Daṇḍ and Bhed poses significant challenges. Upholding democratic values requires bolstering institutions, promoting transparency, and nurturing civic engagement. Civil society, media and vigilant citizens must unite to defend democracy against divisive tactics.
In conclusion, while South Asia confronts formidable democratic challenges, collective action can pave the way for a robust and inclusive democracy. By rejecting divisive strategies and upholding democratic principles, the region can forge a resilient path forward.
Economic situation in Sri Lanka improving
Sri Lanka was officially declared bankrupt for the first time in its history in April 2022 after its foreign currency reserves plunged to less than $50m. Sri Lankan Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe announced in parliament that the country was facing an extreme economic crisis and had gone bankrupt. The island nation was experiencing over 50 percent inflation and food shortages. Its foreign debt alone had reached around $51bn, approximately 10 percent of which came from China.
According to international news reports, long-standing structural weaknesses, external pressures and policy flaws drove the country towards economic crisis. A World Bank report cited weak governance, a restricted trade regime, poor investment climate and a lack of monetary discipline as additional contributors. Amid high inflation and a sharp currency depreciation, the economy contracted by 7.3 percent. Poverty, which Sri Lanka had succeeded in reducing after the civil war, quadrupled from 2019 onwards.
After Sri Lanka went bankrupt, many in Nepal argued that Nepal too was heading down Sri Lanka’s path, citing Nepal’s declining foreign exchange reserves and rising trade deficit. In the first six months of fiscal year 2021/22, the foreign exchange reserves of the country were enough to cover merchandise imports of 7.4 months and merchandise and services imports of 6.7 months. Reserves sufficient for less than six months are considered a sign of moving towards an economic crisis. Similarly, Nepal’s balance of payments situation was at its lowest in history, with a deficit of Rs 247.03bn during the review period, compared to a surplus of Rs. 97.36bn in the previous year.
Sri Lanka, which was officially declared bankrupt, is now recovering. According to the latest World Bank data, Sri Lanka’s economic growth is expected to be positive in 2024. The Asian Development Bank (ADB) expects moderate positive growth in the medium term. The lingering effects of the crisis, high taxes, low real incomes and high emigration of skilled workers are cited as factors behind moderate growth.
External and financial balances of Sri Lanka showed signs of stabilization in 2023 as foreign exchange and liquidity pressures started easing significantly. Usable official foreign exchange reserves increased to cover 8-9 weeks of imports, up from just 1-2 weeks at the peak of the crisis. The Sri Lankan rupee also appreciated by 10.8 percent against the US dollar in 2023, after depreciating by 81.2 percent in 2022. According to the ADB, inflation has fallen faster than expected to single digits after peaking above 50 percent. According to the Sri Lankan finance ministry, annual inflation is at around 5.7 percent only.
After nearly two years of monetary tightening, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka allowed a gradual return to an easing cycle in mid-2023. Policy rates were cut by 650 basis points in June and Nov 2023, with the Standing Deposit Facility Rate at nine percent and the Standing Lending Facility Rate at 10 percent. The Statutory Reserve Ratio was also lowered by 200 basis points to two percent in August 2023. With monetary easing and clarity on domestic debt restructuring, market interest rates have fallen, with 91-day Treasury bill rates declining by 20 percentage points between March 2023 and March 2024.
The Sri Lankan government has undertaken crucial structural and policy actions to achieve economic stability. The implementation of many important reforms under the Extended Fund Facility program with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), cost-reflective utility pricing, and new revenue measures appear to have contributed to macroeconomic stability.
Tourism recovery
In 2018, tourist arrivals in Sri Lanka reached around 2.3m which generated a total expenditure of $5.6bn. However, due to the Covid-19 pandemic, tourist arrivals declined by 92 percent in 2020. During the peak of the economic crisis in 2021/22, around 100,000 tourists visited Sri Lanka, compared to around 2.3m in 2018.
Despite the challenges of the severe economic crisis, Sri Lanka achieved significant progress in tourist arrivals in 2023. According to the Sri Lanka Tourism Development Authority, tourist arrivals doubled from 719,000 in 2022 to 1.48m in 2023. Europe contributed 50.9 percent of total tourist arrivals, while Asia and the Pacific region emerged as the second major source market, contributing 40.1 percent.
Sri Lanka has welcomed 784,651 tourists over the first four months of 2024.
Eager to attract Nepali tourists
Sri Lanka is rebranding and offering various packages to attract tourists from all over the world. Sri Lankan Airlines, the national carrier, operates direct and network flights to 113 destinations in 59 countries.
The airline has been operating direct flights between Kathmandu and Colombo for the past three years. Nilina Pathirana, the country manager for Nepal, said that the airline currently operates five flights a week from Sunday to Friday. She believes Sri Lanka could become an affordable destination for Nepali tourists. “Nepalis have increased spending capacity. Since they are traveling to destinations like the Maldives, Malaysia, Thailand, Dubai and Indonesia, Sri Lanka can also be a destination for them,” she added.
Pathirana suggests that a package of around Rs 90,000 per person for a 4-night, 5-day stay could be attractive for Nepali tourists. This package includes round-trip airfare on Sri Lankan Airlines, sightseeing, meals, and accommodation.
Around 5,000 Nepali tourists visited Sri Lanka in 2018. The number fell to 1,500 in 2023.
Nepal Army Colonel Malla relieved of his position
Nepal Army Colonel Direndra Malla has been dismissed from his position.
Nepal Army relieved Malla of his position after he was found tempering with his various documents.
The Nepal Army’s court of inquiry removed Malla from his position.
Colonel Malla had been working at the Nepali Mission of the United Nations in New York.
Nepal Army had formed a court of inquiry after a complaint was filed against him stating that he had forged his birth certificate.
Nepal Army spokesperson Gaurav Kumar KC said that Malla has been dismissed from the service with being disqualified for government service in the future.
He said that Colonel was relieved of his duties after he was found tampering with documents during the investigation.
