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In a technology dominated global system, when the interests of one country overlap with those of others, conflict rises and crises emerge. The crises are entangled with various sectors of state affairs such as politics, technology, economy and social development. Crises emerge not only at the global level but also at the national level. In many cases, a small event can trigger painful consequences. In a democratic system, state affairs are delicate in nature as they are meticulously linked with people’s aspirations. If these aspirations are not fulfilled, disruptions escalate rapidly. Prior to the 1990s, the world was mainly divided along ideological lines—capitalism and communism, steered respectively by the USA and the then Soviet Union.

In the present day of the 21st century, situations have dramatically changed, as developed countries are locked in unhealthy geopolitical competition to increase and expand their traditional means of state power. The seen and unseen rivalry has no longer focused on strengthening their military power alone, rather they have concentrated their entire activities on economic dominance influencing and coercing others by fair means or foul. Thus, being a consequence of global interconnectivity, the polycrisis neologism has captured the present-day state affairs.

Vulnerabilities

Nepali GenZ (Nava Pusta) protests of Sept 2025 were largely based on non-political ideologies in nature. The protests were primarily rooted in structural economic grievances, antediluvian working style of established political parties and poor service delivery of the government.

A weak national economy, heavy dependence on remittances and foreign loans, ineffective governance, poor implementation of public policy and frequent changes in federal and provincial governments resulted in challenges of unemployment, inflation, corruption and a trust deficit in political parties, fueled widespread dissatisfaction among the Nava Pusta.

The collapse of the entire federal government within just two days of Nava Pusta’s protests was an unprecedented incident in the political history of Nepal. However, the destruction of government physical infrastructures, and public and private property through arson by anti-national elements (who were not genuine members of GenZ) cannot be condoned and pardoned.

The changes that took place after the Nava Pusta movement shuddered the foundations of established political parties were significant. The  international media labeled the protests as a ‘color revolution’. Whether this was truly a ‘color revolution’ or simply GenZ-led protests remains a matter of academic discourse. The former Home Minister’s statement given before the High Level Investigation Commission clearly points to direct influence of foreign elements in the peaceful GenZ protests. But the wave created by these protests has had a long-lasting tremor. The political instability in a geopolitically sensitive country has created a space for different actors who have hidden agendas to exploit Nepali soil and politics for their benefits, and is a serious threat to national security.

At this point of critical juncture, a single issue can spiral into a polycrisis. It can trigger the erosion of public trust in democratic institutions, leading to ineffective crisis response and governance paralysis. Security, in such a polycrisis situation often becomes reactive rather than strategically active. Nepal’s security needs to be active and agile to ensure that the Nepali people are competent enough to handle their internal challenges independently. The Nepali people and leadership alike must act accordingly so that no external power gains a foothold in the country’s strategic decision-making processes—directly or indirectly.

To demonstrate one’s capability to manage internal issues independently, requires the application of strong security measures backed by accurate information, use of advanced technology, coordinated strategic planning and action, and high-morale security personnel. The security organizations must have the ability to anticipate the future, not just respond to it. Experienced and highly skilled security officers are crisis managers, risk analysts, strategic communicators, and protectors of national interests and sovereignty. They are not merely the persons in uniforms rather they are the backbone of state security and stability.

Driving seat

Citizens are the first to bear the effects of polycrisis. The interwoven challenges in the  economy, society and governance can escalate into a full-blown crisis at any time that requires more vigilance in national affairs.

Sometimes, voices appear in the media alleging that the country—X has played a foul game by intervening in Nepal, provoking public agitation against the government and fueling conflict among the castes and social class. Diplomatically, it is not wise to allege Country X or Y, while ignoring the need to analyze and address domestic causes and their impact in society. Instead of pointing fingers at others, the government, political parties and concerned authorities should mend flawed policies and change outmoded mind-sets, and ensure good governance for the well-being of citizens and the nation at large.

It is natural for Country X or Y to take all necessary steps to safeguard their national interests. If they believe that by destabilizing a weaker country serves their purpose, they leave no stone unturned to fish in troubled waters. This is a routine work of  global diplomacy.

Ultimately, it is the major responsibility of Nepali political parties who hold the reins of state governance to keep their own house in order. They must foster harmonious relations within Nepali society and among common citizens, keeping in mind the age-old saying—Anekata Ma Ekata, Nepali Samaja Ko Biseshata (Unity in Diversity is the defining characteristic of Nepali Society).

