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The 11th National Congress of the CPN-UML is set to begin today, with party chairperson KP Sharma Oli scheduled to inaugurate the event this afternoon at the open ground in Sallahghari, Bhaktapur.

Party leaders and cadres arrived at the venue early in the morning. Security arrangements have been tightened, with police teams, including trained sniffer dogs, deployed at the inauguration site.

Parking arrangements have been made at Gaththaghar and Jagati for leaders and cadres attending the inaugural ceremony. According to the organizers, vehicles coming from the Kathmandu side will be parked at Gatthaghar, while those entering through the eastern route will be directed to Jagati. Parking facilities have been arranged at brick kilns, plotted lands, and other open spaces in the Jagati area.

Participants are expected to reach the Sallahghari venue in organized processions. The party has described the convention as a demonstration of the strength of a democratic political party. CPN-UML Politburo member Mahesh Basnet said efforts have been made to ensure that the processions proceed as much as possible through service lanes along the main roads.

CPN-UML Publicity and Publication Department chief Rajendra Gautam said all preparations for the convention have been completed and that around 300,000 participants from across the country are expected to attend the inaugural session. He added that more than 200 cultural tableaux reflecting Nepal’s unity and diversity will be displayed during the ceremony.

According to the party, a model of the Changunarayan Temple has been constructed on the stage, alongside an electronic lamp, which will be lit remotely by Chairperson Oli to inaugurate the convention. As this is the party’s 11th national convention, 11 party flags will be displayed, with 10 flags hoisted at the outset and one flag raised remotely. The closed session of the convention will be held at Bhrikutimandap in Kathmandu.

Much has changed in South Asia since the 18th South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) Summit held in 2014. India-Pakistan tensions, a persistent stumbling block for the regional grouping, have further deteriorated over the years. In May 2025, the two nuclear-armed neighbors even engaged in a brief conflict, further threatening the region’s fragile security and stability. Their relationship is unlikely to improve in the immediate future.

Similarly, India-China relations reached a historic low after the deadly Galwan Valley clash in 2020. Although there have been some improvements in recent months, the relationship remains fragile. Nepal-India ties have also experienced fluctuations over the past decade. India imposed a blockade on Nepal in 2015, and another dispute erupted in 2020 over the publication of new political maps. Only in recent years has a semblance of normalcy returned.

India-Bangladesh relations too have seen instability. Ties deteriorated after Bangladesh’s long-time Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina fled to India in the wake of the student-led movement of 2024, which later evolved into a broader political uprising. India is now facing pressure from Bangladesh’s new ruling forces to repatriate Hasina. Meanwhile, the rise of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and Jamaat-e-Islami has altered regional dynamics, improving Dhaka’s relationship with Pakistan. The two countries are now working to establish direct sea links between Karachi and Chittagong to boost bilateral trade, raising New Delhi’s eyebrows.

In Afghanistan, the Taliban’s return to power in 2021 has further complicated the regional landscape. No South Asian country has formally recognized the regime. As India cautiously improves its contacts with the Taliban, tensions between Afghanistan and Pakistan have grown more hostile. 

Meanwhile, internal political transformations across SAARC member states have weakened earlier commitments to regional cooperation. The GenZ-led political wave in Nepal has, at least temporarily, sidelined traditional parties that had long championed the SAARC process. In Bangladesh, Hasina’s exit has removed one of the region’s strongest advocates of SAARC, and the Taliban regime in Afghanistan shows little interest in it. Sri Lanka, still recovering from its recent economic crisis, is slowly returning to normalcy.

A generation of leaders who were once deeply invested in SAARC is now out of power and losing influence. Their successors, with limited grounding in SAARC’s history and purpose, are less inclined to prioritize regional integration.

India remains the central pillar of SAARC. Without India’s willingness and leadership, revival appears unlikely. Over the past decade, India’s global stature has grown significantly, and it is poised to become the world’s third-largest economy by 2030. As SAARC has stagnated, India has increasingly promoted BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation) as an alternative platform. Although other SAARC members do not view BIMSTEC as a true replacement, they are not in a position to revive SAARC without India’s consent. Yet India continues to fund SAARC institutions even as it publicly blames “one particular country” for obstructing progress.

