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Except for the CPN-UML, most major political parties have not opposed the March 5 elections to elect the new House of Representatives. All major parties generally agree that holding elections is the only viable way to end the ongoing political and constitutional deadlock.

The UML, however, has proposed an alternative political roadmap that calls for the restoration of the dissolved House, arguing that the current environment is not conducive to holding elections. The party has also branded the Sushila Karki-led government as “unconstitutional.”

The Nepali Congress (NC), though seemingly in favor of elections, remains ambiguous in its position. The party is currently entangled in internal disputes over convening its General Convention to elect new leadership. Acting party president, Purna Bahadur Khadka, appears more aligned with KP Sharma Oli’s proposal for restoration, while general secretaries Gagan Kumar Thapa and Bishwa Prakash Sharma, who favor elections over reinstatement, are reportedly in secret talks with Prime Minister Karki to create an environment conducive to polls.

The March 5 election timeline is looking increasingly difficult, both politically and in terms of security. There is a deep trust deficit between Prime Minister Karki and the top leaders of major parties. Karki is reportedly hesitant to hold formal meetings with them, fearing backlash from GenZ protesters who have accused the political class of manipulation and betrayal.

Talks between the government and political parties have begun, but largely for show. Only lower-ranking party leaders are participating, and Baluwatar is quietly engaging with less influential figures within major parties who lack decision-making power. Among the top leaders—KP Sharma Oli, Sher Bahadur Deuba, and Pushpa Kamal Dahal—Deuba is currently abroad for medical treatment, while the other two remain in Kathmandu.

The Karki administration faces particular difficulty in engaging with Oli, who remains controversial due to the killing of 19 students during his tenure as prime minister. Karki is under pressure from Kathmandu Mayor Balendra Shah to arrest him, while the UML demands that the government revoke its decision restricting Oli’s foreign travel. UML leaders insist they cannot participate in elections while their party chair remains confined to the Kathmandu Valley.

Karki has also not reached out, at least publicly, to NC’s acting president Khadka or Maoist chair Dahal. Both leaders, insiders say, ignore the advice of their representatives attending meetings at Baluwatar. As such, real negotiations between the government and major parties have yet to begin. No formal dialogue has taken place among the three key political forces—the NC, UML, and CPN (Maoist Center).

Engaging with GenZ protest groups poses another challenge, as there is no unified leadership structure. With over two dozen groups claiming representation, neither the government nor the Election Commission has been able to hold substantive consultations with them.

Meanwhile, the government is preparing election-related policies and bylaws without meaningful consultations with political parties or with youth groups. Despite being formed in response to the protestors’ demands, the Karki administration has failed to reach any agreement with them to ensure a conducive electoral environment. As a result, the political climate remains far from ready for polls.

Security is another major concern. The government and Election Commission are in talks with security agencies to draft a comprehensive security blueprint. The Nepal Army’s role is expected to expand during the elections, though the exact modality remains undecided. The Nepal Police, already short on arms and ammunition, was further weakened during the Sept 8–9 GenZ protests. The government is considering seeking logistical assistance from India and China, but it remains uncertain whether that will be sufficient.

Even if the government manages to create a secure environment, political parties are not yet convinced that election campaigns can proceed safely. The police have yet to recover weapons looted during the protests. Youth wings of major political parties and several self-proclaimed Gen-Z groups remain in a confrontational mode. Unlike the largely peaceful 2022 national elections, the current context poses new and unpredictable security threats.

Time, meanwhile, is running out. Only 120 days remain before the March 5 deadline. If the government and parties reach an agreement soon, the EC could technically conduct the elections within 70–80 days. But given the current political trends, rapprochement between the government and major parties appears increasingly difficult.

Across all three major parties, establishment factions maintain firm control, making intra-party dialogue with rival groups largely symbolic. Beyond the NC, UML, and Maoists, other parties, such as the Rastriya Swatantra Party and Rastriya Prajatantra Party, have yet to even begin preparations for the polls.

Even without the GenZ protests, a leadership shake-up within the Nepali Congress (NC) was inevitable. Owing to the two-term limit in the party’s statute, President Sher Bahadur Deuba is ineligible to seek another term. Like CPN-UML Chair KP Sharma Oli, Deuba showed no interest in amending the statute for his leadership continuity.

