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During the ongoing Central Working Committee meeting of the Nepali Congress (NC), leaders expressed dissatisfaction with the functioning of both the party and the government.

They criticized the government and NC ministers for failing to fulfill their duties, weakening the party’s presence in the coalition. Leaders also pointed out that key commitments from the seven-point agreement between the NC and UML—signed during the government’s formation—remain unfulfilled. One major example is the lack of progress on the constitution amendment, a key pledge made by both parties.

Senior leader Shekhar Koirala demanded an explanation from party President Sher Bahadur Deuba: “Why has there been no progress on the constitution amendment?” So far, the ruling parties have taken no steps toward this goal. Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has even stated that an amendment may not be possible before the 2027 elections, as the NC and UML lack the necessary numbers. Other leaders echoed these concerns, arguing that the failure to deliver on promises has damaged the credibility of both the government and the party.

Regarding governance, leaders said the government has failed to meet public expectations or align with the party’s aspirations. However, there was no clear consensus on whether the NC should seek an alternative to the current coalition. NC leader Prakash Sharan Mahat noted that while no one explicitly called for a change in the alliance, leaders urged improvements in the government’s performance.

Another key discussion centered on the party’s stance regarding electoral alliances and coalition governments. Senior leader Koirala questioned Deuba’s decision to form an electoral alliance with the Maoist Center but then align with UML to create the government. “I supported an NC-UML coalition for stability, but NC should have led the government,” he said.

There is growing pressure within the NC to rule out future electoral alliances with the Maoist Center. However, some top leaders argue that without such an alliance, the party cannot defeat the UML. It remains uncertain whether the NC will partner with the Maoists if the current government lasts until the next elections. Leaders also raised doubts about the party’s commitment to holding its general convention on time. Some suspect President Deuba may delay it until after the 2027 elections, a move that would allow him to lead the election government if the current coalition holds. Leaders demanded an immediate convention schedule.

Under the party’s statute, Deuba is ineligible to run for president a third time. It remains unclear whom he will endorse as his successor from his faction, though Koirala and Gagan Thapa have already announced their candidacies. The meeting also addressed dysfunction in the party’s sister organizations, many of which have failed to hold timely conventions. Discussions also touched on intra-party democracy and other organizational challenges.

Koirala further criticized the party’s decision to appoint a leader as a central committee member despite their active membership being less than 10 years old. He also condemned the party for sidelining loyal leaders in past elections while now taking action against them. He proposed granting amnesty to rebel candidates with a warning against repeating such actions. Additionally, he urged the party president to resolve delays in sister organizations’ conventions, where leadership tenures are being repeatedly extended without elections.

Over the past three years, the world has witnessed four major wars, each affecting Nepal to varying degrees. Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022. The Israel-Palestine war also erupted that year following a terrorist attack. India and Pakistan engaged in a short but deadly war after the Pahalgam terrorist attack, and most recently, the Iran-US-Israel conflict unfolded. Iran and Israel have now reached a ceasefire agreement after a 12-day-long war. During this time, the United States carried out brief and targeted strikes on three Iranian sites.

As in previous conflicts, the Nepal government had to focus on the rescue of its citizens from Israel and Iran. Evacuation efforts are already underway. Two Nepali nationals have returned home, and the remaining 14 are expected soon. Responding to Nepal’s request, the Indian government also evacuated Nepali nationals along with its own. The absence of a Nepali embassy in Tehran and a lack of formal communication channels made the evacuation process particularly difficult.

During the Iran-Israel war, the Nepal government did not issue any official statement. Nepal has shared a long and cordial relationship with Israel since establishing diplomatic ties in 1960. It was, in fact, the first South Asian country to recognize Israel. Since the beginning of the Iran-Israel war and the subsequent US strikes, Nepal has faced no significant pressure from political parties or the strategic community to issue a statement. However, some left-leaning parties, including the main opposition CPN (Maoist), condemned the US strikes on Iran. A few civil society organizations held demonstrations in Kathmandu, calling for an end to the conflict. Although Nepali political leaders and officials have met Iranian counterparts on the sidelines of multilateral forums, no formal bilateral engagements have taken place.

