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Seventeen years ago, on this day, then Home Minister Krishna Prasad Sitaula was negotiating with King Gyanendra Shah to ensure a smooth transition from monarchy to republic. The following day—May 29, 2008—the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly (CA) decided to abolish Nepal’s 249-year-old monarchy.

Since then much water has flowed under the Bagmati bridge, yet royalist forces are now mobilizing for what they call a “decisive movement” to restore the monarchy and Hindu state. Meanwhile, republican forces are preparing to celebrate Jestha 15 (May 29) as Republic Day, showcasing their strength. With royalist groups gearing up for a “final showdown” and the CPN-UML-led republican camp vowing to counter them, there are fears of potential violence in Kathmandu.

On Tuesday, top royalist leaders met with a group of editors to assure their upcoming protests would remain peaceful and non-violent. Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) Chairperson Rajendra Lingden said: “Our Kathmandu-centric protests, beginning May 29, will be a form of civil disobedience—peaceful and non-violent.” He also urged the press to objectively monitor their protests to ensure accountability if violence erupts.

The previous royalist protest in Kathmandu on March 28 had turned violent, resulting in two deaths, vandalism of businesses, and an arson attack on Annapurna Media Network. Royalist forces blame government agencies for the violence.

Lingden also criticized Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli’s recent call to his cadres to “seize Kathmandu Valley for a few hours,” on May 29, warning that such remarks could incite unrest. The RPP chairman was joined by veteran royalist leaders Kamal Thapa, Navaraj Subedi, and Keshar Bahadur Bista. They all emphasized their commitment to peaceful protest while demanding their constitutionally protected right to protest. 

There is growing curiosity about the scale, influence, and sustainability of the royalist movement. Why are they so confident this time? Kamal Thapa, chairman of Rastriya Prajatantra Party-Nepal, said: “After 2006, this is the first time all parties and groups advocating for monarchy and a Hindu state have united.” He claimed 45 parties and factions—led by Panchayat-era leader Subedi—have joined the movement, capitalizing on what they see as the most favorable political climate in 17 years. The upcoming royalist protest follows a series of consultations with former king Gyanendra, who has increasingly encouraged supporters through public statements. Recently, he held a luncheon meeting with senior royalist leaders to discuss the movement. Those who met him reported unusual confidence from Gyanendra about the monarchy's possible revival.

Asked how royalists plan to achieve their goals—including constitutional amendments requiring a two-thirds parliamentary majority—Thapa responded: “Our strategy is mass mobilization, pressuring the political establishment to negotiate.” He argued the same method was adopted during the political changes of 1990 and 2006.

However, government and major political parties are in no mood to talk with the royalist forces stating that those who will go against the constitution will be punished. Thapa said while the 2015 Constitution permits peaceful advocacy, the government is amending laws to criminalize pro-monarchy and Hindu-state agendas. 

Despite the show of unity, internal coordination remains unclear, particularly regarding leadership of the May 29 protest. RPP leaders admit that the psychological impact of March 28 violence has dampened morale of party cadres and monarchy supporters alike, which could potentially reduce the May 29 turnout. The government has filed cases against 61 individuals, including RPP leaders Rabindra Mishra, Dhawal Shumsher Rana, and protest “commander” Durga Prasai in connection to the March 28 violence. 

Still, royalist parties have vowed to continue their peaceful movement until their demands are met, but major parties remain unlikely to compromise. Their core demands include: restoration of the monarchy, reinstatement of Nepal as a Hindu state, and abolition of federalism.

Despite their call for restoration of the monarchy, not all royalist parties appear keen on putting Gyanendra back on the throne. Thapa said: “If there is a consensus among the political parties, Hridayendra (grandson of Gyanendra) could be king.”

With limited street power and minimal parliamentary influence, the royalist movement faces dim prospects. This time, the push seems driven by Gyanendra’s pressure rather than genuine momentum. The overall tone of Tuesda’'s interaction with editors revealed royalists’ persistent fear of another March 28-like violence, casting doubt on their ability to sustain a peaceful campaign.

Not long ago, people had to walk for days and spend nights in assorted places to reach Rara Lake, tucked away in the mid-western region of Nepal. But with the construction of roads, the number of people treading through the path had significantly gone down and it took a toll on people who earned their livelihood from the hotels, homestays and shops they ran in the area. By degrees, people started quitting their businesses and switched to another profession.

