Leveraging RTI: Nepal’s key to curb corruption
Corruption in Nepal is a pervasive issue that hinders development and erodes public trust in government institutions. The Right to Information (RTI) Act, a powerful tool for transparency, aims to combat corruption by ensuring public access to information. However, a recent survey reveals that local governments are not RTI-friendly, posing significant challenges to transparency and accountability.
Local governments are not RTI friendly
This author has recently conducted a survey across 753 local governments in Nepal and confirmed that these entities are not RTI-friendly. Specifically, an RTI request for details on the purchase, maintenance, and fuel expenses for motorcycles procured for ward chairpersons revealed that only 210 out of 753 municipalities, or almost 29 percent, provided the requested information.
Among the respondents, Hilihang Rural Municipality questioned the legitimacy of the request, insisting that information be requested in person at their office. Varahatal and nine other municipalities redirected the requests to their financial and physical asset sections without providing the actual information. Approximately 30 percent of municipalities responded via email, stating that no motorcycles were purchased, hence there were no repair or fuel expenses. Most of these municipalities were from Taplejung District and Madhesh Province. Of the total information received, 20 percent came from section officers or IT officers instead of the designated information officer, and 10 percent was provided by the chief administrative officers.
District-wise RTI response rates
Among all 753 municipalities, Syangja District had the highest response rate, with 64 percent (seven out of 11) municipalities providing information. No information was received from any municipality in Dailekh, Dolakha, Eastern Rukum, Salyan, and Solukhumbu districts. Banke district ranked second, with 62.5 percent (five out of eight) municipalities responding, followed by Dolpa with 62.5 percent (five out of eight), and Panchthar, where 62 percent of the municipalities provided information. Districts with only one municipality providing information included Bardiya, Doti, Gorkha, Humla, Kapilvastu, Mugu, Mustang, Myagdi, Rasuwa, Rautahat, Rolpa, and Sankhuwasabha. Rautahat district had the lowest percentage of information providers, with only 5.56 percent (one out of 18) municipalities responding.
Discrepancies in reported expenses
In most local governments that provided information, transportation expenses were recorded according to provincial laws, but some municipalities reported unusually high expenses. One municipality reported spending Rs 68,000 on repairs for a single motorcycle over four months, and monthly petrol expenses were as high as 55 liters. The survey revealed a significant insight: municipalities that operated transparently had no trouble providing information, whereas those with financial opacity or expenditures made without proper legal and procedural frameworks were nearly impossible to obtain information from.
Academia delaying to embrace RTI
The academic sector has also been slow to embrace RTI. A review of 11 university websites revealed that very few publicly posted the photo, contact number, or email of the information officer, a mandatory provision of RTI. Notably, thousands of academic institutions like schools and colleges, where the huge amount of national budget has been spent, are out of access to information because they are not complying with the rule of RTI yet. Second important public service sector is the health sector and they are also not following the obligatory liability of RTI.
Corruption everywhere in Nepal
Corruption permeates every facet of Nepali society, as evidenced by Transparency International's 2023 report, which places Nepal 108th out of 180 countries with a score of only 35 points. Alarmingly, 84 percent of Nepali citizens view corruption as the country’s most significant problem, and 12 percent of those seeking public services admit to paying bribes. The challenge of reducing corruption is exacerbated by the fact that institutions meant to combat corruption often shelter corrupt individuals themselves, exemplified by the fake Bhutanese refugee scandal involving the Ministry of Home Affairs and other leaders of various political parties.
RTI to combat corruption
The right to information predates the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. On 14 Dec 1946, the United Nations General Assembly stated, ‘Freedom of information is a fundamental human right and the touchstone of all the freedoms to which the United Nations is dedicated.’ This right implies the ability to gather, transmit, and publish news without interference. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, adopted in 1966, guarantees the right to information, albeit with some restrictions regarding the reputation of others, national security, incitement to violence, public health, and morals.
However, obtaining information from public bodies is not straightforward. The right to information campaign envisions a scenario where information is disclosed proactively without formal requests. The Right to Information Act 2007 and its Regulations 2008 mandate public bodies to disclose 20 types of information every three months.
The National Information Commission, established 16 years ago, has made limited progress. Only a small number of journalists and activists utilize RTI in their professional lives, and its promotion has not reached the general populace.
Role of citizens and challenges
Citizens can play a crucial role in monitoring government plans. No monitoring has been done on whether the projects have achieved the goals and objectives, which can be done effectively using RTI by general people. The case of Laxman Prasad Sarraf from Parsa district illustrates the challenges faced by citizens in exercising RTI. Despite multiple visits to the municipality and the National Information Commission, Sarraf has not received the requested information about the expenses and design statements for constructing a local school building. This highlights the structural weaknesses within the commission. Most of the information seekers have not been following the process of RTI because of lack of awareness.
