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With the formation of an interim government led by Sushila Karki, tasked with holding elections, debates have emerged over how major powers perceive this development and what direction the new government’s foreign policy may take.

In the aftermath of the Sept 8–9 Gen Z uprisings, India swiftly adjusted to the new political reality, expressing its readiness to work with Karki’s administration. Indian Ambassador to Nepal Naveen Srivastav was the first foreign envoy to meet Karki and discuss bilateral relations. Soon after Karki was sworn in, India welcomed the new leadership, expressing hope that it would contribute to peace and stability.

“As a close neighbour, a fellow democracy and a long term development partner, India will continue to work closely with Nepal for the well-being and prosperity of our two peoples and countries,” India’s Ministry of External Affairs said in a statement. The following day, Prime Minister Narendra Modi congratulated Karki on X, signaling India’s keenness to support the new government in organizing elections within six months. Speaking in Manipur, Modi also praised Nepali youth, an act of public diplomacy aimed at the Nepali people.

Karki, for her part, has extended positive gestures toward India even before assuming office. In an interview with Indian television, she said: “First, I will say Namaskaar to Modi Ji. I have a good impression of Modi.” Such remarks suggest New Delhi is likely to invite her for an official visit, an opportunity it denied KP Sharma Oli for over a year.

On Thursday, Modi had a telephone conversation with Karki and reaffirmed India’s support for peace and stability. “Had a warm conversation with Mrs. Sushila Karki, Prime Minister of the Interim Government of Nepal. Conveyed heartfelt condolences on the recent tragic loss of lives and reaffirmed India’s steadfast support for her efforts to restore peace and stability, Also, I extended warm greetings to her and the people of Nepal on their National Day tomorrow,” Modi posted on X.

By contrast, Beijing has responded more cautiously. China has yet to formally congratulate Karki. Its Foreign Ministry spokesperson offered a routine response to a media query, reaffirming that China “respects the development path chosen independently by the people of Nepal” and stands ready to advance cooperation under the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. The Chinese ambassador in Kathmandu, usually active on social media, has refrained from direct comment, instead amplifying the ministry’s statement. Beijing faces a situation reminiscent of 2008, after the abolition of the monarchy.

Navigating Nepal’s evolving politics could be challenging for China. Its engagement strategy has long centered on a small, left-leaning political elite. Over the past decade, this approach brought Beijing significant advantages—most notably under KP Sharma Oli, who signed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) framework and attended China’s Victory Day parade. However, with the current cabinet expected to draw from diverse groups, China may find it harder to safeguard its interests in Kathmandu.

In a BBC interview, Karki reassured that relations with China would remain unchanged. Yet, an unusual congratulatory message from the Dalai Lama may have unsettled Beijing, given his silence toward previous Nepali prime ministers. China is likely to urge Nepal to ensure the participation of all political forces in the broader process.

For Western powers, the change of government is acceptable as long as Nepal’s constitution, which enshrined federalism, republicanism, inclusion, and secularism, remains protected. Their concerns continue to center on endemic corruption, persistent political instability, and the growing influence of China in Nepali politics. From their perspective, Karki’s leadership offers continuity, provided that democratic values, human rights, and constitutional safeguards are upheld. Support from the West, along with partners such as Japan and Australia, is likely to hinge on these commitments.

As for foreign policy orientation, the interim government is unlikely to make any major departures. Its priorities will largely depend on the composition of the cabinet, but its mandate is limited to conducting elections. Being a caretaker administration with a narrow scope of mandate, it cannot enter into significant agreements with powerful countries.

Nepal Police, the institution primarily responsible for maintaining law and order, became the central target of the GenZ protests that spiraled into violence on Sept 8 and 9. Police posts and offices were systematically torched not only in the Kathmandu Valley but across the country, crippling the force’s operational capacity.

Following the death of 19 demonstrators during clashes on the first day, anger escalated into deliberate arson and vandalism. Ordinary officers, including traffic police, were assaulted, their uniforms torn, and their arms and ammunition seized. While government buildings, Singhadurbar, judiciary complexes, and political leaders’ residences were also attacked, police infrastructure bore the heaviest damage.

In the aftermath, Nepal Police are struggling to restore basic operations. Across the country, officers are clearing rubble and erecting makeshift offices. On the streets, traffic police can be seen directing vehicles in plain clothes and sandals. Meanwhile, the Nepali Army has withdrawn from public duty since the formation of the civilian government under Sushila Karki. Already stretched thin in terms of resources, the police are now weaker than ever.

