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The Election Commission (EC) has expedited the voter education program to raise voter awareness and reduce the number of invalid ballots ahead of the March 5 elections to the House of Representatives (HoR). 

The EC has created and circulated content through digital platforms, according to the EC. 

The EC has already approved the voter education related programs on February 2 for this purpose. 

The EC shared that volunteers would be mobilized to effectively disseminate messages on voter education.

A volunteer would be deputed at the ward level from the concerned Office of the Returning Officer. 

It is shared that the volunteers are going to be deputed in all 6743 wards of the country.

Child development facilitators, women health volunteers and community service centre operators would be appointed for voter education.

The EC has already signed the agreement with the state-owned media houses and regulatory body for the production of voter education content and effective mobilization. 

The District Election Office, Kathmandu, has objected to the use of social media and some online media outlets to violate voters' confidentiality.

The Election Office has drawn attention to all concerned on the need to comply with the election code of conduct and has requested not to violate voter confidentiality. 

As per Section 4 of the Election Code of Conduct, 2082, such acts are prohibited and if such acts are not stopped the process of action will be taken as per the prevailing law.

There is a provision that election campaigning can be carried out only 17 days before the polling day after the publication of the final list of candidates. 

It includes provisions for holding rallies, public meetings or corner meetings, publishing or broadcasting any kind of publicity material in the media, and conducting door-to-door programs for election publicity.

Although information has been provided through discussions, interactions, and publication of information on several occasions to ensure full compliance with this provision of the code of conduct, the Election Office has stated that some political parties, their representatives, and candidates have violated the provision.

The Election Office has drawn attention to the fact that information has been received that corner meetings, publicity, publishing and broadcasting propaganda material, and door-to-door programs are being used to influence voters before the scheduled time.

Code of Conduct Enforcement Officers Muktiram Rijal, Shivaram Bhattarai, Romakanta Kafle, Munkumar KC, Sunita Subedi and Rukmagat Aryal have jointly drawn attention to all aspects of the election code of conduct.

Nepal is currently steering toward a definitive realignment, characterized by the collapse of traditional partisan fealty and the emergence of a meritocratic mandate. The ‘GenZ Uprising’ and the subsequent dismantling of Sher Bahadur Deuba’s hegemony signify a profound repudiation of a legacy marred by administrative ineptitude and strategic stagnation. Deuba’s political career, alongside the populist rhetoric of KP Sharma Oli and the ideological volatility of Pushpa Kamal Dahal, serves as a cautionary tale of prioritizing personal survival over the foundational democratic and governance values. 

The ascension of Gagan Kumar Thapa signifies a profound generational shift toward results-oriented pragmatism, marking a departure from traditional ideological rigidity. To achieve a similar transformative impact, the communist led by former multiple time prime ministers of Khadka Prasad Sharma Oli and Puspa Kamal Dahal along with others must experience a comparable party avalanche akin to the recent restructuring of the Nepali Congress. However, the March 5 election faces the threat of ‘unholy alliances’ between the entrenched trio of Deuba, Oli, and Dahal, who seek to manipulate the democratic and governance values to preserve their waning influence. 

To counteract this, voters must demand a robust social contract that literalizes ‘Power to the People’ by securing water and energy as the non-negotiable bedrock of national security and economic development. They must critically analyze these recycled agendas and reject any coalition that views vital resources as elective luxuries. This election is a strategic imperative for Nepali citizens to purge the political landscape of institutionalized corruption and to establish a capable governance model of fostering genuine economic dynamism and national sovereignty.

The River Basin Plan 2024

The Water and Energy Commission (WEC) of the Government of Nepal successfully brought to the River Basin Plan 2024 represents a seminal shift in Nepal’s geoeconomic strategy, offering a sophisticated framework for hydrological, terrestrial resource governance and flood control. Rooted principles of  the Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM), the blueprint advocates for a decentralized, multi-scalar river basin governance model across ten major river basins like the Gandaki, Bagmati, Karnali and Koshi. 

By prioritizing multipurpose projects, the plan seeks to harmonize hydroelectric generation, perennial irrigation, and ecological preservation, positioning water security as the primary catalyst for domestic production and a vital antidote to the chronic ‘brain drain’ of overseas migration. However, a critical disconnect persists between this technocratic roadmap and the prevailing orthodox political landscape. Despite the immense potential of fertile, sequestered river valleys such as the Dordhi and Rapti to foster niche agricultural entrepreneurship, these regions remain marginalized by systemic corruption and populist rhetoric. 