Nestled at an altitude of 2,990 meters and spanning 10.8 square kilometers across Jumla and Mugu districts, Rara Lake is Nepal’s deepest freshwater lake.

Popular for its unruffled and splendid nature, the clean and pristine blue waters never fail to mesmerize visitors.

Turning the pages of history, Rara Lake was known as “Rara Daha” for years. Once, when late king Mahendra was traveling around the country on a helicopter, he happened to reach the basin. The enchanting beauty of the waterbody lured King Mahendra, impelling him to describe the lake as ‘Swarga ki Apsara”. He later named the lake as Rara Lake.

On April 24, 2015, my friends and I planned a trip to Rara Lake. But the very next day, Nepal was struck by a devastating 7.8 magnitude earthquake, claiming nearly 9,000 lives, injuring 22,000, and causing widespread destruction.

Along with the earthquake, our plan to visit the largest and deepest freshwater lake surrounded by magnificent conifer forests was also disrupted by the unforeseen event.

They say when you truly desire something, the universe conspires to make it happen. A decade later, some friends planned a trek to Rara via Jumla, following an old route to explore the rich cultural heritage of Nepal’s western hills. I couldn’t resist joining—this was my chance to finally witness the legendary beauty of Rara Lake which I had been hearing the bewildering tales.

Gulping down the hearty breakfast, I headed to Gongabu Bus Park where other friends were waiting for me.

Our adventure began at 7 am, growing more thrilling with every turn—until we hit a massive traffic jam in Gaindakot, Nawalparasi. Taking a detour via the Kaligandaki corridor added an extra 100 km, but it spared us a 24-hour gridlock.

The Karnali Highway, linking Surkhet and Jumla, was an adrenaline-pumping experience—narrow, rugged, and carved through rocky cliffs. Watching the Karnali River rush beneath Kakilot’s steep drops was both terrifying and exhilarating. As we entered Jumla, the roads improved, and the scenery transformed.

Driving along the Tila River at sunset, with apple orchards and golden paddy fields stretching beside us, felt like a dream. Soon, we reached Khalanga, Jumla’s district headquarters, where we were warmly welcomed by Hari Bahadur Rokaya, an international marathon runner and Guinness World Record holder. Despite his global fame, he remains underappreciated in Nepal. He even arranged two of his students as our guides.

Before starting our trek, the next morning, we explored Khalanga, offering prayers at Chandan Nath Baba and Bhairabnath Temple for a safe journey.

The trail wound past glistening streams, stone houses nestled among apple farms, and cherry blossoms in full bloom—like a scene from a postcard.

After a three-hour uphill hike, we reached Chehre for a local breakfast, then continued to Danfe Lek (3,800 meters), a challenging climb due to the steep ascent and altitude.

From Danfe Lek, the view of Khalanga Valley and Jumla was surreal—snow-dusted peaks, rhododendron and pine forests, and vast meadows stretched before us.

Reaching Khali, I was spellbound: endless grasslands, crystal-clear streams, grazing sheep, and snow-capped mountains made me feel like I’d stepped into a fairy tale. The sheer beauty brought tears to my eyes—yet it saddened me to think how such pristine landscapes are often exploited for short-term gain.

After lunch, we trekked until dusk, staying overnight in Nyaurigad, a quaint hamlet by the Tila River.

Over dinner, we learned that the late Prince Dipendra and Princess Shruti had once stayed there during a hunting trip.

The next morning, we descended through villages like Bumro and Kabra, passing lush rhododendron forests and immersing ourselves in local culture. Breakfast in Chautha and lunch in Bhubhule (the gateway to Mugu and Rara National Park) fueled us for the day’s toughest challenge: crossing Ghuchi Lek. We spent the night by the Jyari River, where the lodging was surprisingly better than the previous stop.

On the third day, we finally reached Rara Lake via Jyrai Village and Salleri. Its crystal-clear waters, vibrant fish, and emerald hills left me speechless—no childhood tales had done it justice. We soaked in the views, capturing photos and videos, while a question nagged at me: Why hasn’t Nepal promoted this paradise to the world?