The interim government has announced elections for 5 March 2026, but doubts remain over its ability to guarantee security. The looting of shopping malls, businesses, and homes has further eroded confidence, leaving citizens convinced that in the event of another mob attack, the state will not protect them.

Reports now suggest that local cadres from the Nepali Congress, Rastriya Swatantra Party, royalist groups, and others secretly planned some of the attacks, deliberately targeting rivals’ property. This indicates that the violence was not driven solely by apolitical Gen Z protesters but also by organized party operatives.

Nepal Police are now reviewing thousands of video clips and photos identifying attackers, fueling fears of revenge at the community level. On Wednesday, media reports suggested an attempt to attack Sudan Gurung, a Gen Z protest leader, which is an alarming sign of possible escalation. So far, youth wings of major political parties have not staged protests, but some leaders are making provocative statements that raise the risk of clashes at the local level.

The law-and-order crisis is unfolding against the backdrop of deep-seated economic vulnerabilities. Even before the protests, Nepal faced serious challenges: youth unemployment stood at 20.8 in 2024, among the highest in South Asia. With limited prospects at home, hundreds of thousands of young Nepalis sought opportunities abroad.

Gen Z’s frustrations were rooted not only in unemployment but also in widespread corruption and severe inequality, which limited their chances of dignified work. The economic cost of the unrest is already significant. Hotels, restaurants, and business houses were burned or looted, leaving thousands of workers suddenly jobless. Such job losses can have a cascading effect. Rising unemployment may push some toward petty crime, extortion, or other illicit activities, further compounding the law-and-order challenge.

The timing of the protests could not be worse. Nepal has been trying to attract both domestic and foreign investment to stimulate growth, but political instability is now forcing investors to reconsider. Tourism, a cornerstone of the Nepali economy, is particularly at risk. Images of burning government buildings and looted shops have already circulated widely, and prolonged instability could deter visitors during peak travel seasons. With tourism-linked businesses employing large numbers of youth, this could deepen the unemployment crisis.

The state’s ability to address this twin crisis of security and economy remains questionable. Coordination among the Nepal Police, Armed Police Force, Nepal Army, and intelligence agencies appears weak. The Karki-led government has not taken concrete steps beyond inspecting damaged offices and urging police to keep morale high. Meanwhile, 13,000 inmates escaped during the protests, of which only 3,000 have returned, further destabilizing communities. Looted police weapons also remain missing, heightening security risks.

At the political level, leaders remain largely silent, wary of making public appearances amid threats. Responsibility for maintaining order has effectively fallen on the police that is already weakened by losses in personnel, infrastructure, and equipment.

Without stability, elections planned for March next year will be difficult to conduct credibly. And without economic recovery, particularly job creation, the frustrations of Nepal’s youth may intensify.

The immediate challenge is rebuilding confidence among citizens, investors, and the international community that Nepal remains governable. The longer-term challenge is reform: tackling corruption, reducing inequality, and creating employment opportunities. Failure on either front could push Nepal toward deeper instability.

Nepal has once again plunged into a major crisis after the violent GenZ uprising that led to the collapse of the KP Sharma Oli government. 

To address the demands of protestors, a civilian government led by former Chief Justice Sushila Karki has been formed. Although the constitution does not provide for appointing a prime minister outside the legislature, President Ramchandra Paudel invoked his “inherent authority” as the protector of the constitution, citing the abnormal and complex political situation that followed the protests of Sept 8 and 9.

Prime Minister Karki has set March 5 next year as the date for national elections. However, top leaders of the major parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center)—are still under the protection of the Nepali Army and have yet to issue official statements on the polls.

The parties have opposed the government’s decision to dissolve Parliament without first ensuring conditions for free, fair and credible elections. Their initial reactions prompted President Paudel to issue a statement on Sept 13 urging the parties to calm public anger and prepare for elections. He has been credited with finding a “constitutional solution” while averting attempts to dismantle the republic and revive either monarchy or military rule.

For the parties, the only real option is to participate in the March 5 elections. Failure to do so would push the country into further instability, as the interim government will lose its legitimacy after six months. Some parties may push instead for restoring Parliament and forming a new government from within it to oversee elections.