The protests, however, have accelerated the leadership transition inside the NC. In the first Central Working Committee meeting held after the GenZ demonstrations, Deuba announced his decision to step down from active party politics and named Vice-president Purna Bahadur Khadka as the acting party president. While Deuba may continue to wield influence until the general convention, he is unlikely to return to party leadership. Facing mounting pressure to resign after the protests, Deuba urged party leaders to convene the general convention as soon as possible. 

Having led the NC for nearly a decade (2015–2025), many believe the party has grown weaker under Deuba’s leadership. His cautious, consensus-driven politics often prioritized coalition management over party reform. He also neglected organizational strengthening, leaving many sister organizations and departments headless and inactive.

The NC suffered a humiliating defeat in the 2017 national elections, only to regain prominence in 2022 through an electoral alliance with the CPN (Maoist Center). 

Now with Deuba’s exit, the Central Working Committee has begun discussions on convening the party’s general convention. A group of leaders has submitted signatures from 53 percent of convention representatives demanding an early convention to elect new leadership. Debates are ongoing over whether to hold a regular or special convention, but either way, the timing is apt since the current leadership’s term is about to expire.

The key question now is: who will succeed Deuba? Several contenders are already preparing for the leadership race. General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa has publicly declared his candidacy, while senior leader Shekhar Koirala has confirmed he will also run. Within the Deuba camp, speculation is rife that acting president Khadka could contest, though it is unclear whether senior leaders from the faction will unite behind him. Other veterans, including Prakash Man Singh, Bimalendra Nidhi, and Shashank Koirala, are also said to be weighing their options.

The party is now divided over whether to organize a regular or special general convention. Leaders close to Deuba argue that a special convention would rely on old delegates and fail to capture the sentiments of GenZ. They insist that a regular convention would allow more young members to participate.

“We need to involve new members as well. The young generation (GenZ) should be given active membership, and the renewal process for old members must be finished too,” said NC Spokesperson Prakash Sharan Mahat. “We also need to conclude the convention process starting from the ward level. Because of that, some colleagues believe that there won’t be enough time to hold it in Mangsir (November–December).”

According to the Active Membership Management Committee, 81 percent of active memberships have been renewed as of mid-October, though data entry is still ongoing. So far, 60 districts have completed the renewal process.

Senior leader Shekhar Koirala, however, has called for the regular general convention to be held in Mangsir (November–December). “If other political parties have already begun preparations to hold their conventions in Mangsir, why can’t we do the same? If we truly want to make the Nepali Congress a party of new direction and new possibilities, we must hold our 15th general convention in Mangsir 2082 (November–December 2025),”  he said at the party’s Central Committee meeting. “I am confident that the General Secretary will bring forward a schedule for it, and I want to make it clear that I will extend my full support to that plan.” Koirala added that the NC must hold its regular general convention on time, as there is keen interest in the future direction of the Nepali Congress.

Koirala’s statement may have struck a chord among younger party members, who see the upcoming convention as an opportunity to redefine what the NC stands for in future and to win back relevance among the youth population. The challenge, however, lies in balancing the party’s traditional power structures with the growing demand for generational change.

The coming months will be crucial. The way the country’s oldest democratic party handles its leadership transition will not only determine its internal cohesion but also its role in shaping Nepal’s political future.

Time is running out for former Sushila Karki’s government to prepare for the March 5 elections. Tasked solely with holding polls within a stipulated timeframe, the administration has failed to create a conducive political and security environment. Engagement with political parties has been minimal, the security situation remains fragile, and confusion persists over election security modalities. Political parties, meanwhile, remain reluctant to participate. Deep-seated problems within the government are compounding the crisis.

Flawed beginning

From day one, Karki adopted an overtly anti-party stance, engaging primarily with self-styled Gen-Z activists who lack institutional legitimacy. Allowing such individuals to attend government meetings eroded trust and convinced political parties that the administration sought to undermine them. Her early hints at arresting party leaders further deepened hostility, damaging her neutrality as the head of an election government.

Anti-party approach

From the outset, Karki adopted an overtly anti-party posture, choosing to engage with self-styled Gen-Z activists over institutional actors. Allowing such individuals to attend cabinet meetings blurred the line between activism and governance, eroding trust. For political parties, this was confirmation that the government was not neutral but adversarial. Her early hints at arresting senior leaders deepened hostility and exposed a worrying authoritarian streak in an ostensibly non-partisan caretaker government.