To curb corruption and promote transparency, it is necessary to promote the positive impact of RTI among the general public. The lack of strong laws to protect whistleblowers also contributes to the difficulty in accessing information. Despite challenges and bureaucratic resistance, RTI empowers citizens to demand accountability and transparency. By leveraging RTI effectively, Nepal can make significant strides in curbing corruption and fostering a more transparent and accountable governance system.
What will Modi’s 3.0 mean for Nepal ?
India’s 18th Lok Sabha (lower house of parliament) election results are out, with the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) securing the majority needed to form a new government. Although the BJP did not achieve a single-party majority as it did in 2014 and 2019, coalition support ensures that Narendra Modi will enter a historic third consecutive term, a first since 1962.
The election results indicate a weakening of the BJP’s dominance, a resurgence of the Indian National Congress, and a growing influence of regional parties. This also marks the return of coalition governance in India after a decade. Since Nepal and India are close neighbors, a pertinent question arises: What will India’s Nepal policy look like under Modi’s third term? Over the past decade, Nepal-India relations under Modi's leadership have seen many fluctuations.
Modi’s emphasis on the ‘neighborhood first policy’ in 2014 placed Nepal at the forefront. However, Nepal-India relationship hit its lowest point right after Nepal promulgated its new constitution in 2015. Seemingly to show its disapproval of Nepal’s new charter, India imposed an undeclared border blockade for about six months, causing an economic and humanitarian crisis in Nepal that was still reeling from the devastating earthquake of 2015.
Relations began to improve from mid-2016 but hit another rocky patch during the 2019 map dispute. Despite these highs and lows, Modi visited Nepal five times during his first two terms. Under his leadership, bilateral mechanisms were revived, several long-standing issues were resolved, and numerous connectivity projects—such as the cross-border pipeline, Integrated Check Post, railways, roads, and digital connectivity— were advanced. In the final months of this second term, two countries signed a power agreement to export Nepali electricity in India and Bangladesh.
Recently, bilateral relations have stabilized, and with Modi’s third term, major changes to India's Nepal policy are unlikely. Over the past decade, the BJP has strengthened its ties with Nepal's political parties. In several instances, Nepali leaders are employing BJP channels to reach out to the highest level of government to resolve outstanding issues.
This elevation of bilateral relations to a political level has opened more communication channels. Prior to 2014, interactions were largely limited to bureaucratic and security agencies, with minimal high-level exchanges. Recently, the relationship has evolved into a robust development partnership, though some contentious issues remain unresolved.
While the BJP has faced criticism for allegedly fueling Hindu radicalism, these claims lack independent verification. Before the elections, political analysts speculated that the BJP might push to turn both India and Nepal into Hindu states in Modi’s third term. However, the return of a hung parliament may hinder such plans. The Modi government should reassure Nepali leaders that there is no such agenda in Nepal.
Continuation of Modi as prime minister presents an opportunity for Nepal to address pending issues and explore future avenues. Compared to the BJP, the Indian National Congress and other parties have fewer communication channels with Nepal's political leaders. Key contentious issues, such as the Peace and Friendship Treaty and border disputes, require intense diplomatic and political dialogue. Both sides must avoid politicizing these issues to maintain healthy bilateral relations. India’s Nepal policy is expected to remain stable for India’s political parties are not much divided on foreign policy issues.
Nepal government and political parties need a clear strategy for engagement with India. All political parties in Nepal should unify on major issues with India, ensuring that changes in government do not disrupt bilateral relations. Consistent positions from major political leaders, regardless of their power status, will facilitate smoother negotiations with India on contentious issues. It would have been better if those issues were settled when there was a powerful government led by Narendra Modi for 10 years.
Enhanced coordination between political leadership and bureaucracy is essential. Rather than focusing solely on India’s Nepal policy, Nepal must prepare its own strategy for dealing with India, which is poised to become the world’s third-largest economy. The key question is how Nepal will manage this relationship, with economic and development partnerships forming the foundation of bilateral ties over the past decade.
Madhes Province Chief Minister Yadav fails to secure trust vote
Madhes Province Chief Minister Saroj Kumar Yadav on Wednesday lost his confidence vote.
He sought the vote of confidence at the Province Assembly meeting this evening.
Of the 103 lawmakers present at the meeting, 50 votes were cast in favor of Yadav 53 votes were cast against him.
The Janata Samajbadi Party Nepal-led government collapsed after he failed to garner a vote of confidence.
This has paved the way to form a new government in the Madesh Province.