Concerns also loom over whether the Supreme Court may invalidate Karki’s appointment and the dissolution of Parliament. The constitutional foundation of the current government is weak, and precedent is mixed: in 2020 and 2021, the court restored Parliament after Oli’s dissolutions, ruling that it could not be dissolved before completing its full term. Yet, some argue that the Court might uphold Karki’s appointment under the principle of necessity and in light of the President’s intervention during a volatile crisis.

Even if the court allows it, the larger challenge is whether the interim government can create an environment for free and fair elections. It has announced the formation of a high-level judicial commission to investigate killings, destruction of property, and human rights violations during the protests.

Meanwhile, the security situation remains precarious. After widespread vandalism and looting of police posts, security forces are under severe strain. Leaders and cadres of mainstream parties continue to face direct and indirect threats. Without a proper investigation into the violence, parties may refuse to contest elections. The Ministry of Home Affairs faces the enormous task of providing shelter and logistics for police, who have long operated without adequate arms or ammunition, leaving them ill-equipped to maintain order.

This weakness was exposed during the recent protests and earlier in the May 15 demonstrations organized by royalist groups. The police, lacking arms due to a decade-long procurement freeze and recent destruction of their stock, were unable to respond effectively. While the 2017 and 2022 elections were largely peaceful, the risk of election violence now looms, making it imperative to prepare security forces adequately.

Despite these challenges, political parties have signaled willingness to join elections if the government ensures security. Speaking in Kathmandu, CPN-UML General Secretary Shankar Pokhrel said the Karki-led government must move decisively toward holding elections and guaranteeing safety. However, the UML has not yet held an official meeting to finalize its position.

Within Nepali Congress, several leaders have warned that a prolonged legislative vacuum would deepen the crisis, urging participation in elections. Senior Maoist leaders too have indicated support for the government’s efforts.

Still, it may be premature to draw conclusions. Top leaders remain absent from the political stage. NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba and his spouse Arzu Rana Deuba, both severely injured during the protests, remain hospitalized. With many party offices and leaders’ residences burned down, it may take weeks before the major parties formally declare their stance.

Nepali Congress General Secretary Gagan Thapa has emphasized that holding free and fair elections and protecting the constitution are the party’s central priorities. “The government has pledged to conduct elections within six months, and Nepali Congress, as a responsible party, should support this effort,” Thapa said. “Our priority must be to bring the constitution and democracy back on track through free and fair elections.”

Nepal has once again plunged into a major crisis after the violent Gen Z uprising that led to the collapse of the KP Sharma Oli government. 

To address the demands of protestors, a civilian government led by former Chief Justice Sushila Karki has been formed. Although the constitution does not provide for appointing a prime minister outside the legislature, President Ram Chandra Poudel invoked his inherent authority as the protector of the constitution, citing the abnormal and complex political situation that followed the protests of Sept 8 and 9.

Prime Minister Karki has set March 5 next year as the date for national elections. However, top leaders of the major parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center)—are still under the protection of the Nepal Army and have yet to issue official statements on the polls.

The parties have opposed the government’s decision to dissolve Parliament without first ensuring conditions for free, fair, and credible elections. Their initial reactions prompted President Poudel to issue a statement on Sept 13 urging the parties to calm public anger and prepare for elections. He has been credited with finding a constitutional solution while averting attempts to dismantle the republic and revive either monarchy or military rule.

For the parties, the only real option is to participate in the March 5 elections. Failure to do so would push the country into further instability, as the interim government will lose its legitimacy after six months. Some parties may push instead for restoring Parliament and forming a new government from within it to oversee elections.

Concerns also loom over whether the Supreme Court may invalidate Karki’s appointment and the dissolution of Parliament. The constitutional foundation of the current government is weak, and precedent is mixed: in 2020 and 2021, the court restored Parliament after Oli’s dissolutions, ruling that it could not be dissolved before completing its full term. Yet, some argue that the Court might uphold Karki’s appointment under the principle of necessity and in light of the President’s intervention during a volatile crisis.

Even if the court allows it, the larger challenge is whether the interim government can create an environment for free and fair elections. It has announced the formation of a high-level judicial commission to investigate killings, destruction of property, and human rights violations during the protests.

Meanwhile, the security situation remains precarious. After widespread vandalism and looting of police posts, security forces are under severe strain. Leaders and cadres of mainstream parties continue to face direct and indirect threats. Without a proper investigation into the violence, parties may refuse to contest elections. The Ministry of Home Affairs faces the enormous task of providing shelter and logistics for police, who have long operated without adequate arms or ammunition, leaving them ill-equipped to maintain order.