Regarding the Israel-Palestine war, Nepal promptly condemned the Hamas attack on the very day it occurred. The attack claimed the lives of 10 Nepali students, and the whereabouts of Bipin Joshi remain unknown. “The Government of Nepal vehemently denounces the recent act of terrorism in Israel, which tragically resulted in the loss of precious human lives and left many others injured,” the Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated. Notably, later statements from the ministry omitted the word “terrorist,” a shift that caught the attention of foreign policy analysts. Meanwhile, Israel has expressed some reservations about Nepal’s voting positions on issues concerning the Israel-Palestine conflict. In recent votes, Nepal has supported calls for an immediate ceasefire.

Following a terrorist attack in Pahalgam on April 22 this year, which killed 25 tourists—including one Nepali—India and Pakistan, both nuclear powers, engaged in a four-day conflict from May 7 to 10. In response, Nepal’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued two statements: the first on April 23 and the second on May 8. The April 23 statement unequivocally condemned the “barbaric terrorist attack on innocent tourists” and expressed Nepal’s solidarity with the Indian government and people.

On May 8, amid the India-Pakistan conflict, Nepal reaffirmed its stance against terrorism. The statement expressed deep concern over rising tensions and reiterated Nepal’s commitment to fighting terrorism in all forms. Indian Ambassador to Nepal Naveen Srivastava reportedly thanked Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli for Nepal’s support. Before and after the conflict, several Indian politicians visited Kathmandu for wide-ranging discussions. A few regional programs on terrorism in South Asia were also held in the capital. Interestingly, Nepali political leaders and the strategic community remained relatively silent on the India-Pakistan tensions.

The Russia-Ukraine war had a more visible impact on Nepal, largely due to US involvement. Following Russia’s invasion in Feb 2022, Nepal joined the international chorus condemning Russia’s actions. Nepal even voted in an emergency session of the UN General Assembly against Russia’s invasion, calling for an immediate withdrawal and adherence to international law.

This move sparked considerable debate within Nepal. Many argued that Nepal’s vote aligned too closely with Western powers and went against its traditional non-aligned foreign policy. In subsequent UN votes on the war, Nepal adopted a more neutral stance. The conflict’s economic repercussions were felt in Nepal, though not as acutely as in many other parts of the world.

Interestingly, soon after the war began, Moscow proposed advancing bilateral cooperation with Kathmandu. At the same time, the US pressured Nepal to avoid engagement with Russia on business and other matters. Most communist parties in Nepal expressed support for Russia, arguing that Ukraine had failed to acknowledge Russia’s security concerns. However, when it came to light that Russia was recruiting Nepali youth into its army, public and political criticism intensified. Since Donald Trump’s inauguration as the 47th President of the United States, Russian activity in Kathmandu has increased, with more visits from Russian political, business and other delegations.

A close analysis of these four wars suggests that Nepal has not been significantly affected, at least directly. The country continues to adhere to its long-standing policy of non-alignment. Still, there is growing domestic debate about whether this policy remains viable in a rapidly-changing geopolitical landscape. For now, despite changes in leadership, Nepal has not deviated from its foundational foreign policy approach when dealing with global conflicts.

The ceasefire brokered by US President Donald Trump between Israel and Iran has offered some respite to the Nepal government, which had been scrambling to rescue its citizens from the two countries. As tensions escalated, nearly 1,000 Nepalis in Israel had expressed desire to return home. 

Had there been no ceasefire, the fallout would likely have extended beyond Israel and Iran, affecting Nepali workers across the entire Middle East (West Asia for Nepal).

Iran’s strike on the American military base in Qatar had already sparked panic among the Nepali workers. Qatar hosts around 365,000 Nepali migrant workers.  Whenever a conflict erupts in the Middle East, Nepal bears the brunt. Hundreds of thousands Nepalis are working in the region, and the remittances they send home are a backbone of Nepli economy. If these workers were to return from the labor destination countries in droves, remittances would dry up. Soon, there would be an unemployment crisis. Prolonged conflict in the Middle East could also cause shortages or price hikes of petroleum products.

