The friendly Nepal-China relations are well tested. However, the reported inclusion of two small operational projects, Panda Pack Project and Amity Living Water Project in the list of projects under BRI by the third Road and Belt Forum for International Corporation in its meeting held on 17-18 Oct 2023.is disappointing and alarming for Nepal, for it sends two messages. First, China is reluctant to take any new project in Nepal and second, the naming of these two projects warns Nepal not to accept the terms and conditions laid down by China for BRI, which have been accepted by Pakistan and Sri Lanka. It is evident from the indirect messages of the Chinese envoy, who claimed the construction of Pokhara International Airport under BRI, as he knew well that the project was started before Nepal signed it. The envoy’s remarks on the Nepal-India electricity trade were also a pointer that China was not happy with the present dispensation. It has been skeptical toward Nepal since the approval of MCC, the US project by Nepal’s parliament. PM Pushpa Kamal Dahal did his best to rush to China directly from the US to attend the 19th Asian games opening ceremony at Hangzhou and to meet president Xi jinping. But his plan failed, perhaps, as he could not satisfy President Xi for Nepal not accepting the terms and conditions of BRI. Nepal and China had signed 12 agreements, which included development of electricity connectivity between the two countries. Dahal, though optimistic to have at least one or two projects out of nine agreed upon previously for approval under BRI, could read the mind of President Xi, who, with his ambitious plan of One Belt and One Road Initiative in 2013 (rechristened Belt and Road Initiative), has succeeded in connecting  China with Europe through Central Asia and South Asia to become the largest economy of the world through its mass production at the lowest cost and technical advancements.  However, due to Covid 19, the slackened economy of China warranted immediate action to boost the economy. During the premiership of KP Sharma, Nepal-China relations were enhanced to strategic partnership. Naturally, China was very hopeful to bring some projects in Nepal under BRI. Moreover, in recent years, China has been assertive in Nepal’s internal politics and had managed to bring the CPN (Maoist Center) and the CPN-UML together before the 2072 election, which resulted in the coalition securing a majority in the federal parliament and also at provincial and local levels of government. However, it became frustrated with Dahal when he discarded the UMLand joined hands with the Nepali Congress and the CPN (Unified Socialist), defeating the UML in the elections. And since there was no progress on selecting projects under BRI, he annoyed China further. Even after becoming Prime Minister with UML support, he again betrayed Oli and kicked out UML ministers from his cabinet. All these made China more suspicious of Dahal. It is a truism that Prachanda favored China by canceling the decision of the Dr Baburam  government to construct the Budhi Gandaki 1200 MW project by Budhi Gandaki Hydroelectric Project Development Committee, and  signed the MoU with China Gezouba Group Corporation (CGGC) to be constructed under the engineering, procurement, construction and financing (EPCF) model. His party leader and the then Finance Minister Varshman Puna had accepted a loan from the Chinese EXIM bank for developing the international airport in Pokhara.  Though the Deuba government canceled the project, KP Sharma Oli government again roped in the CGGC in 2018, as was done by the Dahal government. Nepal went ahead to upgrade its relations with China to strategic partnership during President Xi’s visit to Nepal in 2019. Nepal allowed Chinese language in school curriculum. The PM’s Office authorized a subsidiary company of the Chinese Huawei Technologies Co Ltd after suspending the bidding process to set up the ‘action room’ equipped with a video conferencing hall. Nepal allowed China International Development Cooperation Agency to provide development assistance to 15 northern districts of Nepal and signed a treaty of  Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters with China, which it does not have with any other country. Nepal,  after breaking its traditional stand,  allowed the bracketing of the word ‘Zhumulangma’ with the Nepali word ‘Sagarmatha’. In spite of the good intention of Dahal to satisfy China, he could not do so, as he is heading a coalition government. The coalition partners are  not willing to accept any projects under BRI loan with high percentage of interest and shorter period of repayment. These parties can accept projects under aid or grant. And there is no ground to reject the Chinese offer at lower rates of interest and longer timeframe for repayment, as being offered by other international funding organizations. Moreover, China should not equate Nepal with Pakistan and Sri Lanka, as its relations with Nepal are centuries old.