Leadership under figures of Puspa Kamal Dahal, Khadka Prasad Sharma Oli and Sher Bahadur Deuba including other incapable former prime ministers have historically substituted substantive policy with strategic stagnation, leaving the nation burdened by debt and governance ineptitude. Established political entities, including the Nepali Congress and various communist blocs, continue to treat energy and water as peripheral commodities rather than the fundamental pillars of economic sovereignty. Ultimately, the active  river basin plans of the WEC success hinges on whether Nepali voters can compel the political class to move beyond ‘recycled dreams’ and embrace this roadmap as a non-negotiable imperative for national resilience.

Imperative of water and energy

Water and power are the fundamental catalysts required to reanimate Nepal’s stagnant economy. As stakeholders in the democratic process, voters must scrutinize party manifestos for concrete economic agendas regarding the water and energy sector. The River Basin Plan of the WEC 2024 provides a comprehensive blueprint for unlocking natural resource potential to catalyze economic transformation. Therefore, voter support must be directed toward candidates who offer pragmatic, realistic policy commitments prioritizing the needs of the populace who have been neglected for over three decades. To date, neither the Nepali Congress nor the various splintered communist factions have demonstrated a serious commitment to converting these resources into genuine economic endeavors.

Economic Implications of the River Basin Plan 2024

The implementation of multipurpose projects at local, provincial, and national levels across the identified river basins offer profound economic opportunities. These projects serve a strategic function: transferring water to agricultural command areas, enhancing environmental services, revitalizing rural and urban economic partnerships by increasing productivity, advancing industrial and ecological balance. Sufficient water infrastructure supports productivity across all social, economic and environmental sectors. 

The River Basin Plan of 2024  projects a capital requirement of $8.8bn for investment and operations, which is estimated to yield $15.7bn in total benefits. Under the strategic river basin plan framework: the Economic Net Present Value is projected to increase from Rs 1,151bn to Rs 1,221bn. Beyond these metrics, integrated water and power projects act as a multiplier for job creation and ‘real sector’ growth, directly elevating household incomes and human development indices, ultimately expanding GDP over $100bn with over $5000 per capita income.

The institutional failures of the power sector

Nepal’s power sector is currently stifled by the structural inefficiencies and monopolistic stagnation of the Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA). Despite extensive government support, the NEA’s gross failure to ensure reliable delivery has forced enterprises into costly diesel-reliance, compromising national economic dynamism. This institutional paralysis is exacerbated by a leadership culture that prioritizes the performative optics of energy exportation and populist media narratives over domestic infrastructure and household energy promotion. 

Furthermore, the NEA exerts a ‘feudal’ dominance over independent power developers, frequently defaulting on grid-connection commitments and imposing restrictive Power Purchase Agreements and power generation to existing projects that jeopardize the sustainability of power projects. Such autocratic behavior necessitates an immediate transition toward an unbundled, decentralized market structure. 

To unlock Nepal’s hydroelectric potential, the upcoming  election must prioritize the establishment of a robust, independent regulatory body capable of enforcing accountability and dismantling entrenched political patronage. The professionalization of energy governance replacing administrative lethargy with meritocratic leadership is the only viable pathway to securing economic sovereignty. By curbing the NEA’s absolute market dominance, Nepal can foster a competitive environment that transforms electricity from a neglected luxury into the fundamental bedrock of industrial prosperity.

The Election Commission has stated that printing and packing of ballot papers for 25 districts for the first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system has been completed. 

According to the information provided by the EC, printing and packing of ballot papers for Dolpa, Mugu, Jumla, Kalikot, Humla, Jajarkot, Dailekh, Rukum West, Salyan, Surkhet, Bajura and Achham has been carried out. 

Similarly, printing and packing of ballots for 25 districts, including Bajhang, Doti, Dadeldhura, Darchula, Baitadi, Kailali, Kanchanpur, Panchthar, Ilam, Tehrathum, Bhojpur, Okhaldhunga, and Sunsari has been completed. 

Printing of ballots for 60 districts has also been completed, but packing is still remaining. 

According to the EC, the printing of ballots has reached its final stage with packing also gradually progressing. 

The printing of ballots is taking place at Janak Education Materials Centre Limited. 

As informed, the printing of ballots for the proportional electoral system has been completed. 

A total of 20,830,000 ballots for the proportional system have been printed, packed, registered, and prepared for delivery. 

Similarly, 20,323,000 ballots need to be printed for the FPTP electoral system. 

The printing of ballots for the FPTP electoral system started on January 30. 

Likewise, 1,098,200 sample ballots have been printed and delivered to various districts, the Commission stated.