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The Election Commission continues with the voter education program nationwide with the aim of making the election more participatory and reducing the percentage of invalid votes.

The voter education program also informs the general public about the importance of voting rights and the voting process. 

The Commission has stated that one voter education volunteer has been deployed in each of the 6,743 wards of 753 local levels across the country from February 15 to March 1.

The Commission has mentioned that the volunteers are reaching the settlements and doorsteps of the general voters and informing them about the importance of the election and the voting process through sample ballot papers. 

The Commission has also appointed the focal point at the local level as the monitor of the election voter education program, and the orientation program has also been completed.

Similarly, the Commission is making maximum efforts to monitor individuals who provide false and misleading information and hate speech in violation of the election code of conduct and to bring individuals and organizations that commit illegal acts under the ambit of the law in collaboration with regulatory bodies. For this, the Information Ethics Promotion Unit under the Election Information Dissemination and Coordination Center is functional.

Meanwhile, 290 content producers and communicators who produced and disseminated harmful information have been reported to the Cyber Bureau of the Nepal Police for action under the Electronic Transactions Act, 2063. Similarly, 11 have been recommended for action to the Nepal Telecommunication Authority under the Telecommunications Authority Act, 2052. 

Similarly, 65 have been recommended to the Press Council, Nepal for action under the Press Council Act, 2048 and one for action under the Advertisement (Regulation) Act, 2076, the Commission stated.

Political parties contesting the March 5 elections for the House of Representatives (HoR) have unveiled their election manifestos. These documents are being closely scrutinized, as the polls are taking place against the backdrop of the Sept 8–9 protests. The GenZ-led demonstrations have shaken Nepali society, including the political establishment. This write-up offers a comparative analysis of the manifestos of five major parties—Nepali Congress (NC), CPN-UML (UML), Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), and the Nepali Communist Party (NCP)--focusing on their positions regarding the September protests, foreign policy, economic agenda, constitutional amendments, and governance reform.

 Positions on GenZ protest

 The Nepali Congress manifesto identifies two “worrying tendencies” that emerged after the Sept 8–9 protests. First, it criticizes attempts to dismiss the movement as a conspiracy or minor event, arguing that such denial seeks to restore the pre-Sept 7 status quo. Second, it warns against exploiting the youth rebellion for political gain, a remark widely interpreted as directed at RSP. NC positions itself against both tendencies, concluding that the rebellion represents a demand for good governance and accountability amid declining institutional credibility and corruption. It even equates the GenZ protests with major democratic movements since the 1950s.

 UML, which was in power during the protests, describes the Sept 8–9 events as a grave and organized attempt to undermine national sovereignty. The party raises concerns about infiltration, the nature of protesters’ demands, attacks on the private sector, and assaults on security agencies. It maintains that these questions cannot simply be dismissed as conspiracy theories.

 RSP states that it will implement the findings of a probe committee formed to investigate the protests. While it holds then-Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli accountable for the events, its manifesto does not elaborate extensively on its broader position regarding the protests. The Nepali Communist Party devotes limited space to the GenZ movement but indicates that constitutional changes will be made in response to youth demands. The Rastriya Prajatanta Party (RPP) argues that the incompetence and failure of major political parties, widespread corruption, and poor governance forced Gen Z youth to protest on Bhadra 23 and 24, resulting in irreparable loss of life and property. 

 Foreign policy

 Across the board, foreign policy sections are marked by cautious and abstract language. UML emphasizes sovereign equality, independence, and peaceful relations. It pledges stronger ties with neighboring countries, expanded labor agreements, foreign investment, and job creation. The manifesto reaffirms adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter, non-alignment, peaceful coexistence, non-interference, and Panchsheel. UML reiterates its commitment to “friendship with all, enmity with none.”

 RSP advocates a “balanced and dynamic diplomacy,” aiming to transform Nepal from a “buffer state” into a “vibrant bridge” between India and China through strategic partnerships, connectivity, and development cooperation.

NC envisions Nepal as a sovereign, peaceful, and dignified nation guided by national interest and sovereign equality. It seeks to enhance Nepal’s global image, highlighting iconic heritage sites such as Mount Everest, Lumbini, Pashupatinath Temple, and Janaki Temple.