“Oh, what a strange smell,” said a friend’s son when he entered the kitchen as we were cooking a Nepali delicacy called ‘bhutan’. This is a ‘weird food’ for the new generation. That is perhaps why he told us that it smelled horrible. I wanted to shout back and say that of course, it should stink like shit because these intestines were carrying shit a few hours ago when the goat was alive. But I have to be nice, given that he is years younger than I am, and so I just tell him that it was one of our many traditional food items. I intended to bridge the gap between him and our traditional culinary heritage. I’ve often pondered why many Nepalis have developed a preference for junk food over our traditional dishes. Cultures across the globe have long recognized the nutritional value of organ meats as a source of protein. They feature prominently in traditional cuisines across Asia, Africa, Europe, and various parts of the Americas. Recipes are abundant for preparing tripe, spanning the world’s culinary diversity. It’s typically found in dishes like soups, stews, sauced foods, and sausages. Due to its distinct aroma and mild flavor, tripe is usually paired with bold spices and flavorful ingredients. Before delving into the specifics of this Nepali delicacy, it’s essential to issue a fair warning about bhutan’s smell, taste, and texture. It can be off-putting to some, especially if it’s not prepared correctly. Additionally, bhutan is high in cholesterol, so it might not be the best choice for individuals with a sensitivity to high-cholesterol foods. Each family in Nepal has its unique recipe and name for bhutan. In the far-west part of the country, people call it ‘bhutuwa’, and some refer to it as ‘bhitryas’. Some use the thymus gland, pancreas, tripe, and intestines, while others incorporate the liver, tongue, heart, kidneys, lungs, and even brain. Some even include blood. However, bhutan traditionally consists of the blanket or flat tripe from the first stomach chamber of the animal, honeycomb tripe, which originates from the second stomach chamber and resembles a honeycomb, omasum or book tripe from the third stomach chamber, and abomasum or reed tripe from the fourth stomach chamber. Bhutan is a labor of love, demanding meticulous preparation. The process begins with boiling these offal parts to perfection, along with a blend of whole garam masala. Another secret to mitigating that infamous smell is to add a few sprigs of rosemary. This initial step tenderizes the ingredients and lays the foundation for the mouthwatering flavors that follow. The next stage involves stir-frying the boiled offal in a traditional Nepali kadhai, or wok, using mustard oil. This method infuses a delightful nutty aroma and a touch of heat and spiciness into the dish. Onions and red chili powder are added to intensify the flavors, creating a tantalizing mix of aromas that waft through the air. What sets bhutan apart is its unique combination of ingredients and spices. Besides the offal and goat tripe, a host of elements contribute to the dish's rich and savory taste. There is the garam masala, a blend of spices that imparts warmth and depth. Cumin offers earthy and slightly nutty notes. Turmeric adds a vibrant color and mild, bitter undertones. Cinnamon brings a sweet and warm essence. Mustard oil infuses a distinct, pungent flavor. There’s more. Fenugreek contributes a hint of bitterness and complexity. Cloves provide a sweet and aromatic touch. Scallions offer a fresh and mild onion-y flavor. Garlic and ginger enhance the overall taste with their pungency. Chili peppers introduce a touch of heat and texture—a feature I’ve enjoyed in my tried and tested recipes at my restaurant, Momo & Roti. And then there are salt and black pepper which are used to season the dish to perfection. Bhutan serves as a cultural symbol in Nepal, holding a special place in the hearts and palates of Nepali people. This delicacy is especially cherished during the Dashain festival, a 15-day autumn celebration that pays homage to the goddess Durga and involves numerous animal sacrifices. It’s during this festive period that bhutan graces the tables of Nepali households, symbolizing the abundance and joy of the season. Furthermore, bhutan is a preferred accompaniment for alcoholic beverages and soft drinks. Its spicy and savory notes complement the flavors of these drinks, making it a quintessential Nepali drinking snack. We often enjoy bhutan with chiura, beaten rice. So, if you ever have the chance to savor this flavorful delicacy, don’t miss out on the opportunity to delve into the vibrant and aromatic world of bhutan. Besides being a valuable source of protein, bhutan is also loaded with essential nutrients. Scientists have found that it may be a beneficial addition to a healthy diet, as long as it’s consumed in moderation.  The author is a UK-based R&D chef