Alienating the old guard​​​​​​​

Karki has publicly said she is not interested in meeting senior leaders of major parties, suggesting they should retire to make way for a younger generation. This statement not only offended top leaders, but also ignored the political reality that leadership change is unlikely before party conventions. As prime minister, she should have engaged directly with senior leaders instead of delegating the task to the President.

Misreading the Gen-Z movement​​​​​​​

Despite aligning herself with the Gen-Z protests, Karki has shown little understanding of their structure or motives. The movement is not a unified entity but a loose network of groups with divergent demands. She has admitted meeting over 20 factions with conflicting agendas, making it impossible to satisfy all sides. Her struggle to select ministers, with youth factions opposing each other’s nominees, exposes her lack of strategic direction.

Unclear response to September violence​​​​​​​

The government has yet to clarify its stance on the September 8–9 violence, during which several people were killed and property vandalized. Police arrests have angered Gen-Z activists, while the administration has failed to distinguish between cases warranting prosecution and those eligible for amnesty. The hurried formation of the Gauri Bahadur Karki-led probe panel without consensus from parties or youth representatives has further muddied the waters.

Incomplete cabinet​​​​​​​

Despite two expansions, Karki’s cabinet remains incomplete. Rather than forming a broad-based team with diverse expertise, she has failed to reach out to capable professionals and independent figures. This delay has weakened the government’s efficiency and credibility.

Populist and risky decisions​​​​​​​

Karki has favored populist moves over substantive reforms. Her decision to withdraw security personnel from senior political leaders was rash, especially amid growing threats. Major parties now rely on their youth wings for protection. Similarly, police raids on relatives of political figures were conducted without transparency or explanation, reinforcing perceptions of bias.

Leadership under pressure​​​​​​​

Karki’s public remarks suggest she is struggling to assert herself as prime minister. She has admitted facing pressure from influential figures, including Kathmandu Mayor Balendra Shah, over arrests linked to the deaths of 19 students. Her inability to act independently or withstand external influence has raised doubts about her authority and neutrality.

Economic neglect​​​​​​​

The private sector, already battered by prolonged protests, has received little government support. Instead of ensuring business security, the administration worsened the crisis by disrupting electricity supply to industries. As a result, more than two dozen factories have shut down, deepening economic distress.

Diplomatic mismanagement

Karki’s handling of foreign affairs has been equally poor. It took more than a month to brief the diplomatic community in Kathmandu about her government’s priorities. The sudden recall of ambassadors from 11 countries, without clear justification, will leave key missions vacant for at least a year—even if elections proceed on schedule. Her claim that some ambassadors questioned the government’s longevity is unconvincing and reflects poor judgment.

A familiar pattern

Despite promising a break from the past, Karki’s administration increasingly mirrors previous party-led governments—frequent bureaucratic transfers, non-consultative decisions, populist gestures, and a failure to maintain neutrality. With time running out, Prime Minister Sushila Karki’s government appears adrift—caught between Gen-Z idealism and political realism, and struggling to deliver on its most basic mandate: holding credible elections.

Nepal’s Supreme Court  has begun  preliminary hearings on more than a dozen writ petitions challenging the formation of the interim government led by Sushila Karki and her subsequent decision to dissolve the House of Representatives (HoR) before the end of its term.

The Constitutional Bench of the Supreme Court will hear a total of 16 writ petitions. Chief Justice Prakash Man Singh Raut has already given his consent to forward all cases to the bench. The petitioners have argued that Karki’s appointment as interim prime minister is unconstitutional, as Nepal’s 2015 Constitution does not allow non-members of Parliament to assume the prime ministerial position.

Furthermore, while appointing her as prime minister, no specific constitutional article was cited. The Office of the President has argued that Karki was appointed under Article 61 of the Constitution, which relates to the president’s duty to safeguard the Constitution. However, in 2015, all provisions related to the formation of government were clearly outlined under Article 76. Karki was appointed interim head following the GenZ protests on Sept 12.

Another argument raised by the petitioners concerns Article 132(2) of the Constitution. Lawyers Bipana Sharma and Ayush Badal contend that a former chief justice cannot hold any government office except within the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC). Article 132(2) states: “No person who has once held the office of Chief Justice or a Judge of the Supreme Court shall be eligible for appointment to any government office, except as otherwise provided in this Constitution.”

This means that, except for roles in the NHRC, former chief justices and Supreme Court judges cannot assume any other government positions. However, those in power argue that the current government emerged from the GenZ revolution, and therefore, its constitutionality and legality should not be judged through the lens of “normal times.”