During this period, China’s influence across South Asia, long considered India’s strategic backyard, has grown considerably. Except for Bhutan, all South Asian countries have signed on to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). China, an observer in SAARC, has deepened its engagement amid intensifying US-China rivalry. Both global powers are now vying for influence over smaller South Asian states.

It remains unclear how the US and China view SAARC’s relevance in a rapidly changing geopolitical environment. Historically, India has viewed SAARC with suspicion, wary that smaller neighbors might unite to pressure New Delhi or use the platform as a collective bargaining bloc. In the current climate, such concerns may be even stronger. At the same time, South Asian countries increasingly prioritize sub-regional or bilateral cooperation over SAARC-level initiatives. Filling the vacuum created by SAARC’s inactivity, China has been exploring alternative cooperation mechanisms for South Asian states, excluding India. It has already established the China-South Asian Countries Poverty Reduction and Cooperative Development Center in Chongqing. Recently, Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister Ishaq Dar suggested that a trilateral initiative involving Bangladesh, China, and Pakistan could be expanded to include other regional nations.

Despite SAARC’s stagnation, the need for regional cooperation has become more evident than ever. The Covid-19 pandemic exposed the region’s vulnerabilities. Political instability has increased fragility across several member states. The US-initiated tariff wars further weakened regional economies. According to the World Bank, intra-regional trade in South Asia accounts for barely five percent of total trade—far below ASEAN’s 25 percent. Greater regional integration might have helped member countries better withstand recent economic shocks.

In Oct 2025, seven prominent economists issued a statement lamenting the absence of serious bilateral or regional trade dialogues in South Asia, despite being the world’s fastest-growing region. They noted that the gap between actual and potential trade continues to widen. More regional trade, they argued, could provide much-needed stability amid global trade volatility and help South Asian economies deepen their integration into global value chains.

Climate change is inflicting catastrophic damage across the region. Nepal, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, and India have all experienced an alarming rise in floods and landslides in recent years. Sri Lanka’s devastating floods this year caused significant loss of life and property—yet SAARC remained inactive throughout the crisis.

During the early months of Covid-19, there were signs of revived regional engagement. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi held talks with SAARC leaders and proposed collective health initiatives. But these efforts soon fizzled out. As the US under Donald Trump cut funding for key priorities such as health, climate, and development, SAARC could have stepped in by creating its own fund, but no substantial action followed.

Today, SAARC continues to fade from relevance, despite limited activities still being carried out by the Secretariat in Kathmandu. Most regional leaders no longer prioritize SAARC, and many have even stopped issuing messages on SAARC Day.

In the years immediately following the 2016 summit postponement, reviving SAARC was still raised in bilateral meetings, particularly by Nepal and Bangladesh. Leaders such as KP Sharma Oli and Sheikh Hasina often urged India to move forward with the summit process. But in recent years, the SAARC agenda has effectively disappeared from bilateral discussions. The Taliban takeover in Afghanistan only deepened uncertainty since no South Asian country recognizes the Kabul regime, raising questions about its participation in future summits.

The SAARC Summit is supposed to convene every two years on a rotational basis. The last, the 18th Summit, was held in Kathmandu in Nov 2014. The 19th Summit was scheduled for Pakistan in 2016 but was cancelled after India announced a boycott. As chair, Nepal made several diplomatic attempts to revive the process, but all proved futile. It has now been a full decade since heads of state last gathered under the SAARC banner.

Other SAARC mechanisms have also stalled. The Council of Ministers, the second-highest body, last met formally in Pokhara in 2016. Informal sessions held annually in New York since 1997 have not taken place in recent years due to India-Pakistan tensions and uncertainties around Taliban representation. The Standing Committee of Foreign Secretaries last met in March 2016. Only the Programming Committee, led by joint secretaries, continues to meet virtually.