 The Nepali Communist Party(NCP) outlines a more detailed agenda: prioritizing balanced ties with neighbors, resolving border disputes (Lipulekh, Limpiyadhura, Kalapani) through diplomatic dialogue and international law, strengthening participation in forums such as the UN, SAARC, and BIMSTEC, reviewing unequal treaties, and prioritizing economic diplomacy to boost investment and exports. In foreign policy, RPP has pledged to revive the concept of Nepal as a Zone of Peace, an idea introduced by former King Birendra in the 1970s. It has also stated that all unequal treaties and agreements will be annulled, in an apparent reference to India.

 Economic policy

 Nepali Congress reiterates its long-standing liberal economic orientation, recalling the liberalization and privatization policies of the early 1990s. It proposes establishing the private sector as the main engine of prosperity, with the government acting primarily as a regulator. At the same time, it emphasizes social justice by ensuring economic opportunities for marginalized communities.

 RSP similarly endorses a liberal economic model with a social justice component. It envisions the private sector leading in employment creation, service delivery, and investment, while the state serves as facilitator and regulator.

 UML sets ambitious targets: achieving over 7 percent annual growth and expanding the economy to Rs 100 trillion within five years. Although it does not explicitly frame its approach as liberal, it identifies the private sector as the principal driver of prosperity while supporting increased state investment in high-multiplier sectors.

 The Nepali Communist Party commits to a “socialist-oriented economy,” as envisioned in the 2015 Constitution. It calls for comprehensive structural reforms aimed at production growth, job creation, financial inclusion, and self-reliance, with balanced development among private, cooperative, and public sectors. On economic policy, the party emphasizes the central role of the private sector. It states that national progress is impossible without the private sector’s active participation and sustained growth.

According to the RPP, the private sector contributes approximately 82 percent of GDP, around 85 percent of employment, 77 percent of investment and capital formation, and over 90 percent of production and trade, while also playing a major role in revenue collection.

 Constitutional amendment

 All four parties acknowledge the need for constitutional amendments but remain vague on specifics. 

Nepali Congress argues that amendments are necessary to implement its reform agenda and proposes an Inter-Party Collaboration Framework to build consensus.

 RSP pledges to prepare, within three months of forming a government, a document outlining potential amendments. Its proposals include a directly elected executive, a fully proportional parliament, barring lawmakers from serving as ministers, non-party local governments, and restructuring parliament. UML supports amendments based on broad political consensus but offers limited detail and has softened its earlier calls for major changes.

 The Nepali Communist Party defends the 2015 Constitution as one of the best in the world, born of popular struggle. While rejecting any attempt to abolish it, the party supports review and amendment through constitutional procedures. It proposes revisiting the electoral system, governance structure, cabinet size, and provincial arrangements. On constitutional matters, the RPP has proposed restoring the monarchy as a guardian institution. It has called for reform of what it describes as the current expensive and unstable electoral system and has proposed a non-party-based local government system.

 Governance reform

 Nepali Congress and RSP present detailed reform agendas. NC proposes measures, including a high-level probe into the assets of public office holders since 1990; empowering the National Vigilance Center; conflict-of-interest legislation; merit-based appointments; a cooling-off period for officials; amendments to the Public Procurement Act; a governance lab and parliamentary knowledge unit; reducing ministries and departments; term limits for prime ministers and lawmakers; and state funding for political parties.

 RSP advances similar proposals, including dissolving trade unions in government offices, avoiding party sister wings, investigating past office holders’ assets, forming an independent civil service transfer board, ending political influence in judicial appointments, and transforming the National Planning Commission into a think tank.

 UML outlines broad principles of good governance, such as rule of law, efficiency, anti-corruption, impartiality, transparency, and accountability, but provides fewer concrete reform proposals. Its manifesto focuses more on defending its governance record since 1990.

 The Nepali Communist Party proposes forming an empowered, independent commission with a one-year mandate to investigate corruption and assets of past public officials. It also promises a high-level Lokpal body and merit-based appointments free from political influence. 

On governance reform, the RPP has stated that a high-level commission will be formed to investigate the assets of high-ranking officials since 1990, with legal provisions to confiscate illegally acquired property. The party has also pledged to introduce a law addressing conflicts of interest. 