In numerous instances, former President of Nepal Bidya Devi Bhandari has underscored the interconnectedness of the country's education policy with its overall security. The security issues of Nepal are mentioned within the realm of national interest in the Constitution of Nepal, 2015. Article 5 of the constitution states, “Independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, nationality, autonomy, self-respect, protection of rights and interest of Nepali people, protection of boundaries and economic progress and prosperity shall be fundamental subjects of Nepal’s national interest.” President Bhandari's assertion that undermining a country involves compromising its education system prompts an exploration of its security implications for Nepal.  While territorial integrity relies mainly on military defense, the broader facets of independence and sovereignty include the citizens' psyche, national perception and global image—elements constituting non-traditional security concerns globally. Against this backdrop, there exists a compelling rationale to consider the education curriculum, system and policy as integral components of the state's security policy.  On Oct 7 this year, when Hamas attacked Israel, numerous foreign citizens, including 10 Nepali citizens, lost their lives. Many were initially stranded in the crossfire but have since been rescued and safely brought home. Unfortunately, one Nepali citizen is still missing and believed to be in Hamas’ captivity. The emotional toll on their families is unimaginable. In the aftermath of this tragic event, it became evident that citizens tend to hold only their country of citizenship accountable for their situations. There is palpable resentment against the government and the state, not just for their perceived lack of strength in responding swiftly, but also for the fact that Nepali citizens are compelled to outmigrate for job opportunities. Recently, six Nepali citizens died fighting for the Russian army in the Russia-Ukraine war, and some have been reported as taken captive by Ukrainian forces. Many Nepali citizens are drawn to join various private army groups globally for employment opportunities. While these instances represent literal war scenarios, the broader narrative involves a multitude of Nepali workers facing perilous conditions abroad, especially in West Asian countries. Their plight is no less than that in a battleground. The Nepali diaspora of about 2.2m bears witness to a growing trend of migration, primarily for jobs. Since a majority of this workforce is unskilled, they have no option but to work in a precarious environment. The inherent link between job migration and national interest, as outlined in the charter, reveals a critical situation. Nepali citizens forced to seek opportunities abroad often face perilous conditions, prompting reflection on the state's responsibility in providing adequate employment domestically. The assertion that education is a non-traditional security concept gains traction as it becomes apparent that the state-provided formal education system does not cater to the needs of the society or the present job market.  Examining the case of Nepali citizens migrating to Israel for work in agriculture underscores three dimensions of non-traditional security issues: Food security, acute dependency on other countries and a widening gap between societal needs and the workforce produced by the state. Despite having a significant agriculture-based economy, Nepal's import of food items worth over a billion dollars annually raises concerns about food security. According to the National Agricultural Census of 2021, the cultivated land has decreased by 300,000 hectares in the past decade, making it clear that a substantial portion of cultivable land has been lying fallow. Consequently, our citizens are seeking opportunities abroad as agricultural workers and students. While bona fide defense systems address traditional security threats, there is a notable gap in tackling non-traditional security issues in Nepal. Citizens' distrust in the state, eroding self-respect and the well-being of those working abroad constitute security threats for Nepal. To address these challenges, Nepal must employ non-military strategies to bolster the population's capacity and build a resilient economy, with education curricula and the education system emerging as a plausible defense system. Although no explicit references of countries designating education policy as part of their security policy has been found, resource-rich nations with vibrant economies prioritize research and feedback to shape education systems to align with the society and the economy. In the light of this, Nepali policymakers, educationists and security strategists should revisit the curricula. Considering education as a tool to defend Nepal's national interest and as an integral part of the national security policy could provide a forward-thinking solution to address the evolving challenges facing the nation.