A boat ride across the lake offered fleeting glimpses of snow-capped peaks through the fog. Later, we rode horses to Murma Top Eco Resort, hoping for clearer skies the next day. But luck wasn’t on our side—rain loomed overhead. “On a clear day, you can see Humla, Jumla, Bajura, Badimalika, Dolpa, even China,” our guide said wistfully.

Undeterred, we pressed on toward Sinja Valley, tackling the trek’s toughest stretch: Chuchhemara Lek (4,039 meters), the highest point in Rara National Park. The steep climb felt effortless amid the breathtaking scenery—century-old deodar trees, dark pink rhododendrons, secluded lakes, and sprawling meadows.

A local mentioned this trail was once favored by German and French trekkers but has faded into obscurity due to the Maoist insurgency and new roads bypassing it.

Reaching Chuchhemara’s jagged peaks surpassed all expectations. Exhausted, drenched, but exhilarated, we finally arrived in Sinja Valley—the birthplace of the Nepali language and the national dress, Daura Suruwal.

The final leg of our journey took us from Sinja back to Khalanga. The turquoise Hima River, apple orchards, thatched-roof homes, and rhododendron forests evoked comparisons to Kashmir—earning Jumla its nickname, “Nepal’s Kashmir.” My dream of visiting Kashmir felt fulfilled here. As dusk fell at Jaljala Pass (3,800 meters), we faced our longest, toughest day, reaching the hotel by 10 p.m.

With hearts full of memories and promises to return, we boarded the bus to Kathmandu at 5 a.m., arriving after a grueling 30-hour drive.

This trek was more than a journey—it was a pilgrimage through Nepal’s natural splendor, cultural roots, and forgotten history. Sadly, as roads expand, this majestic trail risks being lost to time.

Photos: Achitra Thieng

Tinkune-Kathmandu tear-gas, firing and fatalities labelled as a political clash of ideologies. Birgunj stone pelting from mosques, curfew during Hindu festival summed up as communal violence. Are these just standalone events or a wake-up call for Nepal and a Nepali’s identity? Amidst these events, one wonders what a Nepali identity is and who preserves, nurtures and safeguards.

In a mere gap of 15 days, Kathmandu and Birgunj witnessed ideological clashes, violence between two opposing sides, injuries to people, and attacks on public property. However, the coverage and response/reaction to the two events differed. Can these events be pushed under the veil of a “popular narrative” to be shoved away with minimal actions or are these early warning signals for the State and the civil society to pause and reflect with an open mind?

Did anyone make a genuine effort to analyze these events independently without any prejudice or bias? Neither of these events can be analyzed with a background of pro and against-monarchy nor blaming any talk of Hindu rights as Hindutva surge in Nepal. These events should also not be judged through the lens of mere political order change or a coloured view of minority rights. It would also not be fair to judge these events from the lens of Madhes, known for movement for ethnic/caste rights or from Kathmandu where the Western agenda can be seen influencing the decision making.  

Anarchism

The new word in the Nepali discourse during the March 28 event was “Anarchism” for any voice against the establishment on the streets. This reference isn’t a mere fad. Regrettably, the next governments may end up using this term more frequently and term any agitator or opposition as an anarchist and suppress dissent. The self-inflicted fear of dissent for the sitting government was so much so that a curious passerby standing next to demonstrators or expressing an opinion as a witness or sharing one’s free views was also labelled as an anarchist. What could be more brutal in a country’s timeline when a countryman terms a fellow Nepali an anarchist? Is that not a breakdown of social cohesiveness? The use of expletives or character assassination was commonly seen in public discourse. Politicians blamed civil society for downfall in moral character and civil society blamed politicians for going to extremes in curbing opposition or any other political ideology. There has been widespread misuse of the political landscape under democratic systems where power sharing among mainstream parties has given 17 years of asymmetrical and non-performing coalition governments.

Domestic colonization 

Experts say why a Nepali complaint when the country has performed well on indicators of growth and progress. It was a need of the hour to find out more about the state of affairs if that merits attention. The reasoning was an eye-opener:

• Some say they are unhappy when a lifetime cadre of Nepali Congress believing in democratic values has to vote for a communist coalition leader. Nepali people often turn around and ask, “Can you imagine what will happen if BJP and Congress form a two-third majority government in India?” 
• People say their lifestyles have improved over decades, but they cannot comprehend when asked to vote for those who inflicted wounds during the armed conflict. 
• Nepali people talk about the pain of armed conflict, the loss of identity, loved ones and belongings. They say money doesn’t heal the attack on self-respect when forced to flee, abandoning their land in search of security.