Nepal had faced a similar situation in 2013, when then–Chief Justice Khil Raj Regmi led an interim government. His appointment was also challenged in the Supreme Court, but the court delayed its hearing until after Regmi stepped down upon completing the elections. Later, Supreme Court judges were divided over the verdict. Interestingly, current Prime Minister Karki, who at the time was serving as a senior justice, had expressed that Regmi’s appointment went against the spirit of the interim constitution. Now, legal observers are keen to see how Karki will defend her own appointment.

Karki faces three major constitutional challenges: A non-parliamentarian assuming the office of prime minister; the lack of any cited constitutional article in her appointment by President Ramchandra Paudel; and the restriction under Article 132(2), which bars former justices from holding government office.

Similarly, several writs have been filed against the dissolution of the House of Representatives. Shortly after taking office, Karki recommended to President Poudel that Parliament be dissolved. Reports suggest that Karki believed she could only serve as prime minister after Parliament’s dissolution. Media sources also claim she faced pressure from Kathmandu Mayor Balendra Shah to dissolve Parliament immediately. Legal experts, however, argue that Karki’s appointment was justified under the “doctrine of necessity.”

Still, constitutional experts point out that, under Article 76(7), the prime minister can recommend dissolution of Parliament only after all attempts to form a new government have failed. On this very basis, the Supreme Court in 2020 and 2021 had reinstated the Parliament dissolved by then Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, ruling that the House could still produce a new government. The current House of Representatives, elected in 2022, is set to complete its term in 2027.

As the Supreme Court prepares to begin hearings on the 16 petitions, the prospects of the March 5 elections look increasingly uncertain. Dialogue between the government and political parties has begun, but it has not helped rebuild trust. Political leaders continue to raise concerns about security, saying they still fear openly holding meetings and rallies. Nepal Police has yet to recover the 1,200 weapons looted during the Sept 9 protests, and more than 4,000 escaped inmates remain at large and reportedly involved in criminal activities.

Party leaders claim they are still receiving threats. In this context, if elections do not take place on March 5, the interim government may lose its legitimacy, creating a new political vacuum. Senior leaders of the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML argue that the only way to preserve the current Constitution is for the Supreme Court to reinstate Parliament.

They contend that restoring Parliament would provide a legitimate institution to address the demands of the GenZ protesters, including ending corruption, ensuring systemic reform, and curbing nepotism. NC and UML leaders also say that, as their party offices have been destroyed and many leaders have lost their homes, the current environment is not conducive to holding elections.

Devraj Ghimire, Speaker of the dissolved House of Representatives, is also strongly advocating for Parliament’s restoration. He is currently consulting with legal experts to create a constitutional and political pathway for the reinstatement of the House.

As the government prepares for the March 5 elections, a deep mistrust between the government and major political parties threatens to derail the electoral process. Prime Minister Sushila Karki’s government faces growing skepticism over its ability to ensure election security and fairness amid the multiple pressures of Gen-Z protesters’ demands, missing police weapons, and declining police morale.

With ongoing investigations targeting former prime ministers and rising fears of renewed violence, political parties remain divided over whether credible and safe elections can be held under the current leadership. The first-ever meeting between Prime Minister Karki and major political parties since the Sep 8–9 Gen-Z protests, which took place on Oct 22, was dominated by one central question: can the government guarantee security for the March 5 polls?

While no major party opposes elections in principle, all demand credible assurances of foolproof security. The CPN-UML has taken the hardest line, declaring outright that elections under the current administration are “impossible.” The Nepali Congress (NC) has adopted a more cautious stance, supporting elections but insisting that the environment is not yet conducive.

Several developments have deepened public and political suspicion. Most notably, the Nepal Police has yet to recover over 1,000 weapons looted by protesters on Sept 9, while more than 4,000 inmates who escaped during the unrest remain at large. Parties fear the looted weapons could be used to intimidate candidates or disrupt campaigns.

Adding to the anxiety, many police posts destroyed during the protests remain in ruins, forcing officers to work from temporary shelters. Police morale is reportedly at an all-time low, as many feel that both the public and political leadership abandoned them during the violence.

Compounding the tension, self-proclaimed representatives of the GenZ movement have issued open threats to senior party leaders, while political cadres have begun trading verbal attacks online and in local rallies. Many fear these confrontations could escalate into physical clashes during the campaign period.