At the time of writing, Iran and Israel—despite agreeing to the truce—continue to exchange fire. At this uncertain time, the safety and security of Nepali workers in the Middle East must be the government’s prime concern. It should face the reality of the situation and come up with a proper strategy to evacuate its citizens in the event of an emergency. It should start by strengthening the presence of Nepali embassies. For long, Nepali embassies not just in the Middle East but around the world have been grappling with insufficient resources. Many embassies are short-staffed and are thus unable to coordinate an emergency mission. Worse, they do not have information about the number of its citizens.

According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the top nine destinations for Nepali migrant workers are Malaysia (700,000), Saudi Arabia (400,000), Qatar (365,000), the UAE (250,000), Kuwait (70,000), South Korea (40,000), Bahrain (25,000), Oman (20,000) and Israel (3,000).

Foreign relations experts suggest it is high time Nepal increased its reach and presence in those countries with a high number of Nepali migrant workers. A long-term peace in the Middle East is still a shaky prospect, so the government should explore alternative job destinations as well as prioritize domestic job creation.   

US President Donald Trump has accused the two countries of violating a ceasefire hours after he announced it, expressing particular frustration with Israel, which had announced plans for major new strikes on Tehran.

“Israel, as soon as we made the deal they came out and they dropped a load of bombs, the likes of which I’ve never seen before,” he said as he departed Washington for a NATO summit in the Netherlands. “The biggest load that we’ve seen.”

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has said that two of the 16 Nepalis in Iran were evacuated from Mashhad to New Delhi. We express our sincere gratitude to the Government of India for facilitating the evacuation process, said the ministry.  Efforts are underway to evacuate the remaining 14 Nepalis, according to the ministry.  Over 950 Nepali nationals in Israel have registered expressing their interests to return to Nepal but the ministry is yet to initiate the process of evacuation from there.

Thomas Jefferson, the third President of the United States and drafter of the Declaration of Independence, once said: “Were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers, or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter.”  More than two centuries later, Jefferson’s words resonate even more deeply.

They underscore the paramount importance of press freedom in any democratic society.  In Nepal’s context, it is worth recalling Nepali Congress (NC) founding leader BP Koirala’s understanding of media freedom.  It is widely reported that Koirala welcomed journalists of all political and ideological stripes and even encouraged them to write critically about his own government.  This article explores the two broad dimensions of Nepal’s current media landscape: the growing threats to the media industry and why safeguarding press freedom is more urgent than ever.

Nepali media is confronting a multitude of threats, from political repression and physical attacks to shrinking revenues and rising disinformation. These are not isolated incidents but part of a growing pattern. Unfortunately, the society and many politicians continue to treat press freedom as a concern of the media fraternity alone. This is a dangerous misconception. When media freedom deteriorates, it affects not just journalists but the functioning of all domestic institutions.

The executive, legislature, judiciary and even international stakeholders should be alarmed by the decline in press freedom because it ultimately erodes public trust, transparency and accountability. Democracy and media freedom are symbiotic; one cannot survive without the other. Protecting media freedom has become more important today than ever due to democratic backsliding, digital autocracy, the spread of disinformation, geopolitical tensions and the global rise of authoritarian populism. 

From Europe to Africa and Asia, populist leaders are attacking the media. Populism thrives on emotion, lies, fake nationalism, anti-immigration rhetoric, attack on the state institutions and discrediting the mainstream independent media. As a recent study by the Reuters Institute stated, populist politicians around the world are increasingly able to bypass traditional journalism in favor of the friendly partisan media, personalities and influences who often get special access but rarely ask difficult questions, with many implicated in spreading false narrative or worse.