Sustained economic development, a secure civil society, transparent practices, good governance, effective security organizations, and justice for all will help to keep foreign elements at bay. When the entire society upholds a value-based system rooted in patriotism and ethics no external force dares to rock the boat or destabilize the nation.

The Election Commission on Sunday appointed the Chief Returning Officers and Returning Officers in all districts to conduct the elections to the House of Representatives (HoR)  slated for March 5.

The EC appointed 77 district judges as the Chief Returning Officers as per Clause 8 of HoR Act, 2074 BS. 

The meeting of the Commission took the decision to appoint the district judges as the Chief Returning Officers and the second class officers from the judicial service as the Returning Officers as per the recommendation of the Judicial Service Commission effective from January 9, according to the EC.

The Chief Returning Officers and Returning Officers have been asked to be deployed in their concerned election constituencies from January 16. 

The EC has also asked to open and run the offices of the Chief Returning Officers and Returning Officers as well as conduct the election programs in the districts for the March 5 poll.

CPN-UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli and Nepali Communist Party Coordinator Pushpa Kamal Dahal held a meeting at the residence of businessman Sharada Prasad Adhikari in Manbhawan, Lalitpur on Sunday. 

Adhikari is a trusted and close businessman of Dahal.

They had a conversation for over an hour, according to a source. 

After holding a meeting with Dahal, Oli went straight to Gundu, Bhaktapur. 

With the unification of new parties for the House of Representatives elections scheduled for March 5, informal discussions are underway among the leaders of the three major political parties—Nepali Congress, UML and the Nepali Communist Party—for electoral alliance.

However, the alliance has not been finalized.

They discussed contemporary political issues and electoral alliance for the forthcoming elections, Dahal Secretariat said.

Meanwhile, Dahal is leaving for India to take part in a program today. 

As Nepal debates the future of its electoral system, the use of electronic voting machines (EVMs) has once again come into focus following recent political developments and renewed policy advocacy. Former chief election commissioner Neil Kantha Uprety said shifting the scheduled election date from March 5 could increase the likelihood of adopting EVMs, as it would allow more time for voter awareness and preparation.

“If we are able to shift the election date, then I don’t see any harm,” Uprety said. “The chances of using electronic voting machines would increase, and there would be time to make people aware of how they are used.”

EVMs are a digital method of voting intended to replace traditional paper ballots. However, their recent use during the CPN-UML convention on Dec 17 exposed several challenges. Despite expectations that electronic voting would be faster, the process was delayed due to technical glitches and voter confusion, largely caused by the large number of candidates.

Polling began at 9:20 am, but only 532 delegates managed to cast their votes during the first five hours, according to the party’s Election Commission. Although 80 electronic voting machines were deployed, voting remained sluggish. Delegates reportedly took anywhere from nine minutes to more than two hours to complete the process.

“We had expected a voter to take 25 to 30 minutes on average, but in reality it took between nine minutes and two hours and 12 minutes for some,” said Election Commission Vice-chairperson Sanuraja Pokharel.

Ram Prasad Rimal, founder of the Ramlaxman Group and the pioneer of EVM development in Nepal, attributed the delays to planning and awareness gaps.

“The process was slow because we were given a fewer number of machines than required, as the number of voters turned out to be higher than expected,” Rimal said. “Another major reason was that voters were not properly informed about how to use the machines. Awareness was not provided on time. People therefore felt the system was difficult, even though it is not.”

Minister for Communications and Information Technology Jagadish Kharel said at a public program that electronic voting could be implemented in the upcoming general elections. Emphasizing the need to modernize Nepal’s electoral system, Kharel argued that electronic voting could be introduced at a relatively low cost. He said it was unfortunate that, even in the era of information technology, billions of rupees continue to be spent on printing paper ballots and transporting them securely over several days.

However, Kul Bahadur GC, information officer and assistant spokesperson of the Election Commission, said there is no official communication from the ministry regarding the use of EVMs in the upcoming election. “As per the information we have, the election will be conducted using paper ballots,” he said.

Nepal has experimented with EVMs before. During the 2008 Constituent Assembly elections, EVMs were piloted in Morang, Dhanusha, Kaski, Rolpa, and Kanchanpur. Observers noted that the pilot was successful, signalling potential for future use.