This weakness was exposed during the recent protests and earlier in the May 15 demonstrations organized by royalist groups. The police, lacking arms due to a decade-long procurement freeze and recent destruction of their stock, were unable to respond effectively. While the 2017 and 2022 elections were largely peaceful, the risk of election violence now looms high, making it imperative to prepare security forces adequately.

Despite these challenges, political parties have signaled willingness to join elections if the government ensures security. Speaking in Kathmandu, CPN-UML General Secretary Shankar Pokhrel said the Karki-led government must move decisively toward holding elections and guaranteeing safety. However, the UML has not yet held an official meeting to finalize its position.

Within Nepali Congress, several leaders have warned that a prolonged legislative vacuum would deepen the crisis, urging participation in elections. Senior Maoist leaders too have indicated support for the government’s efforts.

Still, it may be premature to draw conclusions. Top leaders remain absent from the political stage. NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba and his spouse Arzu Rana Deuba, both severely injured during the protests, are still hospitalized. With many party offices and leaders’ residences burned down, it may take weeks before the major parties formally declare their stance.

Nepali Congress General Secretary Gagan Thapa has emphasized that holding free and fair elections and protecting the constitution are the party’s central priorities. “The government has pledged to conduct elections within six months, and Nepali Congress, as a responsible party, should support this effort,” Thapa said. “Our priority must be to bring the constitution and democracy back on track through free and fair elections.”

Former Chief Justice Sushila Karki has officially assumed the role of Prime Minister of Nepal's interim government, with a constitutional mandate to conduct national elections within six months and hand over power to elected representatives. Appointed by President Ram Chandra Poudel on September 12, Karki’s first major move has been to dissolve the Parliament elected in 2022, which was originally scheduled to complete its term in 2027. This decision was made despite President Poudel’s advice against dissolution and strong suggestions from political leaders and constitutional experts to explore alternatives within the existing parliamentary framework.

Karki has announced the national elections will be held on March 5 next year, marking a critical step toward restoring political order in a country reeling from widespread protests. Her success, however, will depend largely on her ability to ensure free, fair, and inclusive elections where all political parties and forces can participate. To that end, Karki is currently working on forming a new interim cabinet and is expected to consult with both traditional and emerging political groups, regardless of whether they choose to join her cabinet.

Observers suggest she could draw valuable lessons from Khil Raj Regmi’s successful tenure as head of the interim government in 2013, which led to the peaceful completion of the second Constituent Assembly elections. Many of these parties, responding to the youth-led "Zen-Z" protests, have pledged not to seek power in the upcoming elections, offering Karki a potential window to work independently while maintaining political consultation.

The new PM inherits a fragile security situation. Hundreds of prisoner have escaped prison, many have seized police weapons, and public confidence in law enforcement is at an all-time low. Several police stations and government offices were torched during recent violent demonstrations. Boosting the morale of the police force and restoring public security are among Karki’s immediate priorities. She is expected to announce the formation of an independent investigative panel to probe killings, arson, and other violent crimes committed during the unrest. Human rights organizations and civil society leaders are calling for accountability from both sides — state security forces and protestors. Without justice and closure on these violations, experts warn, truly democratic elections cannot take place. Impunity is a biggest threat to democracy and without addressing this issue, there cannot be a peaceful election. 

Karki has committed to fulfilling the core demands of the protestors — chiefly, eliminating corruption, ensuring good governance, and creating economic equality. Upon assuming office, she declared: “My priority is to end corruption, maintain good governance, and ensure economic equality.” As a former Chief Justice, Karki is widely expected to uphold the independence of judiciary and constitutional bodies. However, questions are already being raised about the constitutionality of her appointment, which is expected to face scrutiny in the Supreme Court.  Many constitutional bodies remain vacant, and with no functioning parliamentary committees, filling key posts — including in the Election Commission — will be one of her earliest tests.

Karki’s administration will also need to manage relationships with major international players such as India, China, the United States, the European Union, Japan, and South Korea. While these countries have pledged support for Nepal’s democratic transition, much will depend on how her government engages with them diplomatically. In her first address to the media, Karki described the situation as a "national tragedy" and blamed recent violence on what she believes was a "planned conspiracy."

“The 27-hour protest caused unimaginable destruction. Fires at Singha Durbar, the Parliament building, the Supreme Court, and other public offices have erased crucial state records. This is a shame,” she said. She emphasized that she accepted the position not out of personal ambition but as a response to the people’s call. “I did not come to power by choice. I was asked by the people to take responsibility. I will not remain in office beyond six months. I promise to hand over the country to an elected government.” 