The Election Commission has stated that it needs at least 120 days to conduct elections after all contentious issues are resolved. Meanwhile, some Ge-Z protesters continue to press for demands the government cannot meet, such as a directly elected president. UML leaders have also accused the Home Minister of intimidating political figures, further eroding trust in the government’s neutrality toward political parties.

Political leaders have expressed frustration that they still cannot move freely in public or hold gatherings without fear of attacks. The Madhes region, in particular, remains volatile and vulnerable to communal violence.

The government’s credibility has also taken a hit following the Home Ministry’s controversial directive not to arrest individuals involved in arson and vandalism during the GenZ protests. Despite this, police in several districts have continued detaining suspects linked to killings and property damage, creating confusion about the government’s actual stance.

Traditionally, Nepal employs a layered security approach during elections, with the Nepal Police, Armed Police Force (APF), and National Investigation Department (NID) coordinating operations, and the Nepal Army serving as the outer ring of defense. However, shortages of security equipment and logistical challenges mean the government may struggle to ensure a robust security plan for the polls. Officials have hinted at seeking foreign assistance, though it remains unclear whether such support will arrive in time.

Further straining the political climate, the government has launched investigations into the properties of former prime ministers Sher Bahadur Deuba, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, and KP Sharma Oli, as well as their family members. The opposition views these probes as politically motivated attempts to discredit rivals ahead of the elections.

Police have already raided the homes of Deuba’s relatives in search of hidden assets, though no official findings have been released. Even Maoist leaders, who have supported Karki’s government, have criticized the timing of the investigations, warning that such actions could “poison the election environment.”

The UML’s concerns are particularly acute. Its Oli faces a travel restriction imposed by the Gauri Bahadur Karki probe panel in connection with the killing of 19 students during the Sept 8 Gen-Z protests. Oli has denounced the Karki government as “unconstitutional” and vowed not to participate in elections under her leadership. Meanwhile, UML leaders and Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal have been trading accusations, each blaming the other for “spoiling the election environment.”

Parties also admit they are organizationally unprepared for national elections. Many of their central and district offices were destroyed during the protests, along with vital records and documents. Several leaders remain displaced, still searching for housing after their homes were burned down.

“It might sound like a small issue, but many of our members are still dealing with trauma. Under these circumstances, preparing for an election feels impossible,” said one Congress leader about the current situation. Some leaders suspect that they are being pushed into premature elections deliberately in order to weaken traditional parties and make room for new political forces emerging from the protest movements.

Meanwhile, the three major parties—NC, UML, and Maoist Center—have announced plans to hold their respective general conventions, which could further complicate their preparations for the polls. Prime Minister Karki’s administration harbors its own suspicions. Branded “unconstitutional” by the UML, Karki fears that major political parties might boycott the polls or demand her resignation, undermining both the election’s legitimacy and her government’s authority.

While Karki’s outreach to political parties is a positive step, her preference for meeting second- and third-tier leaders rather than party chiefs has raised doubts about her sincerity. Ultimately, it is the top leaders—Deuba, Dahal, and Oli—who will decide whether their parties participate in the elections. Karki also faces a delicate balancing act: if she appears too conciliatory toward the established parties, she risks alienating the Gen-Z movement, which remains vocal and politically influential.

Adding yet another layer of volatility, several groups, including businessman turned political activist Durga Prasai, are preparing mass rallies demanding the restoration of the monarchy. Large-scale street protests in Kathmandu in the coming days could further destabilize the already fragile pre-election environment.

A month after the violent Gen-Z protests of Sept 8–9 shook the nation, former prime minister KP Sharma Oli has resurfaced—defiant, unbowed, and unrepentant. In a rare interaction with editors, he dismissed the current interim administration led by Sushila Karki as “unconstitutional,” ruled out any possibility of elections in March, and called for the restoration of parliament as the only legitimate way forward.

“This government was born out of the pressure, not the constitution,” he declared, leaning into his familiar mix of grievance and confidence. What followed was a long and wide-ranging conversation that offered a glimpse into Oli’s political state of mind—part justification, part warning, and part self-assurance that he may yet return to power.

Social media ban that sparked the fire

Oli stood by his government’s decision to ban social media — the very trigger that ignited the youth-led movement. According to him, the step was neither sudden nor authoritarian.

“For a year and a half, we’d been requesting global platforms to register in Nepal,” he said. “TikTok was banned until it complied. Out of 26 platforms, some were processing registration, while others flatly refused to follow our constitution or pay taxes.”