Despite this early experience, Nepal has continued to rely on traditional paper ballots in major elections, printing and manually counting millions of ballots, often resulting in slow vote counts and administrative challenges. Political parties remain divided on electronic voting, with some skeptical of technology and others wary of losing control over traditional vote-counting processes.

Uprety said the EVMs used in 2008 were functional and helped build public trust but could not be sustained. Imported from India, the machines had limitations, including low power capacity and limited features. In contrast, he said, today’s EVMs are far more powerful and interactive.

According to Uprety, the use of EVMs would significantly reduce invalid votes and cut election costs by nearly 50 percent compared to paper ballots. He argued that technology has advanced rapidly and Nepal must adopt it or risk falling behind.

He acknowledged that limited time remains to introduce EVMs for the upcoming election, making their use unlikely this time. However, he stressed that efforts should continue and suggested postponing election dates if possible to allow better preparation. To raise public awareness, he recommended the use of social media videos and other digital platforms.

Rimal said EVMs are extremely easy to use and have already been successfully tested by the Nepal Blind People Federation and the National Disability Federation. Since people with visual and physical impairments were able to use the machines without difficulty, he argued that they would be even easier for the general public.

He said building one machine costs around Rs 200,000, with costs likely to decrease if the government took ownership of production. Each machine has a lifespan of about 20 years. To conduct elections across 70 constituencies, around 22,000 machines would be required. However, he acknowledged that using EVMs in the upcoming election is highly unlikely, as designing and manufacturing them would take at least six months.

Rimal said proposals have already been submitted to relevant ministries, informing them of the time required for EVM implementation, but no clear timeline or response has been received. He added that EVMs would virtually eliminate invalid votes.

The machines function much like smartphones, providing voice instructions in Nepali and guiding voters step by step, alerting them to any errors. 

Uprety said inter-regional voting is technically possible but not feasible at present, as voters are unlikely to spend an entire day and significant money just to cast a vote. Remote voting, he argued, would allow voters to participate from their current locations and increase satisfaction.

He added that EVMs are reusable and cost-effective, whereas paper ballots are expensive and single-use. Public distrust of EVMs remains a major challenge, he said, noting the irony that people trust many technological systems in daily life but hesitate to trust voting machines.

Rimal said the machines are “100 percent trustworthy” and cannot be manipulated. “There is no internet connection, so there is no chance of hacking,” he said. Both Rimal and Uprety agreed that manipulation is easier with paper ballots, whereas EVMs make adding or subtracting votes far more difficult.

Push for overseas voting grows

Policy advocacy groups are pushing for broader reforms, particularly to enable voting for Nepalis living abroad. Drawing lessons from countries such as Mexico (2024) and the Philippines (2025), the Nepal Policy Institute (NPI) has recommended a hybrid voting model combining embassy-based voting, postal voting, internet-based i-Voting, and multi-day in-country voting for returning overseas voters.

According to the NPI policy brief, while internet voting represents the most sustainable long-term option, a hybrid approach is the most realistic way to ensure maximum participation in the fast-approaching 2026 elections.

The brief stresses the need for independent cybersecurity audits and strong public communication campaigns to build voter trust. It cites international data showing that during the Philippines’ 2025 elections, 98 percent of overseas registrants preferred i-Voting, while 85 percent of technology-assisted votes in Mexico’s 2024 elections were cast online.

The report also recommends a communication strategy using both social and traditional media to inform voters about registration, voting options, and safeguards. It clarifies a distinction often misunderstood by the public: e-Voting refers to electronic voting machines at polling stations, while i-Voting allows voters to cast ballots securely online from any location. As the brief notes, “i-Voting is a distinct and more inclusive innovation that has already been implemented in more than 30 countries worldwide.” More than 115 countries have provisions for external voting.

The push for overseas voting is not new. In 2018, the Supreme Court directed the government and the Election Commission to guarantee voting rights for Nepalis living abroad. A joint bench of Justices Sapana Pradhan Malla and Purushottam Bhandari ordered the state to make legal, logistical, and technological arrangements.

Despite the directive, the order remains unimplemented. According to the 2021 census, nearly 2.2m Nepalis live abroad, many of whom remain unable to exercise their voting rights. As Nepal moves closer to the 2026 polls, debates over EVMs, internet voting, and electoral reform continue, with authorities under growing pressure to balance technological innovation, voter trust, and constitutional obligations.