The pain of Maoist-led conflict has not healed a common Nepali till date. A fellow Nepali turns away without empathy to others’ pain as one must stand by the political party one is in charge of. Nepali people are divided today as followers of one political party against the other. It is not an angry society, but a lack of social cohesiveness has made them isolated and indifferent to each other.

Nepalis are known globally to be a resilient society. If any reader is thinking about excessive social media outbursts or attacks on each other’s opinion, one will concur that being vocal is a different issue. But being tolerant and waiting for a better tomorrow is natural for a Nepali. The revolt builds up with that inherent silence and perhaps explains the insecurity in their words attacking each other’s identity. 

The conflict gave birth to an insecure and traumatized commoner who couldn’t prevent the rise of misrule across the country since the dethronement of Gyanendra Shah in 2008. The democratic journey started off well but soon turned into the hegemony of a handful of leaders, who shared power by turns. The development agenda over the years was marred by public sector projects tainted with policy level corruption and nepotism. 

Unless the cup of dissatisfaction overflows, Nepali people do not take it to the streets. Once they do, they collectively raise their demands as was seen in a recent teachers’ protest in April 2025. The protest led to the resignation of the Education Minister but the demand for the New Education Bill is still in jeopardy. Sooner or later, these collective protest voices are divided by those with vested interests and the protest starts falling apart. Eventually, another committee or a commission is formed to give them a false sense of hope which may last another decade before any resolution. The stakeholders may feel happy that the protests died, but do not forget that in an inner core of a Nepali teacher, there remains a fire of rejection for their due rights, respect and identity. Occupying streets does not mean change in the short run. They ungroup and group again unless a determined and notable collective emerges firmly to stand up against undue pressures and manipulative tactics of those with vested interests. The same has happened to the case of “Meter Byaj”  (loan shark) victims. Especially, in rural areas, a significant portion of the population relies on informal lenders who extract as high as 30-120 percent or more interest per annum. However, the argument of misuse of microfinance lending is only being used for political vendetta and not for the relief of the victims. A commoner Nepali says, “We have been subjugated as slaves by our leaders. We were never colonized by a foreign state, but today politicians and microfinance companies have been extracting our sweat and blood.” 

The current state of misgovernance has led to a degradation of national public and private institutions and an unchecked surge of foreign education and charitable/development institutions. The reality today is that most Nepali youths want jobs in international non-governmental organizations and leave Nepal for studies abroad. There is also a surge in migrant labor. Ironically, both the government and international organizations were recently seen applauding the increase in remittances as good news for the economy. However, none analyzed how an overly-remittance-dependent economy is a sustainable model. A country populated by old people will lead to lower productivity. Is that “Asal Nepal”? 

It was often said that the Maoist insurgency had the character of impunity where the local administration facilitated the acts of brutality on local people. The role of administration and police during the events of March 28 characterized by fatalities and injuries and lack of government’s willingness to institute an independent inquiry despite direction of the parliamentary committees leads people to compare impunity then and now. With such heavy questions, no Nepali thinks of which political system is good or bad. They do not trust facts and figures even if someone showcases progress under different political ideologies. They simply add up unchecked corruption by constitutional agencies, political vendetta against opposition leaders and interference of the political parties in key appointments. There are no easy answers to today’s anger, helplessness and anxiety among people. 

The events and the open questions

Kathmandu political demonstration (March 28)

On the call of the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), a rally and a janasabha (public gathering) were called at Tinkune, Kathmandu on March 28. Over the last few years, the RPP, the fourth-largest party in the 2022 elections, has been raising voices occasionally for the return of the constitutional monarchy and Hindu Rastra. However, in an unusual development in 2025, former king Gyanendra Shah and former crown princess Himani Shah were suddenly active on social media with their appeal to 30m Nepalis to rebuild the nation, restore governance and uphold Nepal first. Since his dethronement in 2008, the former king had rarely spoken on the national agenda in public and was mostly seen during festivities or public appearances. The change since Feb 2025 was more visible. In hindsight, one can say it was more of form than substance. However, RPP, with the former king’s tacit support, announced a movement to bring back monarchy and Hindu state. Whether this movement will sustain, only time will tell. 