Eighteen months after mass protests toppled the government of long-time prime minister Sheikh Hasina, Bangladesh has sworn in a new elected government led by Tarique Rahman of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP).

At the same time,  Nepal is preparing for parliamentary elections on March 5 amid lingering questions about reform, stability, and the durability of its republican system. Together, the two countries present contrasting pathways in South Asia’s evolving democratic landscape.

Bangladesh’s new government emerged from an unusual democratic exercise: parliamentary elections were held alongside a referendum on constitutional reform. The referendum sought to institutionalize the demands of the 2024 youth-led protest movement, which called for greater accountability, stronger checks and balances, and the depoliticization of state institutions.

With this majority, the government is positioned to pursue constitutional amendments through a proposed constitutional council, potentially reshaping the balance of power among the executive, legislature, and judiciary. Reform priorities are expected to include strengthening electoral credibility, ensuring judicial independence, enhancing transparency, and safeguarding civil liberties. Yet the transition is not without risk. The Awami League was barred from contesting the election, a move that critics warn could fuel political resentment and street mobilization.

In contrast, Nepal heads into elections without having undertaken major reforms demanded by the Sept 8–9 protests, largely driven by GenZ activists. The protests reflected deep frustration with corruption, patronage networks, weak public services, and a perceived lack of accountability across political institutions.

Unlike Bangladesh’s reform-first electoral approach, Nepal  has opted to proceed directly to the polls. Skeptics argue that without pre-election structural changes, the vote may simply reproduce the existing power dynamics. Key public demands—restoring trust in institutions, reinforcing the rule of law, ensuring judicial and legislative independence, and building a merit-based bureaucracy—remain largely aspirational. The challenge for any incoming government will be translating campaign rhetoric into concrete institutional reform.

Nepal’s proportional representation system and fragmented party landscape make a single-party majority unlikely. A hung parliament and coalition government appear the most probable outcome. While coalition politics is familiar terrain in Kathmandu, past alliances have often been unstable, slowing policy implementation and weakening reform momentum. Failure to deliver tangible change could deepen youth disillusionment and embolden anti-establishment forces.

Adding to Nepal’s political complexity is the renewed activism of former monarch Gyanendra Shah. In a recent Democracy Day message, he criticized the electoral process and advocated for the restoration of the monarchy. Domestic reform efforts in both countries will unfold under the watchful eye of international stakeholders. Western governments are closely monitoring commitments to democratic governance, transparency, and anti-corruption. In Nepal, reform-oriented voices within the Nepali Congress and independent leaders such as Balendra Shah have attracted attention for emphasizing accountability and administrative reform.

For Nepal, relations with India remain crucial. The open border, deep economic ties, and longstanding sensitivities over boundary disputes and treaty arrangements make New Delhi a central actor in Kathmandu’s foreign policy calculus. India will be closely watching how the new government approaches unresolved bilateral issues. Simultaneously, engagement with China remains strategically significant. Chinese investment is central to Nepal’s infrastructure and development ambitions, particularly under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). However, expanded Chinese involvement is likely to be scrutinized by India and Western partners, placing Nepal in a familiar geopolitical balancing act.

The Election Commission (EC) is set to use the popular social media platform for election publicity. 

In view of the March 5 elections to the House of Representatives (HoR), the EC has come up with a campaign to create TikTik video messages. 

As informed, the EC is conducting TikTok video message creation competition so as to reach out among the voters with election messages. 

According to the EC, such competition has been advanced for election publicity and voters' education. 

A one-minute TikTok video based on topics such as election code of conduct and voter education has to be created and shared through one's social media. 

Likewise, the TikTok has also been sent to the EC's email by March 1. The EC will award the TikTok with the highest number of viewers among all the TikToks received by the commission. 

The EC will provide first award amounting to Rs 50,000 to the one with the most viewers, Rs 30,000 to the second, and Rs 20,000 to the third along with certificates.

The TikTok videos should be prepared in the context of the House of Representatives election, 2026. 

The videos should be interactive and message-oriented. Priority will be given to videos with original content, audio, and acting, the EC stated. 

The videos should provide general information about the election, need for the election, its importance, correct way to mark the ballot, compliance with the election code of conduct, and information about voters' rights and duties. 

The selection of the best video will be made by independent experts and the Commission, the notice stated.