The central coalition is preparing to form a new government under the leadership of Janata Samajbadi Party.
Earlier, the Janata Samajbadi Party had made an agreement with the CPN-UML and CPN (Maoist Center) to form a new government.
However, the party had tried to rope in Madhav Kumar Nepal-led CPN (Unified Socialist) and Mahantha Thakur-led Democratic Socialist Party in the government.
Though the CPN (Unified Socialist) had voted against Chief Minister Yadav, the party has not been able to make a decision on whether to join the government or not.
Meanwhile, the Nepali Congress and Thakur-led Democratic Socialist Party had voted in favor of Yadav.
New Sankalp from Sadhana in Kanniyakumari
The biggest festival of democracy, the 2024 Lok Sabha Elections, concludes in our nation, the Mother of Democracy. After a three-day spiritual journey in Kanniyakumari, I have just boarded the plane for Delhi. Throughout the day, Kashi and numerous other seats have been in the midst of voting.
My mind is filled with so many experiences and emotions... I feel a boundless flow of energy within myself. The 2024 Lok Sabha elections are the first in the Amrit Kaal. I began my campaign a few months ago from Meerut, the land of the First War of Independence of 1857.
Since then, I have traversed across the length and breadth of our great nation. The final rally of these elections took me to Hoshiarpur in Punjab, the land of the great Gurus and a land associated with Sant Ravidas Ji. After that, I came to Kanniyakumari, at the feet of Maa Bharti. It is natural that the fervor of the elections was echoing in my heart and mind. The multitude of faces seen in rallies and road shows came in front of my eyes. The blessings from our Nari Shakti…the trust, the affection, all of this was a very humbling experience. My eyes were getting moist... I entered into a ‘sadhana’ (meditative state). And then, the heated political debates, the attacks and counter-attacks, the voices and words of accusations which are so characteristic of an election…they all vanished into a void. A sense of detachment came to grow within me...my mind became completely detached from the external world.
Meditation becomes challenging amidst such huge responsibilities, but the land of Kanniyakumari and the inspiration of Swami Vivekananda made it effortless. As a candidate myself, I left my campaign in the hands of my beloved people of Kashi and came here. I am also grateful to God for instilling me with these values from birth which I have cherished and tried to live up to. I was also thinking about what Swami Vivekananda must have experienced during his meditation at this very place in Kanniyakumari! A part of my meditation was spent in a similar stream of thoughts.
Amidst this detachment, amidst the peace and silence, my mind was constantly thinking about the bright future of Bharat, the goals of Bharat. The rising sun at Kanniyakumari gave new heights to my thoughts, the vastness of the ocean expanded my ideas, and the expanse of the horizon continuously made me realize the unity, the Oneness, embedded in the depths of the universe. It seemed as if the observations and experiences undertaken in the lap of the Himalayas decades ago were being revived.
Kanniyakumari has always been very close to my heart. The Vivekananda Rock Memorial in Kanniyakumari was built under the leadership of Shri Eknath Ranade ji. I had the opportunity to travel extensively with Eknath ji. During the construction of this memorial, I had the opportunity to spend some time in Kanniyakumari as well.
From Kashmir to Kanniyakumari... this is a common identity that is deeply ingrained in the heart of every citizen of the country. This is the ‘Shakti Peeth’ (seat of Shakti) where Maa Shakti incarnated as Kanya Kumari. At this southern tip, Maa Shakti performed penance and waited for Bhagwan Shiva, who was residing in the Himalayas. Kanniyakumari is the land of confluences. The sacred rivers of our country flow into different seas, and here, those very seas converge. And here, we witness another great confluence—the ideological confluence of Bharat! Here, we find the Vivekananda Rock Memorial, a grand statue of Saint Thiruvalluvar, Gandhi Mandapam, and Kamarajar Mani Mandapam.
These streams of thought from these stalwarts converge here to form a confluence of national thought. This gives rise to great inspirations for nation-building. This land of Kanniyakumari gives an indelible message of unity, especially to any person who doubts Bharat’s nationhood and the sense of unity. The grand statue of Saint Thiruvalluvar in Kanniyakumari seems to be looking at the expanse of Maa Bharati from the sea. His work Thirukkural is one of the crown jewels of the beautiful Tamil language. It covers every aspect of life, inspiring us to give our best for ourselves and for the nation. It was my great fortune to pay respect to such a great figure. Swami Vivekananda once said, ‘Every nation has a message to deliver, a mission to fulfill, a destiny to reach.’
For thousands of years, Bharat has been moving forward with this sense of meaningful purpose. Bharat has been a cradle of ideas for thousands of years. We have never considered what we have acquired as our personal wealth or measured it purely by economic or material parameters. Therefore, ‘Idam-na-mama’ (this is not mine) has become an inherent and natural part of the character of Bharat.