In recent times, a phenomenon has captured the attention of many: The outmigration of Nepali youths for higher education and better job opportunities, given ‘bleak prospects in the country’. As a result, youths are hard to find in Nepal's cities and villages, leaving the aged people, women and children to fend for themselves.  This article tries to probe deeper into the situation, exploring the reasons behind this trend, its implications and a complex interplay of factors that shape Nepal's demographic landscape. It is critical to study why the youths, including students, are leaving the villages and towns in big numbers daily. It is necessary to investigate whether the Nepali state has created an atmosphere in which the youths see no future in the country.  Factors like educational aspirations, economic opportunity, global scale exposure, family and migration history, urbanization and return migration are possibly behind this drain.  Many of the youths are relocating abroad to pursue high-quality higher education with an eye on better career prospects. Ambitious students may look for educational opportunities abroad due to a lack of seats, outdated curriculums and inadequate infrastructure. For Nepali students seeking degrees in a variety of fields, popular destinations include the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, Japan and Canada. The decision to study abroad is driven not just by the desire for a good education, but also by better job prospects. In a globalized world, international exposures can make way for high-paying jobs and opportunities for career advancement, which don’t come easy in Nepal. The allure of higher wages and improved living standards often tempts young adults to explore employment opportunities overseas.  Our education system has not evolved much with time. To pass exams is the sole goal for most of our students, whereas Nepali youths studying or working overseas get tremendous global exposure, cross-cultural experiences and networking opportunities. These factors can help them advance their careers by becoming more competitive. Nepal has a variety of demographics, but one thing is common. We are always seeking a better life in other parts of the world that have well-developed infrastructure. Historically, Nepali workers have migrated to India and countries in the Gulf as well as Southeast Asia in search of jobs. Familial connections can also influence young people's decisions to seek opportunities abroad. What’s more, we are a bizarre ‘agrarian society’ with hardly anyone solely dependent on agriculture for a living. In rural areas, there is a lack of proper infrastructure like schools, colleges, hospitals, roads and telephone services, not to mention a young population that can drive growth as it either moves to urban areas within the country or leaves the country altogether in search of better opportunities. The outmigration of young Nepali students does have implications for Nepal (the country of origin) as well as the receiving countries. Let's examine some of these implications.  By the way, the absence of a strategy for brain gain has not stopped us from worrying about brain drain.  The Nepalis working abroad send a significant amount of remittances, playing a crucial role in keeping the domestic economy afloat. These remittances help finance their dependants’ education, raise rural communities’ standards of living and also offer big support for small local companies. Nepali students based abroad act as cultural ambassadors, fostering cross-cultural understanding and building bridges between Nepal and other countries. This cultural exchange can lead to stronger diplomatic ties and increased awareness of Nepal in the global arena. While migration can help the economy, it can also mean increased difficulties for families staying behind. Families may have trouble handling domestic responsibilities when loved ones are away for long. An increasing outflow of youths also means increased pressure for the country’s international airport and visa processing services, necessitating efforts to improve and streamline the infrastructure and services to cater to a growing demand.  The potential for "brain gain", which happens when students return home with international degrees, abilities and experiences to advance Nepal's growth, often gets overlooked because not many of these brains come back home.   Critics worry that this drain could deprive Nepal of a human capital crucial for national development.  Summing up, it’s time for the government to take urgent measures to retain the youth and use their energies for national advancement. 