For now, the future of SAARC remains deeply uncertain. The regional environment is not conducive for hosting a summit anytime soon. India’s changing relationships with its neighbors, shifting geopolitical dynamics, and growing political instability across several member states all point to a bleak outlook.

As a child, I spent countless hours playing with friends on open fields and bare ground. Growing up in Bhaktapur felt like growing up in one big open space, where I could wander freely without restrictions. My parents often warned me not to stay outside too long because they worried about my safety. Today, the situation has completely reversed: we have to encourage children to go outside and take a break from their mobile phones. Bhaktapur once had many open spaces, and even now a few grounds and resting areas remain, though far and few in between.

Sita aunty, my neighbor who has known me since childhood, grew up in Suryabinayak. She recalls roaming Bhaktapur’s alleys every day. Children were usually sent to school at the age of five, and they explored the city more freely than today. “Nowadays, parents are so busy with their work that giving a mobile phone to their children feels convenient and reliable,” she said. “They feel at least their children are indoors and not wandering wherever they please.”

She added, “I had more friends outside my school than inside. But now children stay indoors and don’t learn how to make friends or communicate.”

While talking, she recalled places where she once played, many of which have now turned into concrete buildings. Only one space remains, now divided between a playground and a cremation area.

Deepak Byanju, another local from Bhaktapur in his 40s who grew up in Golmadhi, also misses his old neighborhood. There were fewer vehicles back then, he said, and children could move around freely without disturbance. Today, the area has become crowded, mainly due to the influx of domestic and international tourists who shop there.

“I miss my old home environment where I played with my neighborhood friends,” he said. “But I feel sad for my child, who barely goes outside. The only places he steps out to are the veranda or the roof, and even then he’s on his phone.”

Byanju added that rapid construction and infrastructure expansion have swallowed play areas. At the same time, everything children need is now available on a phone, making outdoor exploration feel unnecessary to them.

The Ministry of Federal Affairs and General Administration (MoFAGA) has developed new resource materials to support the government’s goal of declaring all 753 local levels as ‘child-friendly zones’ by 2030. To achieve this, MoFAGA has set out a comprehensive strategy, mainstreaming child rights, policy advocacy, institutional strengthening, partnerships, community mobilisation, social accountability, equitable programming, behavioural change initiatives, and strong monitoring and evaluation. Local governments must meet several indicators to achieve child-friendly status, including building playgrounds and ensuring access to open spaces.

Bhaktapur’s urban structure reflects its Newar heritage, with attached houses and narrow alleys. But because it is also a city of festivals, the main roads remain comparatively wide to accommodate celebrations.

When it comes to children’s play spaces, Bhaktapur still relies heavily on its traditional environment: small alleys, chowks, temple premises, pati/phalcha (communal resting shelters), and, most prominently, Bhaktapur Durbar Square. These are the places where children gather safely and spend their time.

The narrow alleys are so interconnected that no matter which one you take, you will eventually end up at the same familiar place. Chowks, small courtyards surrounded by houses, provide safe spaces for play in the city’s core. Pati and phalcha (traditional public shelters near temples and crossroads) serve as lively social hubs where children often gather. And then there is Bhaktapur Durbar Square, a large open area free of traffic, where children can run, play, and relax after school or on weekends.

But the population has grown and the generation has changed. Bhaktapur District’s population rose from 304,651 in 2011 to 432,132 in 2021. Bhaktapur Municipality itself grew between 2001 and 2011 but saw a slight decline by 2021, possibly due to saturation of the old urban core. Changunarayan’s population jumped from 58,006 in 2011 to 88,083 in 2021. Madhyapur Thimi steadily expanded from 47,751 in 2001 to 119,756 in 2021, emerging as a major residential and commercial hub. Suryabinayak grew fastest—from 55,744 in 2001 to 140,085 in 2021—likely driven by urbanisation, new housing, and migration.