Bharat’s welfare benefits our planet’s journey to progress as well. Take the freedom movement as an example. Bharat gained independence on 15 Aug 1947. At that time, many countries around the world were under colonial rule. Bharat’s independence journey inspired and empowered many of those countries to achieve their own freedom. That same spirit was seen decades later when the world came face to face with the once-in-a-century Covid-19 pandemic. When concerns were raised about the poor and developing countries, Bharat’s successful efforts provided courage and assistance to many nations.
Today, Bharat’s governance model has become an example for many countries around the world. Empowering 25 crore people to rise above poverty in just 10 years is unprecedented. Innovative practices such as Pro-People Good Governance, aspirational districts, and aspirational blocks are being discussed globally today. Our efforts, from empowering the poor to last-mile delivery, have inspired the world by prioritizing individuals standing at the last rung of society. Bharat’s Digital India campaign is now an example for the entire world, showing how we can use technology to empower the poor, bring transparency, and ensure their rights. Inexpensive data in Bharat is becoming a means of social equality by ensuring the reach of information and services to the poor. The whole world is witnessing and studying the democratization of technology, and major global institutions are advising many countries to adopt elements from our model.
Today, Bharat’s progress and rise are not just a significant opportunity for Bharat alone, but also a historic opportunity for all our partner countries around the world. Since the success of the G-20, the world has been increasingly envisioning a bigger role for Bharat. Today, Bharat is being acknowledged as a strong and important voice of the Global South. The African Union has become a part of the G-20 group at the initiative of Bharat. This is going to be a crucial turning point for the future of African countries. The development trajectory of Bharat fills us with pride and glory, but at the same time, it also reminds the 140 crore citizens of their responsibilities. Now, without wasting a single moment, we must step forward toward greater duties and larger goals. We need to dream new dreams, convert them into reality and begin living those dreams.
We must see Bharat’s development in a global context, and for this, it is essential that we understand Bharat’s internal capabilities. We must acknowledge Bharat’s strengths, nurture them, and utilize them for the benefit of the world. In today's global scenario, Bharat’s strength as a youthful nation is an opportunity from which we must not look back. The world of the 21st century is looking toward Bharat with hope. And we will need to make several changes to move forward in the global scenario. We also need to change our traditional thinking regarding reforms. Bharat cannot limit reforms to just economic reforms. We must move forward in every aspect of life toward the direction of reforms. Our reforms should also align with the aspirations of a ‘Viksit Bharat’ (developed India) by 2047.
We must also understand that reform can never be a unidimensional process for any country. Therefore, I have laid out the vision of reform, perform, and transform for the country. The responsibility of reform lies with leadership. Based on that, our bureaucracy performs, and when the people join in with the spirit of Jan Bhagidari, we witness a transformation taking place.
We must make excellence the fundamental principle to make our country a ‘Viksit Bharat’. We need to work quickly in all four directions: Speed, Scale, Scope, and Standards. Alongside manufacturing, we must also focus on quality and adhere to the mantra of 'zero defect-zero effect'.
We should take pride in every moment that God has blessed us with birth in the land of Bharat. God has chosen us to serve Bharat and fulfill our role in our country’s journey toward excellence.
We must redefine our heritage in a modern way while embracing ancient values in a modern context. As a nation, we also need to reassess outdated thinking and beliefs. We need to free our society from the pressure of professional pessimists. We must remember that freedom from negativity is the first step toward achieving success. Success blossoms in the lap of positivity. My faith, devotion, and belief in the infinite and eternal power of Bharat are growing day by day. Over the past 10 years, I have seen this capability of Bharat grow even more and have experienced it firsthand.
Just as we utilized the fourth and fifth decades of the 20th century to impart a new momentum to the freedom movement, we must lay the foundation for a ‘Viksit Bharat’ in these 25 years of the 21st century. The freedom struggle was a time that called for great sacrifices. The present times call for great and sustained contributions from everyone. Swami Vivekananda had said in 1897 that we must dedicate the next 50 years solely for the nation. Exactly 50 years after this call, Bharat gained independence in 1947. Today, we have the same golden opportunity. Let’s dedicate the next 25 years solely for the nation. Our efforts will create a strong foundation for the coming generations and the coming centuries, taking Bharat to new heights. Looking at the energy and enthusiasm of the country, I can say that the goal is not far away now. Let us take swift steps… let us come together and create a Viksit Bharat.
These thoughts were penned by India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi on June 1 between 4:15 pm and 7 pm during his return flight from Kanniyakumari to Delhi