V cv In Nepal, the dual pressure from state and non-state actors are steadily weakening independent media. In the name of regulation, politicians are introducing restrictive laws designed to limit media freedom.  In several instances, politicians are discrediting traditional media for not aligning with their agendas. At the same time, advertising revenues are drying up with both audiences and advertisers migrating to digital platforms. This shift has left mainstream media struggling to sustain high-quality journalism. The situation is worsened by corporate interests, which often seek to undermine critical reporting that expose malpractices of the business houses. 

The Reuters Institute report states that engagement with traditional media sources such as TV, print and news websites continue to fall, while dependence on social media, video platforms and online aggregators is growing. Disinformation is another major challenge that Nepal’s media industry is struggling with. Malicious actors are not only spreading fake news to discredit independent media but also flooding the digital space with misleading content that confuses the people.

This is ultimately eroding people’s trust in journalism. Independent media is not only battling disinformation aimed at undermining their credibility but also bearing the crucial responsibility of combating the falsehoods that threaten society at large.

In the name of regulating social media, the government is introducing tighter laws, which have put it on a collision course with the media. People in the government are applying the same framework to traditional media (print, radio and television) as they do to online platforms and social media, despite their fundamentally different natures. Today, as democracy faces unprecedented challenges, the need for an independent and vibrant media has never been more urgent. 

Like elsewhere, people’s trust and confidence in democracy is dwindling, which is a cause for concern. From federal to local level, there are growing incidents of abuse of power by the elected representatives as well as bureaucrats. To hold them accountable, journalists must be allowed to work in an environment free from violence, threats and political interference. The state should support investigative journalism, not suppress it.  

Corruption, meanwhile, poses perhaps the greatest internal threat to Nepal’s democracy because it is wrecking the integrity, professionalism and image of the state institutions. Only an empowered media can investigate and expose such malpractices. However, journalists doing investigative stories are facing intimidation. The growing disinformation has emerged as a risk factor everywhere including in Nepal. 

A limited number of fact-checking organizations cannot tackle the problem of this magnitude, given their limited reach, resource and impact. In countries where the media’s economic health is sound, independent media are doing the fast-checking works. In our cases, big media houses are yet to work out a solution to stop a large-scale disinformation campaign.

The business sector has become both a victim and perpetrator of disinformation. Honest enterprises are being hurt by misleading narratives, while others are trying to discredit the media to protest their own unethical practices. Only a free and independent press can serve the larger interests of the business community by circulating accurate, credible information and promoting transparency in the market. 

Climate change, one of the most urgent global challenges, is also tightly connected to democracy which affects the economy, further contributes to inequality, leads to political instability and undermines people’s trust in the government.

Protecting natural resources and ensuring their responsible use is critical for both environmental sustainability and democratic governance. Here too, the media can play a vital role. Investigative reporting is crucial in holding those degrading the environment accountable and in pressuring governments to act responsibly. However, journalists covering climate issues are facing threats and safety concerns.  Efforts to combat the climate crisis will not be effective without a free press.

In conclusion, Nepal urgently needs a vibrant independent and fearless media to protect and strengthen its democracy. But, the worrying factor is political parties and their leaders. They once fought for democracy and press freedom, but are now trying to curtail it. They must remember a weakened media leads to a weakened democracy. Press freedom is not a favor to journalists, it is a necessary investment in the health of our democratic future. 

Two opposition parties, Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) and Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), continue to disrupt Parliament proceedings, demanding resignation of Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak over his alleged involvement in a visit-visa scam. 

The main opposition, CPN (Maoist Center), which initially joined the opposition chorus for Lekhak’s resignation, however, has backtracked from its stance after signing a vague agreement with the ruling parties, Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML. It is apparent the Maoist move is aimed at fostering better relations with the NC. Maoist leaders believe closer ties with the NC could eventually lead to a coalition shift.  For now, however, the NC-UML alliance remains stable without immediate threats.