He insisted the ban was meant to be temporary, claiming that discussions were underway with several platforms. But by the time those talks progressed, the streets had already erupted.

Understanding and undermining GenZ’s demands

Oli said he was not opposed to the protesters’ core demands: good governance, anti-corruption, and the restoration of digital freedoms. “Their concerns were genuine,” he said, “and the government was already working to address them.”

But he was quick to add a caveat. “The protests lacked specificity on corruption. Until Sept 7, security agencies reported no major threats. They said the students would protest peacefully and return home.”

On the generational accusation of “nepo baby politics,” he sounded irritated. “I don’t accept that term. Why scare children with such words? It’s not arrogance; it’s about fairness.” Oli said that Gen-Z protestors have not called for his resignation. 

He stated that it is natural for parents to love, care for, and provide opportunities to their children, and accused that portraying this in a negative light has caused mental stress to children and youth.

The three phases of the protests

Oli broke down the Sept 8–9 events into what he called “three distinct stages.” The first, on the morning of Sept 8, involved peaceful student demonstrations that soon spiraled out of control. “Infiltrators provoked the crowd, using students as shields,” he alleged.

The second phase, later that day, was marked by “coordinated violence,” and the third on Sept 9 by widespread unrest. “Students were killed to create a pretext for chaos,” he said, adding that his government had formed a probe panel the same day 19 students died.

‘Cell seized for three days’

For the first time, Oli revealed details of his dramatic exit from power. He said that after resigning at around 1 pm on Sept 9, he was whisked away from Baluwatar by the Nepal Army and taken to a military barrack “for security reasons.”

“My phone was seized for three days,” he said. “I got it back only after Sushila Karki was appointed prime minister on Sept 12.”

Asked whether this amounted to house arrest, Oli replied: “I was under the Army’s security. Call it whatever you want.”

On Karki’s appointment

Oli maintained that he had not nominated anyone as his successor. “Yes, I gave my recommendation, but I didn’t name any individual, including Karki,” he said.

According to him, both President Ramchandra Paudel and Army Chief Ashok Raj Sigdel met him at the barrack before appointing the new prime minister. “I told them a government must be formed within the constitutional and parliamentary framework, and they agreed.”

‘This government is unconstitutional’

The former prime minister remains unwavering in his stance that the Karki-led administration violates the constitution.

“As per the constitution, a former chief justice cannot hold top executive office, except in the National Human Rights Commission,” he said. “Is this how democracy works? Is this how a prime minister is chosen — throught voting and discord ? That’s not democracy; that’s a spectacle.”

He added: “Should I lie because I’m afraid? Should I bow down and speak untruths?”

Rejecting the probe commission

Oli made it clear he would not cooperate with the probe commission headed by former judge, Gauri Bahadur Karki.

“I won’t appear before that commission,” he said. “Just because KP Oli is innocent, does that mean commissions can be formed anywhere and I must go and give statements? KP Oli doesn’t betray himself.”

‘Probe my property’

Responding to reports that government agencies are investigating the assets of major political leaders, including himself, Sher Bahadur Deuba, and Pushpa Kamal Dahal, Oli sounded unfazed.

“Even journalists can investigate my property,” he said. “There might be around two million rupees in my account — my salary savings. The government can check if I have any bank accounts abroad.”

Talk of a comeback

Asked about his political future, Oli smiled. “If things continue like this, the chances of KP Oli’s return increase,” he said. “People won’t tolerate this disorder for long.”

Environment not conducive for polls

Oli dismissed the idea of elections on March 5, calling them “impossible under the current situation.”

“Over 4,000 prisoners are still on the loose, and 1,200 weapons have been looted. How can elections take place in such an environment?” he asked.

His party, CPN-UML, has since decided to prioritize parliamentary restoration over elections,  a move he says reflects political reality, not opportunism.

‘They want to arrest us’

Oli accused the interim government of planning to arrest him and other senior leaders. “Prime Minister Karki has been meeting with the Attorney General and other officials to find ways to detain us,” he alleged. “It’s a mockery of democracy when leaders can’t move freely in their own country.”

‘I won’t step down’

Oli brushed aside internal calls to resign as UML party chair. “Sher Bahadur Deuba has appointed an acting president because he’s unwell. But I’m fit. So why should I?”

He said the party’s upcoming General Convention in December will be the place to raise questions, not the media. “Leadership is decided by people, not pundits,” he said.