The March 28 events turned out to be ugly and violent and the RPP Janasabha could barely take-off. It has been reported in the media that the crowds went unruly, a section turned into mobs, and the state police had to resort to the use of force and ammunition. Social media posts were full of videos and accounts of violence and injuries. However, the veracity of these videos and claims had to be independently verified. Despite an outcry, the public appeared to be divided on the need for an independent investigation. In a nutshell, the country was divided into multiple identities to counter or defend the events and outcome of March 28. It wasn’t clear what the insecurity was all about. It may be time to conclude that signs of one Nepali against another Nepali’s identity were emerging.

Sadly, the events of March 28 culminated in media and government prejudging, and, without independent and fair investigation, affixing responsibility for violence and vandalism on the former king. 

The number of police personnel deployed, and the amount of arms and ammunition used did not meet a normal eye. What was the real motive behind heavy deployment? 

The question that remains unanswered to date is—does the change in political order, going back to constitutional monarchy bring newer experienced leaders who will uphold national interest and ensure ethics in politics? Or would the same parliamentarians be back in the system? 

Parsa–Birgunj Hanuman Jayanti (April 12)

On April 12, Hindu devotees gathered for Hanuman Jayanti Shobha Yatra (Hindu procession with deity) in Birgunj. The city echoed with spiritual bhajans and rejoicing devotees could be seen on the streets. Eminent persons from society, including the chief district officer and senior police officers joined the Shobha Yatra. Shops, houses, and every nook and corner of the city was decorated. But once the procession reached Idhgah Chowk in the Chappakiya locality, a Muslime neighborhood, they came under a heavy attack. Stones were pelted, injuring several devotees and a senior police officer. Stone pelting from the rooftop of the mosque and neighbouring Muslim houses continued. Hindu devotees retaliated and ran for safety. In a matter of hours, the auspicious and joyous atmosphere turned violent and was given the coverage as clashes between two ideologies followed by curfew orders. Many locals in Birgunj asked when Hindu leaders organize the Iftar for Muslim leaders, why is there no stone pelting on the Iftar celebrations? In one news report, it was said that during the winter, the city mayor had donated warm heaters to mosques, but there was no stone pelting by Muslim youths on the mayor at that time. In one of the videos on social media, an old Muslim resident from Chhapakiya can be seen saying that Hindu processions shouldn’t pass through Muslim-dominant areas. Ironically, Hindus say they have never resorted to such exclusions when the Muslim Daah festival takes on streets. One person remarked, “Has there been any curfew during the Daah? If not, then why does no one speak for Hindus in their land?”

Conclusion

Identity is a fact that doesn’t need a conclusion. Being proud of the civilizational Sanatan identity does not in any way diminish the coexistence of multi-ethnic and multi-religious society of Nepal. Also, the choice of any political system, a democratic republic / Hindu Rashtra / Constitutional Monarchy should also not inhibit dialogue or community conversations. Social cohesiveness enables dialogue and resolution. However, social cohesiveness flows from being proud of one’s roots. The lines of insecurity disappear with openness to hear others’ views and opinions. 

Last but not the least, preserving democracy does not mean abuse of power, misuse of the State’s institutions, laws and regulations to curb dissent or voice of opposition and sending opposition leaders to prison. Currently, Nepal’s two-thirds majority government with the two leading political parties of the 2022 General Elections is running more as political parties than a government. Political polarization has snatched a Nepali identity from a national. They are so polarized and regrettably myopic that the country is running with diffused lines of identity, no long term vision of national priorities and fragile national security. The global powers know very well the strategic importance of the Himalayan state but the Nepali leadership and civil society have lost interest in  safeguarding “Asal Nepal”.

In the meanwhile, if nothing changes, the national leaders will run the country effectively with misgovernment while the foreign powers will contest their dirty games in Nepal.

The author is a financial, security and geopolitical analyst

For a long time, I kept seeing this short phrase—TL;DR—and honestly, I thought it was some kind of mistake. I would read detailed posts, spend time with the content and at the bottom of the text, I would see this strange combination of letters. For days, I ignored it, thinking it was a typo or an inside joke. One day, though, I got curious and decided to check it out. I asked, “What does this mean?”