Royalist forces are scrambling to revive their campaign to bring back monarchy and Hindu state. They are even considering replacing octogenarian leader Nava Raj Subedi, who was appointed by former King Gyanendra Shah but failed to galvanize the movement. Shah himself has remained silent after the royalist protests he backed stalled. Two senior RPP leaders, Rabindra Mishra and Dhawal Shumsher Rana—arrested for their alleged role in the violence that took place during the March 28 royalist protest— have been released on bail.

Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and former President Bidya Devi Bhandari held a lengthy meeting to defuse their recent public spat. Senior UML leaders have urged both to avoid airing their differences openly. Bhandari’s growing political activity, including a recent visit to China where she met senior Chinese Communist Party officials, has reportedly unsettled Oli.

As Israel-Iran tensions escalate, concerns are growing for the safety of around 5,500 Nepali workers in Israel and two dozen in Iran. The government is preparing contingency plans for their evacuation if the situation worsens. Nepal lacks robust mechanisms for overseas rescues, and the Foreign Ministry is ill-equipped to handle such crises. Authorities are now compiling a list of those seeking repatriation from Israel.

This week, a UNFPA report revealed that despite a preference for larger families, Nepal’s fertility rate has dropped to two children per woman across all demographics. High living costs, job insecurity and unaffordable housing are key factors. Meanwhile, National Statistics Office data shows rapid demographic aging, with the 60+ population rising from 8.1 percent in 2011 to 10.3 percent in 2021. Policymakers have yet to address these long-term challenges.

The US government has yet to finalize its decision on the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) Nepal Compact, despite the 90-day review period ending. Over 85 US aid programs to Nepal have already been cut. However, the US Embassy in Kathmandu clarified that an exception allows MCC implementation to continue pending the review’s outcome. Discontinuing the MCC could further damage America’s credibility in Nepal, where politicians risked their careers to endorse the controversial deal.

The 16th meeting of the Nepal-India Bilateral Consultative Group on Security Issues (BCGSI) is underway in Pune, focusing on defense cooperation and equipment procurement. Regular meetings signal normalized bilateral ties. Last year’s talks were held in Pokhara.

A Nepali Congress delegation, led by Bal Bahadur KC, visited China at the invitation of the International Department of the Communist Party of China Central Committee. According to the Chinese readout, Sun Haiyan, vice-minister of the party, said that CPC is willing to work with the NC and other major political parties in Nepal to implement the important consensus reached by the leaders of the two countries. KC said that Nepal attaches great importance to developing relations with China, always regards China as a good neighbor, good partner and firmly adheres to the one-China policy.

Nepal’s power trade is making progress one after another. With rising water levels in major rivers and accelerated snowmelt following the onset of the monsoon, power generation by hydropower projects in the country is gradually increasing, enabling the country to resume power exports to India and Bangladesh. 

According to Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA), daily exports have now reached 350 MW. Of this, 40 MW is being sent to Bangladesh via India, and the remaining is being exported to various Indian states including Haryana and Bihar. Since Sunday, NEA has been exporting 200 MW and 80 MW, respectively, to the Indian states of Haryana and Bihar. Additionally, it has been supplying up to 30 MW daily to the Indian power exchange market. 

Air pollution is the number one risk factor for death and disability in Nepal, according to a new report from the World Bank (WB). Tilted ‘Toward Clean Air in Nepal: Benefits, Pollution Sources and Solutions’, the report serves as a foundational assessment of air pollution in the country and the airshed of the Indo-Gangetic Plain and Himalayan Foothills (IGP-HF). The report also calls for cross-sectoral policies and cost-effective solutions to address pollution.

RSP Chairperson Rabi Lamichhane, who is currently in judicial custody, faced another case this week in connection with a cooperative fraud case at the Parsa district court. Lamichhane is currently being held at the Bhairahawa prison. The district attorney’s office, Parsa, has registered a case against 29 individuals, including Lamichhane, alleging embezzlement of Rs 1.324bn from the Sano Paila Savings and Loan Cooperative Society in Birgunj. Prosecutors claim Lamichhane is responsible for Rs 115m of the missing funds.