In the media, it is often seen that the US Ambassador in Bangladesh comments on different domestic issues in Bangladesh, which provides a one-sided version of Bangladesh-US partnership. Against this backdrop, this write-up focuses on two questions: What are the key developments in Bangladesh-US partnership in the last decade? And what are the consequences of those developments? On the occasion of Bangladesh’s Independence Day, in a letter to Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, US President Joe Biden wrote that ‘In over 50 years of diplomatic relations, the United States and Bangladesh have achieved a lot together—advancing economic development, strengthening people-to-people ties, addressing global health and climate issues, partnering on the humanitarian response to Rohingya refugees’.  According to the US State Department (2023), ‘Bangladesh is an important regional partner on economic, climate, humanitarian and security priorities’. These statements offer a comprehensive picture on different dimensions of Bangladesh-US relations.  Economic development Impressive economic development happened between the US and Bangladesh in the last decade. For instance, in 2008, the volume of bilateral trade in goods amounted to $4,216.5m, which increased to $14,115.5m in 2022. According to the Office of the United States Trade Representative, there has been a dramatic increase in export and import between the two countries since 2012. US goods export to Bangladesh has increased by a staggering 483 per cent since 2012, rising to $3b in the year 2022. Bangladesh goods export to the US shows a similar trend, with a 127 percent increase in the US import from Bangladesh since 2012, reaching a high point of $11.2bn in 2022. In addition, the US has been the largest source of FDI in Bangladesh. The total net FDI from the US in FY22 was $661.12m, accounting for 19.2 percent of the total FDI inflow to Bangladesh. Chevron has invested over $3.6bn of FDI, including over $500m in contracts with local suppliers and contractors, over the last 12 years, according to Peter Haas, the US’ ambassador to Bangladesh. Procter and Gamble (P&G) has been operating in Bangladesh and has had a significant impact on the country’s market. P&G, the American personal care product giant, has collaborated with the Bangladeshi manufacturer PRAN to invest $1m.  Arun Venkataraman, assistant secretary of commerce for global markets and director-general at the US and Foreign Commercial Service, has said that the US is “well-prepared to invest in the energy sector of Bangladesh”. In November 2023, the global giant ExxonMobil showed its keen interest to explore oil and gas in the Bay of Bengal with an expected investment of $30bn. Additionally, the company asked for permission to conduct an early two-dimension seismic survey that may cost $40 to $50m. The General Electric (GE) has collaborated with the Bangladesh Power Development Board on many projects in Fenchuganj, Shahjibazar, Sylhet, Syedpur, Bhola, Khulna and Ghorashal. It has supplied world-class gas turbines to power the plants. GE has also made an investment in the forthcoming Summit 583-MW and Unique 584-MW Combined Cycle Power Plant (CCPPs) in Meghnaghat, which will be driven by the most sophisticated GE 9HA.01 gas turbine technology. Security and strategic development According to the US Department of State (October 26, 2012), Bangladesh’s ‘efforts at development, countering violent extremism, assisting international peacekeeping and improving regional connectivity are vital to regional and global stability’. In addition, in the United State's Country Reports on Terrorism 2011, Country Reports on Terrorism 2012, Bangladesh’s cooperation with the United States in combating transnational terrorist groups was acknowledged. In December 2022, US’ Deputy Assistant Secretary Afreen Akhter defined Bangladesh as a ‘truly important strategic partner’ of the United States.  The US has expressed gratitude to Bangladesh for its role in combating terrorism and hopes that Bangladesh will continue to demonstrate its strong commitment in this respect. This is also reflected in the words of the then US Ambassador to Bangladesh, Marcia Bernicat, “Bangladesh has remained a strong partner in the fight against terrorism. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina herself is a very, very strong leader in the fight against terrorism”. In fact, in the last decade, the world witnessed a growing security cooperation between Bangladesh and the US. For instance, the US-Bangladesh Bilateral Security Dialogue was introduced in 2012 and its ninth edition was held in Dhaka on 5 Sept 2023, with its main focus on efforts to expand partnerships in humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, peacekeeping, defense trade, military cooperation, and counterterrorism, as well as maritime security and regional issues.  