It stood for “Too Long; Didn’t Read”, I found out.

I smiled. At first, it was a little funny. I had been spending time with the content, reading carefully, only to find that others were saying, “This is too much. Just give me the short version.” But as I thought about it more deeply, I realized that this phrase—TL;DR—is not just a shortcut. It’s a reflection of how people think and process information today.

As someone who values technology, this is not a criticism of the tools themselves. Digital tools are powerful, they connect us, give instant access to knowledge and open new ways of learning. Technology has brought great convenience. We can access information easily, read articles, watch tutorials and learn new ideas from our devices. But as we use these tools, we must not lose the older, slower ways of thinking. Reading carefully, reflecting slowly and spending time with ideas without rushing used to be normal. There is a kind of wisdom that only comes with patience—allowing ourselves to sit with complex thoughts and reflect deeply. It’s a process that can’t be rushed. Ideas shape us when we truly engage with them, not when we skim quickly.

Deep learning is not just about collecting information. It’s about thinking carefully, challenging ourselves and reflecting. When we always look for shortcuts and quick answers, we risk missing the real depth that leads to true understanding. This connects with something Jonathan Haidt discusses in The Anxious Generation. Haidt mainly talks about how constant digital distractions hurt the mental health of young people. But the problem is bigger. Haidt describes how our attention has become fragmented. We are constantly interrupted, scrolling from one thing to another. It’s hard to stay focused for long. This doesn’t affect only young people—it affects all of us.

As a teacher, I see this every day. Students often ask for the main point, the takeaway, the summary. They want quick answers. I understand why—life moves fast, and there is too much information. But when we prioritize speed over depth, something important is lost. Quick answers can be helpful, but they do not build real understanding. Heidegger’s idea of “enframing” (or Gestell) helps explain why this happens. According to Heidegger, modern technology doesn’t just help us—it shapes how we see the world. Instead of engaging with the world, we start treating everything, including ourselves, as resources to be optimized and quickly understood. This mindset can be useful, but it also makes it harder to see the full complexity of life. Even knowledge becomes something we just consume, not something we live with.

So, when we say “Too Long; Didn’t Read,” what are we really saying? Maybe it’s not just that something is too long. Maybe we feel we don’t have the time or the focus to deal with complexity. It shows how we have become used to simple, easy answers. But life—and important ideas—are rarely simple. Our relationships, our ethics, our emotions, and our understanding of truth cannot be reduced to a few sentences. The most important parts of life—grief, love, beauty, truth—unfold slowly, and require time and reflection.

When I first learned what TL;DR stood for, it reminded me of something bigger. Are we, in our rush for quick answers, losing the ability to stay with deep thoughts and ideas? Are we trading depth for speed? Are we forgetting that the most important things cannot be captured in a quick summary? Now, whenever I see TL;DR, I feel a little conflicted. It’s helpful, of course, especially when life is busy. But it’s also a small reminder: “You might be missing something important. Something that doesn’t fit into a summary.” It reminds me that not everything in life should be shortened. Some truths demand that we slow down and stay with them. We can use digital tools to help our thinking, but we must not let them replace deep, reflective learning. We can enjoy the benefits of speed, but we must also protect the practices of slow, careful thought. Some things in life simply cannot be captured in a summary. Some truths need us to take our time. 

In the teachings of Advaita Vedanta, the importance of deep focus is central. True understanding is not something we can quickly consume or grasp with speed; it demands sustained attention, contemplation, and patience. Meditation, or dhyana, is not limited to sitting in a monastery or retreat; it is about cultivating focused awareness in our everyday lives. Real insight arises not through shortcuts, but through steady engagement, allowing the mind to become still, open and deeply attentive. As we navigate the complexities of life and knowledge, we must remember that quick answers and summaries may offer convenience, but true insight comes through concentration, reflection and the willingness to sit with complexity. The most important aspects of life, whether it’s love, truth or wisdom, unfold only when we give them the attention and time they deserve.

In the rush of the modern world, let us not forget that some things cannot be reduced to a soundbite. As Advaita Vedanta teaches, the deeper truth is often revealed only when we are willing to look beyond the surface and focus with patience. We can use digital tools to enhance our learning, but we must also protect the practices of deep, reflective thought. Some truths require us to take our time and, in doing so, we connect not just with knowledge—but with something greater.