People are closely observing Karki’s initial days in office. Her success will depend on how effectively she adopts an inclusive approach and ensures a level playing field for all political forces.

Nepal's President, Ram Chandra Poudel, on September 14 issued a very meaningful statement, describing the formation of an interim government as a rare and valuable opportunity.

The President’s new statement was targeted at major political parties that have opposed the dissolution of Parliament, which was recommended by newly appointed Prime Minister Sushila Karki. The statement issued by the President indicates his struggle to protect the constitution and the current political system.

After KP Sharma Oli resigned as Prime Minister following pressure from protests, both the President and the Army Chief were under pressure to appoint representatives of the protestors as the new Prime Minister. However, there were no constitutional provisions to appoint a non-parliamentarian as Prime Minister. At the same time, there was intense pressure to dissolve Parliament and impose a state of emergency.

Amid this scenario, both the Nepal Army and the President engaged in talks with various groups to seek a way out. According to sources, President Poudel was firm that he would not take any decisions that went against the current constitution. Many say the President has hinted at the same in his statement.

Sources close to the President say that the formation of an interim government and the dissolution of Parliament were the only available constitutional options. Therefore, parties should understand this instead of creating troubles by opposing the President’s move.

In his statement, President Poudel appealed to political parties to appease the people, maintain self-restraint, and focus on making the March 5 election a success. After an extremely abnormal situation, a fearful environment, and tense circumstances, a peaceful way out has been achieved through great effort. “The constitution has been saved, the parliamentary system has been saved, and the federal democratic republic has been saved,” the President said. The Nepali people have now been given an opportunity to move forward toward a more developed democracy by conducting elections within six months.

Major political parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, CPN (Maoist Center), and other fringe parties—are opposing the dissolution of Parliament. There are calls for the parties to bridge their differences and support the government in holding elections as soon as possible.

The international community, particularly major powers such as India, China, the United States, and others, are closely watching the unfolding political developments in Nepal.

 Some countries have already welcomed the installation of the interim government tasked with holding elections, while others are yet to issue official statements. The sizeable presence of Kathmandu-based ambassadors at the swearing-in ceremony signaled support for the new government.

On Saturday (Sept 13,) Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi extended his best wishes to the newly appointed Prime Minister Sushila Karki on assuming office as the head of Nepal’s interim government. “India remains firmly committed to the peace, progress, and prosperity of the people of Nepal,” Modi said in a statement.

Earlier, soon after Karki was sworn in, India’s Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) issued a statement welcoming the formation of the interim government: “We are hopeful that this will help foster peace and stability. As a close neighbor, a fellow democracy, and a long-term development partner, India will continue to work closely with Nepal for the well-being and prosperity of our two peoples and countries.”

On Sept 9, amid street protests, India had urged all concerned parties to exercise restraint and resolve issues through peaceful dialogue. The Indian cabinet’s security committee also met to review the situation in Nepal, while bordering states tightened security along the India–Nepal frontier. During this period, India refrained from commenting directly on Nepal’s political crisis.

Speaking at the historic Kangla Fort in Imphal, Manipur, Modi remarked: “Nepal, in the lap of the Himalayas, is our close friend. We are connected through history and faith, and we are progressing together. On behalf of 1.4bn Indians, I congratulate Sushila Karki on becoming Nepal’s first woman Prime Minister. I am confident she will pave the way for peace, stability, and prosperity in Nepal.”

He also noted: “One thing that has gone unnoticed in recent events is that over the past few days, Nepal’s youth have been seen cleaning the streets. I saw this on social media. This is a sign of Nepal’s resurgence. I extend my best wishes for Nepal’s brighter future.” These statements make clear that India is ready to support the new government in Nepal and continue normal bilateral relations, unlike its recent discontent with developments in Bangladesh.

China has congratulated Sushila Karki on becoming Prime Minister of Nepal’s interim government.

China’s Foreign Ministry says: “China and Nepal share a time-honored friendship. China, as always, respects the development path chosen independently by the people of Nepal. We stand ready to work with Nepal to promote the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, enhance exchanges and cooperation in various fields, and further advance bilateral relation.”