On criticism about his age, Oli turned philosophical and a little playful. “The US president (81) is older than me, Putin is seven months younger, and Bangladesh’s prime minister is 82,” he said. “Leadership isn’t about age; it’s about timing and necessity.”

Oli stated that there are still many who want to see him in the party leadership. If I do not play, another captain will emerge, Oli said, for now, they are still looking to KP Oli as a captain. 

He said: “I have the ability to work, I am physically fit. This is a matter of the needs of the country and the party.” 

A hint at external hands

Toward the end of the conversation, Oli sidestepped questions about “foreign involvement” in the protests, a topic he had previously raised within his party. He offered only a hint: “There are external influences shaping the current situation.” He then turned his attention to the media. “Some outlets played a provocative role during the protests,” he said. “But I urge journalists to not practice self-censorship. Write the truth, without fear.”

  Uncertain time 

KP Oli said that he is loyal to the country and the people. The country has entered a state of uncertainty.  The values and principles I speak are of the matters of my conviction, Oli said.

Following a month of fear driven by GenZ protests, major political parties, primarily the Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML, are holding crucial meetings to address issues such as leadership change, elections, and their stance on the Sept 8–9 demonstrations. The main agenda for both parties is leadership transition.

On Oct 14, NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba named Vice-president Purna Bahadur Khadka as acting party president. He also announced that he will not contest for the presidency in the upcoming general convention. For now, the leadership issue within the NC remains on hold, with growing speculation over who will succeed Deuba. Around 53 percent of the party’s general convention representatives have submitted a memo to acting president Khadka demanding a special general convention. As per the party statute, a special convention must be called if 40 percent of representatives make such a demand. Deuba has already instructed party leaders to convene the convention as soon as possible.

Within the UML, KP Sharma Oli said in the party’s central committee meeting on Oct 15 that he is ready to relinquish leadership if the party’s central committee or general convention decides so. He, however, urged leaders not to pressure him to resign through social media.. Oli maintained that he has done nothing wrong and therefore sees no reason to give up power. Before the GenZ protests, Oli had stated that he would either remain party chair or retire altogether, refusing to serve as the party’s “second man.” The UML plans to hold its convention in the second week of December.

In the CPN (Maoist Center), Pushpa Kamal Dahal has taken a strategic step by converting the party’s central committee into a general convention organizing committee, naming himself its convener. Dahal is now forming GenZ wings within the party that support the continuation of his leadership. Publicly, Dahal has stated that he does not intend to retire from active politics.

The Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) is expected to retain Rabi Lamichhane as party chairman. However, the party is seeking a popular face to assume a more active leadership role, as Lamichhane’s status remains uncertain. Discussions are reportedly underway with Kul Man Ghising, the current Minister of Energy, Water Resources and Irrigation, to become the party’s deputy chief.

One thing is clear: in the coming months, major political parties will remain occupied with conventions and leadership transitions.

Alongside internal matters, parties are clarifying their positions on the March 5 elections. The UML is emphasizing the restoration of Parliament instead of fresh polls, arguing that the current government is unconstitutional and that a free and fair election is not possible under present circumstances. Speaker Dev Raj Ghimire has been consulting with political parties to solicit their views on parliamentary restoration. In a document presented to the UML’s central committee, Oli proposed launching street protests to press for the revival of Parliament. UML leaders are hopeful about restoration, partly because several senior Supreme Court justices have past affiliations with UML and NC. However, they fear a split among the judges, which could result in a fractured verdict.

There are also doubts over whether parties could manage GenZ protesters if Parliament is revived, since its dissolution was one of the major demands of Prime Minister Sushila Karki when she assumed office. Observers warn that restoring Parliament could lead to another round of political conflict.

At this juncture, the NC’s position remains crucial. For now, it appears the party is keeping both options of Parliament restoration and fresh elections open. The NC has said it is ready for elections, but argues that the government has failed to create a conducive environment. Party leaders claim they continue to receive threats and intimidation from some protesters, while the government has failed to control such activities. NC leaders also assert that, as in the past, they will not be swayed by Oli on national matters. Much will depend on how intra-party dynamics unfold within the party, as senior leaders may struggle to form a unified position in Deuba’s absence.

The Maoist Center was the first to declare that elections are the only way out of the current crisis. The party believes it could gain strength in a new parliament, as NC and UML were the main targets of the GenZ protests. The Maoists were also the first to acknowledge the GenZ movement.