One can also add that the geopolitical location of Bangladesh makes it an important country to the US for its Indo-Pacific Strategy. Additionally, Bangladesh is a prospective regional hub in terms of maritime connectivity. It is also seen that sometimes, the US wants to pursue its geostrategic interest by interfering in the domestic affairs of Bangladesh, in violation of international norms of sovereignty and Vienna convention on diplomatic norms.  Sociocultural development According to data from the US Embassy in Dhaka, during the past decade, Bangladeshi students in the US have increased by more than 300 percent, from 3,314 students during the 2011-2012 academic years to 13,563 students during the 2022-2023 academic years. Bangladesh ranks seventh in the world for graduate student enrollment in the United States. In the words of US ambassador Haas, ‘Bangladeshi students continue to make impressive achievements across US campuses’. The number of Bangladeshi diasporas to the US has also increased tremendously in the last two decades. For example, according to the data of Pew Research, the Bangladeshi population in the United States was 57, 000 in 2000, which increased to 208, 000 in 2019. These educated Bangladeshi people contribute immensely to the socio-economic development of the United States. There have been impressive developments in Bangladesh-US relations in different dimensions from trade and investment to socio-cultural aspects in the last decade. However, the fullest potential of bilateral partnership is yet to be explored and harnessed. In that case, new avenues of cooperation such as the blue economy cooperation need to be accelerated.  Bangladesh exports of readymade garments is helping tens of thousands of women communities in Bangladesh while the Bangladeshi diaspora in America is helping the American economy. The increasing volume of trade and investment between Bangladesh and the US impact tens of thousands of people in Bangladesh.  The bottom-line is that the positive outcome in Bangladesh-US partnership impacts millions of people in both countries, highlighting its importance.  The author is an associate professor of international relations at the University of Rajshahi, Bangladesh. He is also an adjunct research fellow at the KRF Center for Bangladesh and Global Affairs, Dhaka

The Indian Embassy in Kathmandu and Nepal’s Ministry of Finance recently held a Projects Portfolio Performance Review Meeting, marking a ‘milestone’ in  Nepal-India development cooperation framework. In the meeting held under Nepal’s Finance Minister Prakash Sharan Mahat and India’s Ambassador Naveen Srivastavasa with representatives of concerned ministries and departments, the two sides deliberated on the potential sectors of collaboration in the future.  India remains Nepal’s largest development partner, marking a profound relationship since the 1950s and the Nepal-India Peace and Friendship Treaty forms the bedrock of bilateral relationship.  After Maoist party Chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s return to the political arena as Prime Minister of Nepal and Indian PM Narendra Modi’s insistence on neighborhood first policy, issues like regional connectivity, security and a departure from politics of the yore have gained prominence. There has been an increased focus on regional economic growth through the revival of the Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal (BBIN ) initiative and BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation). Notably, India’s development cooperation has been an important factor in Nepal’s economic vision. A tight-rope walk Despite political differences within the ruling coalition, there’s no denying that ties with India are extremely important for Nepal, considering the territorial proximity, historical bonhomie and trade dependence in the region.  In this context, Prime Minister Dahal’s pragmatic approach with respect to India and China, Nepal’s two neighbors, is necessary for “balancing the scale”. During Dahal’s previous stint as PM, Kathmandu had a tumultuous relationship with New Delhi, but this time, his government has practised ‘matured statesmanship’ in resolving the border dispute and making the transformation of the economic landscape of the sub-region as the “real priority”. Dahal’s visit to Delhi earlier this year focused largely on economic and development partnership, pointing that Nepal’s foreign policy has to accommodate New Delhi’s interests even if it means not raising issues like the Eminent Persons’ Group (ESG) report. Dahal's last visit to India garnered acclaim at home for advancing a crucial long-term power deal between the two nations, promising to import 10,000 MW of hydroelectricity from Nepal within a decade. This initiative not only held the potential to significantly reduce Nepal's trade deficit with India but also signaled increased foreign investment in Nepal's hydropower sector. The visit had been marked