On Sept 10, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lin Jian responded to the developments: “China and Nepal are traditional friends and close neighbors. China hopes that various sectors in Nepal will address domestic issues properly and restore social order and stability soon.” Beijing maintains a policy of working with whichever government comes to power—democratic or authoritarian. With its growing influence and economic clout, China is confident it can safeguard its interests regardless of political shifts. However, the dissolution of the KP Sharma Oli-led government is considered a setback for China, as the two countries had been advancing several joint initiatives, including under the Belt and Road framework.

However, Dalai Lama’s congratulations to Prime Minister Karki may have surprised the Beijing.  “As you know, the Nepalese and Tibetan peoples have historically enjoyed a close relationship,” he wrote. “I am very grateful to the government and the people of Nepal for providing facilities for the rehabilitation of Tibetan refugees following their forced escape from Tibet after 1959.

The United States has said that it welcomes the restoration of calm and peaceful resolution following last week’s tragic events.

We commend President Ramchandra Paudel and youth leaders for their commitment to a democratic solution, even as we continue to mourn with Nepal over its losses, U.S Embassy in Kathmandu said in a press statement,

We recognize the Nepali Army and Chief of Army Staff General Ashok Raj Sigdel for their vital role in restoring order and facilitating a peaceful transition of civilian government, the US said, we look forward to working with the interim government in the months ahead as they prepare for new elections.

On Sept 8, the US Embassy led a joint statement with other democratic nations expressing concern over the violence in Kathmandu and elsewhere.

 “We are deeply saddened by the loss of life and injuries during the demonstrations,” the statement read. “Our governments reaffirm our strong support for the universal rights of peaceful assembly and freedom of expression. We urge all parties to exercise maximum restraint, avoid further escalation, and ensure these fundamental rights are protected.” Since Donald Trump’s re-election and the subsequent scaling back of US aid to countries like Nepal, Washington’s priorities in Nepal remain uncertain. With the State Department still in transition, the US government has said little about Nepal’s political crisis.

Soon after Karki took office, the Embassy of Japan expressed hope that Nepal would ensure a peaceful and democratic transition. “We welcome the appointment of Sushila Karki as interim prime minister of Nepal as an important step in this transition. The Japanese government will continue to support Nepal’s development and prosperity and to strengthen the long-standing cordial relations between our two countries,” its statement said.

Similarly, Kaja Kallas, the EU’s High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, welcomed the appointment: “As a longstanding partner of the country, we support the people of Nepal and all efforts to ensure democracy, stability, and reconciliation.”

The UK Embassy in Kathmandu also issued a statement, calling the appointment “an important step after last week’s tragic events, which included loss of life, injuries, and damage to property.” It added: “As Nepal’s old friend, we recognize the challenges ahead and reaffirm our commitment to supporting Nepali aspirations for accountability and inclusive governance.”

Overall, the United States, the UK, the European Union, Japan, South Korea, Australia, and other democratic partners appear ready to work with Nepal’s new government, though their priority will be safeguarding the 2015 Constitution, democracy, human rights, and a peaceful transfer of power through elections.

For Prime Minister Karki, gaining the support of major powers such as India, China, the US, and other democratic nations will be crucial to ensuring timely elections, attracting investment, and keeping Nepal’s fragile economy on track. Much, however, will depend on her choice of foreign minister and the diplomatic team she assembles.

Nepal's major political parties have strongly opposed Prime Minister Sushila Karki’s decision to dissolve the Federal Parliament, calling it unconstitutional and undemocratic.

Karki, who was appointed Prime Minister on September 12 with a mandate to hold general elections within six months, announced the dissolution of Parliament shortly after being sworn in. She also set March 5 as the date for the next election.

In a joint statement, eight major political parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, CPN (Maoist Center), CPN (Unified Socialist), Janata Samajbadi Party, Janamat Party, Loktantrik Samajbadi Party, and Nagarik Unmukti Party—expressed serious concern over the move, stating they "totally disagree" with the decision.

"We promulgated a new constitution on the foundation of people’s long struggle for democracy and sacrifice. Any move against the constitution is unacceptable to us," the statement reads.

The parties argue that the dissolution violates Article 76(2) of the Constitution and goes against previous verdicts of the Supreme Court of Nepal. They have demanded the immediate restoration of Parliament and called for a parliamentary session to address national issues, including those raised by recent protestors.

According to the statement, the parties believe that public demands must be resolved within the constitutional and parliamentary framework.

Meanwhile, the fourth and fifth largest parties in Parliament—Rastriya Swatantra Party and Rastriya Prajatantra Party—have not issued any public statements regarding the dissolution.