At a time when public trust in state institutions is dwindling, Nepal’s Parliament has remained completely dysfunctional for over two weeks. Opposition parties are obstructing proceedings, demanding the resignation of Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak over the visit-visa scam—despite a lack of concrete evidence linking him to the scandal.

Parliamentary obstruction, regardless of pretext, undermines public confidence—a chronic issue since the restoration of democracy in 1990. The problem is not just the current deadlock; if political parties are truly committed to strengthening the system, they must refrain from such disruptions and allow the people’s representatives to function independently. 

Due to incessant power struggles, the parliament has been unable to legislate or provide effective oversight of state mechanisms. There must be a broad consensus among parties to end this practice, or public faith in the political system will further erode. Citizens expect substantive debates on pressing issues—not political theatrics. Negotiations between the Nepali Congress and opposition parties suggest a possible compromise. However, forming panels to investigate controversies has become a hollow ritual, with little impact over the past three decades.

Meanwhile, the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) has taken a proactive stance, filing corruption cases one after another—raising hopes of accountability in a system plagued by graft. If sustained, these efforts could help curb corruption, a major threat to Nepal’s democracy.

Within the CPN-UML, a debate over a proposed 70-year age limit for party leadership has resurfaced as the party prepares for its statute convention. While some advocate for the cap, Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli (74) appears set to seek re-election as party president. Meanwhile, former President Bidya Devi Bhandari dismissed reports of growing tensions with Oli during her visit to eastern Nepal. Observers are closely watching whether the two will reach a consensus or engage in a leadership contest, as dissenting UML leaders rally behind Bhandari.

Tribhuvan University Teaching Hospital (TUTH) has performed Nepal’s first successful male-to-female sex reassignment surgery. The six-hour procedure, conducted on a 25-year-old transgender patient from Janakpur, involved reconstructing female genitalia using male genital tissues. The surgery was part of a special camp organized by TUTH’s Department of Plastic, Reconstructive and Aesthetic Surgery. Dr Jayan Man Shrestha, head of the department, announced plans to establish a dedicated gender affirmation clinic to provide comprehensive care for transgender individuals.

Monarchist forces, which had staged protests in recent months, have largely suspended their campaign. Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) Chairperson Rajendra Lingden cited the monsoon season as a reason to halt large demonstrations. However, deep divisions within the royalist camp have also surfaced, with leaders airing grievances on social media. While King Gyanendra and his supporters had framed the protests as decisive, internal debates now question whether the RPP should continue advocating for monarchy and a Hindu state. Some argue that, given the improbability of restoring the monarchy, the party should pivot to corruption and development issues ahead of the 2027 elections—a relief for mainstream parties wary of royalist resurgence.

The Prime Minister’s Office has raised concerns over unauthorized staff appointments at Tribhuvan International Airport’s Immigration Office, following a complaint to the CIAA. The Home Ministry stands accused of exceeding approved quotas in multiple departments, including immigration.

Within the Nepali Congress, rival factions continue to voice discontent with the ruling coalition. Senior leader Shekhar Koirala has called for the NC to lead the government, citing the country’s deteriorating situation. Though General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa and Koirala recently held talks, they remain at odds. Both, however, are pressuring party President Sher Bahadur Deuba to convene a timely general convention. Despite internal friction, the coalition government faces no immediate threat.

The Nepal Rastra Bank (NRB) has begun drafting its monetary policy for FY 2025-26, consulting stakeholders for input. The new governor, Biswo Poudel, has pledged to align monetary policy with fiscal goals while strengthening financial oversight. Finance Minister Bishnu Prasad Paudel expressed confidence in improved policy coordination to tackle economic challenges.

Photo: S Paul Kapur, who has been picked by the Donald Trump administration for the key post of Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs

It has been nearly six months since Donald Trump was inaugurated as the 47th President of the United States. Since then, he has issued dozens of executive orders that have significantly impacted America’s relationship with the rest of the world.

The Trump administration’s decision to shut down the US Agency for International Development (USAID) has had major repercussions in Nepal, leading to the cancellation of dozens of projects. Similarly, two projects under the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) in Nepal remain in limbo as the new administration has yet to make a final decision.