by a shift in focus, emphasizing mutually beneficial economic aspects over contentious political issues. Notably, in recent times India and Nepal have expanded their cooperation beyond bilateral agreements, allowing Kathmandu to export electricity to Bangladesh through the Indian grid. While the economic landscape flourishes with memorandums of understanding and groundbreaking ceremonies for key projects, Dahal's temple visits in India and Nepal have sparked discussions, seen by some as a nod to a larger Hindu constituency and an illustration of the growing influence of the BJP and RSS in India's Nepal policy. Despite these nuances, the economic collaboration between India and Nepal is making substantial progress, fostering a new era of bilateral relations. Caught between BRI and MCC During an eight-day visit to China earlier this year, Prime Minister Dahal signed a joint statement with Premier Li Qiang, part of which reads: “The Nepali side supports the Global Development Initiative (GDI)”. Dahal hastened to add later that the security partnership under the umbrella of Global Security Initiative (GSI) was not in the interest of Nepal  and it would offset the strategic balance it needs to maintain with India and the United States. A closer look at  China's push for Nepal to join the GSI underscores China's aim to establish security partnerships with developing nations in the pursuit of peace and development. China has been significantly interested in its engagement with Nepal in various domains, showcasing a multifaceted approach, as high-profile visits from China have shown.  As part of a China International Department delegation, Secretary of Communist Party of China (CPC)’s Sichuan Province Wang Xiaohui and Yuan Jiajun, a CPC Political Bureau member, held discussions with Nepali leaders, fostering political ties.  China’s footprint extends beyond politics, evident in the launch of WeChat Pay in Pokhara and the China-Nepal Friendship Dragon Boat Race Festival, emphasizing cultural bonds.  Xi’s flagship Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) aims to enhance Nepal's infrastructure, although the progress has been subject to scrutiny and differing narratives back home considering it as a risky amount of debt to pursue its strategic plans in Nepal. While China asserts that key projects like the Pokhara International Airport fall under the BRI framework, Nepal maintains that project discussions are ongoing. Nepal's perception of GSI as a military alliance and its stance on the Global Cybersecurity Initiative (GCI) remain pivotal aspects of maintaining neutrality in the region.  At the same time, China considers the presence of the United States and India in the regional dynamics, often called the India+1 strategy to assist Nepal, challenging to navigate. Beijing seems to have perceived the ratification of the US’ Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) Compact as a threat to its BRI aspirations of Beijing, taking MCC as an extension of the Indo-Pacific Strategy to contain China. Although there is considerable opposition against MCC in the CPN (Maoist Center), there is a growing acknowledgement of it being a strategic debate which needs further deliberation for Nepal’s strategic balance. As India’ former Ambassador to Nepal, KV Rajan, has stated, “The real challenge for Nepal is to depoliticize cooperation with India”. Nepal faces the intricate task of navigating a sensitive geopolitical landscape, strategically balancing the interests of India, China, and the United States while advancing its goals.  Kathmandu's impartial approach to China is crucial for fostering peace in the Himalayan region. By adeptly employing policy tools, Nepal can leverage MCC to bolster its economy and signal openness to China, especially in the context of BRI. Yet, the journey ahead is not without obstacles. Effectively managing Tibetan refugee concerns, maintaining political stability and active participation in global forums will be tests of Nepal's resilience and diplomatic finesse. Amidst unpredictable currents of political shifts and unexpected alliances, Nepal must steer its geopolitical course with care, considering the potential impact on the developmental aspirations supported by India and the US. In conclusion, Nepal's strategic acumen and adaptability will be vital in charting a course that aligns with its national interests while navigating the complexities of the global stage. Basu is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at Manav Rachna International Institute of Research and Studies, India and also serves as a Non-resident Fellow in International Development and Security Cooperation, the Philippines. He writes on Indian Foreign Policy and South Asian Politics Acharya is a Research Assistant at the National University of Singapore under Dr Sahana Ghosh. She is also associated with Tillotama Foundation as a Senior Coordinator (South Asia)