Rabindra Sapkota, spokesperson for Suryabinayak Municipality, said, “As part of being a child-friendly municipality, we are institutionalizing at least one playground in each ward.” For a proper playground, government land is needed, which is difficult to secure. As a result, the municipality has built football courts, badminton courts, and open spaces across many wards. “We plan to declare child-friendly wards by 2026, guided by standards that include education, playgrounds, and more,” he said.

According to Sapkota, Ward 7 has two to three open parks; Ward 6 has football courts with weekly training; Ward 8 has both football and badminton courts. Similar facilities are coming up in other wards. Each ward has contributed Rs 1 million, and the municipality has allocated Rs 10m. He estimates that around Rs 20m will be spent on the initiative this year.

Damodar Suwal, spokesperson of Bhaktapur Municipality, said, “Bhaktapur is built in a way that we must consider everyone. Our infrastructure reflects this, as do our heritage sites, festivals, and celebrations.”

He added that the municipality has built pati pauwa, chowks, and dabali (open stages for rituals, theatre, and festivals) where people can gather and rest. Children continue to enjoy playing in these culturally rich surroundings. Bhaktapur still has several open spaces, including Mahiswori playground, Kamalbinayak, Libali, and Sahid Smriti grounds, open to all age groups.

“Most chowks,” Suwal added, “include wells, pati, dhunge dhara (stone taps), and dyo chhen (temples). Every ward has its own space meant for people of all types.”

The Bagmati Province Child-Friendly Local Governance (CFLG) Monitoring Team visited Changunarayan Municipality on 6 Nov 2025 to assess its progress as the first CFLG-declared municipality in the Kathmandu Valley. Since securing the designation in 2021 by meeting rigorous MoFAGA guidelines and 51 indicators, Changunarayan has strengthened child clubs, improved infrastructure, eliminated child labor in 52 brick kilns, and built inclusive governance mechanisms such as child networks. Mayor Khatri said the nearly Rs 3m allocated annually for children is “an investment in future citizens and leaders.”

Krishna Hari Acharya, a ward chairperson from Madhyapur Thimi Municipality, added, “We already have four playgrounds, parks, and open spaces near ponds, and even more are coming. At dawn, children as young as six run across the football fields. We’ve started sports training through a local club to nurture young talent. Slides and swings brighten the open spaces, and new play areas are rising one after another as we work to create a truly child-friendly environment.”

India has been closely engaging with the Sushila Karki-led interim government since its formation. New Delhi was the first to welcome her leadership. On Sept 18, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke with Karki, expressing India’s readiness to “work closely to further strengthen the special ties between the two countries” and reaffirming India’s support for Nepal’s efforts to restore peace and stability.

Although the Karki government is interim and time-bound, New Delhi is working with it as a full partner: signing key agreements, convening bilateral mechanisms, and facilitating high-level exchanges. Ministers have been traveling to New Delhi, and diplomatic activity in Kathmandu has intensified. 

This week, Munu Mahawar, additional Secretary at India’s Ministry of External Affairs, visited Kathmandu, the first high-level foreign official to do so after the Sept 8–9 GenZ protests.  He met Prime Minister Karki and all cabinet ministers, pledging India’s logistical support for the March 5 elections. Notably, Mahawar did not meet leaders of the major political parties, even though the Indian Embassy continues to quietly engage with the broader political spectrum. 

Many members of the international community in Kathmandu remain hesitant to meet political leaders publicly. According to leaders, New Delhi has been encouraging them to view the March 5 elections as the only credible path to ending the current political deadlock. 

The Karki government has also signaled goodwill toward India by not recalling Nepal’s Ambassador to New Delhi, Shankar Sharma, despite recalling ambassadors to 11 other countries, including China, the US, and the UK. 

Oli’s exit from power may also have been welcomed in strategic circles in New Delhi, where he had long been perceived as leaning toward Beijing. As Kathmandu’s engagement with Beijing has slowed and the US has taken a low-key approach to Nepal’s internal political developments, Nepal–India ties have grown significantly stronger.