Meanwhile, second-tier leaders of major communist parties are exploring the possibility of left unity. They argue that UML, the Maoists, and smaller communist factions should at least form an electoral alliance if full party unification is not feasible. However, Oli remains central to this process. On Oct 15, Dahal publicly said that left unity could be possible if Oli steps down. Some UML leaders believe unification might happen if former President Bidya Devi Bhandari returns to the party and assumes leadership.

So far, the major political parties have not held a joint meeting to find common ground on elections. Such a meeting could be pivotal in shaping a collective position. The election is still five months away, and if consensus is reached between the government and major parties, polls could be held within three months. Although President Ramchandra Paudel convened the first round of talks between the government and political parties last week, substantive negotiations have yet to begin.

Prime Minister Karki remains hesitant to invite party leaders to Baluwatar, fearing GenZ backlash. There are deep divisions between the government and political parties over how to interpret the Sept 8–9 protests. The government focuses on the Sept 8 incident, when 21 youths were killed in police firing, and is reportedly preparing to arrest then Prime Minister Oli and then Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak for their alleged roles. The parties, however, insist that those responsible for the arson and vandalism of Sept 9 must also be held accountable to ensure a conducive electoral environment. The Home Ministry’s directive to police not to arrest those responsible for the arson has heightened tensions between the government and parties.

While the government views the GenZ protests as a revolution, political parties do not. They acknowledge the legitimacy of some GenZ demands but reject the idea of it being a people’s uprising. The UML and Maoist Center suspect external involvement, with Oli being more vocal about it. Recently, Dahal hinted at a “geopolitical factor” behind the protests, while Oli, in his party document claimed the incident was “a continuation of the so-called color revolutions that various powerful nations have carried out since the Cold War … to undermine the country’s sovereignty, democracy, and constitution.”

Whether elections will take place remains uncertain. 

An NC leader said, “The ball is in the government’s court. If it creates a conducive environment, the parties cannot refuse elections.” After the Tihar festival, the Supreme Court will begin hearings on the petitions against Parliament’s dissolution. At the same time, various political parties and groups are preparing for street demonstrations with their own demands.

A UML leader remarked, “We are not sure whether the government will take a confrontational approach or choose reconciliation.” 

Meanwhile, Prime Minister Karki is under pressure from President Paudel to engage with political parties and create an environment for elections. Earlier, Karki rejected Paudel's suggestion to include party representatives in the cabinet, opting instead for a party-less government. A source close to the President said Karki was appointed the prime minister with a single, specific mandate of holding elections. “She should focus solely on that; otherwise, problems may arise,” the source warned.

Nepal is bracing for heavy to very heavy rainfall across various parts of the country. In response, the government has placed all relevant agencies, including security forces, on high alert due to the increased risk of floods and landslides. Nighttime travel restrictions have been imposed on major highways to prevent accidents and ensure public safety.

Citizens have been advised to remain indoors. Political parties have issued directives to their cadres to stay alert and assist the public in case of emergencies. Foreign tourists currently trekking and mountaineering are returning early due to the deteriorating weather conditions. People are praying that the rains do not cause damage and loss of life, as they did last year. Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal is in constant consultation with security and disaster response agencies to coordinate preparedness and response efforts.

The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has received one complaint related to human rights violations during the Dashain festival. The Commission has also drawn the government’s attention to rising criminal activities and black market practices during the festive season. With the absence of an elected legislature, the NHRC has stressed its vital role in holding the government accountable and safeguarding civil and political rights.

The Nepal Intellectual Council, a sister organization of the CPN-UML, has requested party Chairman KP Sharma Oli to step down from the leadership before the upcoming general convention. A formal letter was submitted to party General Secretary Shankar Pokharel urging for a leadership transition. Despite mounting pressure following the GenZ protests and increasing public criticism, Oli has made it clear he will not resign before the next convention.

The Ministry of Finance has announced that Nepali or foreign nationals entering Nepal may carry up to USD 500 in cash without a customs declaration. However, any amount exceeding USD 5,000 must be declared at customs. Newly appointed Finance Minister Rameshwar Khanal has initiated a series of austerity measures aimed at improving the country’s economic health. He has taken action against unlawful benefits taken by political parties, a move that has garnered public support.

As domestic airlines hike fares due to ongoing highway blockades, the Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal (CAAN) has issued a list of maximum allowable airfare rates for major domestic routes. CAAN has urged the public to report any airlines charging above the government-set rates. The move comes in response to public complaints and increased pressure on air travel due to restricted road transport.