Engagement between the two countries has been minimal, particularly after the retirement of Assistant Secretary of State for South Asian Affairs Donald Lu just before Trump’s inauguration—a position that remains unfilled.

Now, the Trump administration has nominated S Paul Kapur, who is currently undergoing a congressional hearing and is expected to soon take charge of South Asian affairs. A close examination of speeches by senior US officials, including the Secretary of State and Secretary of Defense, as well as Kapur’s statements before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, suggests that the “China factor” will heavily influence Trump’s South Asia policy—including toward Nepal. 

In fact, countering China has emerged as the Trump administration’s primary focus across Asia. Born in New Delhi to an Indian father and an American mother, Kapur is regarded as a South Asia expert. He has authored several books on the region’s security dynamics and US policy. From 2020-2021, Kapur served on the State Department’s Policy Planning Staff, working on issues related to South and Central Asia, Indo-Pacific strategy, and US-India relations. Previously, he taught at Claremont McKenna College, and was a visiting professor at Stanford University.

During his hearing, he stated: “The United States’ relationships with the countries of South and Central Asia hold great promise. With effective policy, they can flourish and enable us to achieve Secretary Rubio’s goal of making the United States safer, stronger, and more prosperous.”

He emphasized shared US-India interests, including ensuring a free and open Indo-Pacific not dominated by China, expanding bilateral trade, fostering technology sharing, and securing energy access. He also highlighted the strategic importance of Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, the Maldives and Bhutan for regional stability, noting Sri Lanka and the Maldives’ critical locations along major trade routes and Bangladesh’s economic significance. “If confirmed, I will advocate for enhanced US cooperation with these nations to bolster security, counterbalance China’s influence, and expand trade,” he said.

In a striking statement at last week’s Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth signaled a more confrontational stance toward Beijing, unsettling many Asian capitals. “As our allies share the burden, we can increase our focus on the Indo-Pacific: our priority theater,” he declared, stressing that America’s security and prosperity are intertwined with those of its allies. “We share your vision of peace and stability, of prosperity and security, and we are here to stay,” he added.

Since the new administration took office, there have been no high-level US visits to Nepal. While some senior officials have traveled to Kathmandu, these trips were kept low-key. However, military collaboration between the Nepali Army and the US Army continues on a regular basis.

Meanwhile,  Secretary of State Marco Rubio ordered US embassies around the world on Tuesday to move ahead with a directive to fire all remaining staffers with the US Agency for International Development. He said the State Department will take over USAID’s foreign assistance programs by Monday, according to the AP news agency. 

The termination of all remaining USAID staffers abroad is one of the last steps in the destruction of the US aid agency and the firing of its more than 10,000 staffers and contractors by the Trump administration and Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE, according to AP.  They had made USAID one of their first targets for elimination.

The Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) has filed a corruption case against former Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal and 91 others in connection with the Patanjali land scandal. The move has ignited a debate over whether the CIAA has the constitutional authority to investigate cabinet decisions, with legal experts and political analysts sharply divided.

Nepal’s party, the CPN (Unified Socialist), along with several opposition groups, has denounced the case as politically motivated. Many suspect that Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli may have influenced CIAA Chief Prem Kumar Rai to target Nepal, one of Oli’s most vocal critics, under the pretense of a corruption probe. The rift between the two leaders has been widening since the party’s split in 2021

Public reaction has been swift and skeptical. From social media to teashop gossip, many see this as an attempt to weaken the Unified Socialist and lure away its lawmakers. If successful, such a maneuver could boost the CPN-UML’s numbers in the House of Representatives, potentially pushing the Nepali Congress into second place.

But the greater concern is the deepening erosion of public trust in state institutions.  This growing distrust poses a more serious threat to Nepal’s democratic order than the revival of monarchist sentiment.

Like many state institutions, the CIAA is losing legitimacy due to a flawed appointment process, selective investigations, and a deferential attitude toward the political elite—all of which compromise its constitutional autonomy. At the heart of the problem lies the method of appointing the CIAA’s leadership.

Chiefs and commissioners are often chosen based on political allegiance or their willingness to offer bribes for the position. Such practices fatally compromise the agency’s independence.

As a result, the CIAA is frequently accused of targeting “small fish” while ignoring large-scale corruption involving high-profile figures. Its track record in major cases is dismal, with many prosecutions falling apart due to poorly prepared charges at the Special Court.

Had the CIAA built a reputation for fair and rigorous investigations, the current case against Nepal might not have provoked such intense skepticism.

This isn’t just about one institution. Across the board, Nepal’s key democratic institutions are rapidly losing public confidence. The recent delay in appointing the Governor of Nepal Rastra Bank is a case in point, which was marked by indecision and political bargaining at the highest level.

Meanwhile, the judiciary’s credibility continues to decline. One controversial verdict after another has led many to question the impartiality of the courts. Just two weeks ago, the Janakpur high court acquitted former Nepali Congress lawmaker Mohammad Aftab Alam in connection with the 2008 Rautahat blast and subsequent killing of those injured. 

Despite strong testimony from legal experts, witnesses, and journalists implicating Alam, the court found him not guilty. Such rulings fuel public despair and reinforce the perception that justice in Nepal is hostage to politics and impunity. 

The executive branch fares no better. Public trust in the government is at an all-time low, driven by repeated accusations of corruption, opacity, and indifference to citizens’ concerns. One glaring example is the unwillingness of the Prime Minister and ministers to disclose their property details more than a year after the current NC–UML coalition took power.

If Nepal’s political parties are serious about defending the current system against royalist and other anti-democratic forces, they must begin by restoring faith in public institutions. That starts with overhauling the deeply flawed appointment process. Too often, constitutional bodies are staffed not by competent, independent professionals but by political loyalists and former bureaucrats with party affiliations.

These appointees remain beholden to the leaders who installed them, rendering institutions ineffective and subservient. Far from being autonomous, many constitutional bodies now operate as extensions of the executive. The judiciary is no exception.

Over the past two decades, political interference in the justice system has become so normalized that ordinary citizens can identify the political leanings of Supreme Court justices based on their past affiliations. This perceived bias has severely undermined the legitimacy of court rulings.

Both the judiciary and legislature operate in the shadow of partisan influence. Other institutions, including the Nepal Police, Nepal Army, and various regulatory agencies, are also viewed as corrupt and politicized

Because political parties remain at the center of power, the impetus for reform must come from them. Yet history shows a troubling pattern: when prominent political figures are implicated in corruption, their parties work to weaken or discredit oversight bodies. This has been the case since the early 1990s, when the CPN-UML resisted unfavorable court rulings, followed by the Nepali Congress in the 2000s.

After 2006, the Maoists and Madhes-based parties attacked the credibility of state institutions, and now, newer parties like the Rastriya Swatantra Party publicly challenge investigations and court decisions. This persistent trend has done lasting damage to the credibility of Nepal’s democratic institutions.

Political parties often proclaim their commitment to democracy, but that commitment must be judged by actions—not words. True dedication to democratic values requires strengthening institutional integrity, not undermining it for short-term political gain. On this front, Nepal’s political leadership has repeatedly failed.

Public faith in the current political class is near collapse. To address this deepening crisis, Nepal urgently needs principled, accountable leadership at all levels—federal, provincial, and local. These leaders must ensure that public institutions function independently, deliver on their mandates, and operate without political interference.

Today, state institutions are widely seen as corrupt, politicized, inefficient, and disconnected from the public. If political parties genuinely wish to safeguard the political system, they must embrace a long-term, systemic reform agenda rooted in the spirit of the 2015 Constitution.

Although the Constitution enshrines the separation of powers, genuine institutional reform has yet to follow. Nepal does not need a constitutional amendment, but it does need a comprehensive review aimed at strengthening the architecture of democracy. Only then can the country’s political system hope to survive and thrive.