Submit your Article

As we say goodbye to 2025, we commemorate the 70th anniversary of China-Nepal diplomatic relations. Looking forward to 2026, the two neighboring countries linked by mountains and rivers will enhance meaningful engagement based on mutual trust and mutual benefit. 

Nepal and China share not just borders, also friendship for ages and aspirations for shared prosperity. The bilateral relationship, formally established on 1 Aug 1955, represents a model of neighborly diplomacy founded on principles of mutual respect and sovereignty. It has evolved from initial ties and fortification of friendship in the 1950s to 1970s to enhanced engagement in the 1980s and 1990s. The first two decades of this century saw a pragmatic expansion, culminating in a significant strategic elevation in 2019. A landmark visit by Chinese President Xi Jinping to Nepal that year underscored this evolution, resulting in the designation of bilateral relationship as a “Strategic Partnership of Cooperation for Everlasting Friendship and Development,” marking bilateral relations as mature and dynamic.

At the turn of history to the future, 2026 is critical for both countries domestically and internationally.  The people of Nepal could decide on more sustainable national goals and policies for political stability and prosperity through the 2026 election, which was announced following the GenZ-led mass movement (as defined by the Nepal government). People are expecting a new government responding to public demands for change and fostering federal democracy while enhancing governance and economic development. This year, China also initiated its 15th Five-Year Plan (2026–2030) focused on transitioning to an innovation-led economy and enhancing social welfare. As both nations are developing countries and share an amicable historical ties, they reaffirm not just neighborly relations but a dedicated partnership towards a shared future, illustrating a commitment to mutual prosperity and stability.

China’s stance of sovereign equality and non-interference in Nepal’s domestic politics has strengthened the relationship, while Nepal has continuously adhered to the One-China principle. The economic links, which date back to the ancient Silk Road, were institutionalized with the 1956 Economic Aid Treaty and continue under the Framework Agreements for Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) collaboration. BRI collaboration intends to meet Nepal’s development needs, particularly in infrastructure, energy, transportation, tourism, and the digital sector. In recent years, China has emerged as Nepal’s primary source of foreign direct investment (FDI) and commercial partner, with bilateral trade expected to reach $2.16bn by 2024-2025 fiscal year. This demonstrates our growing interdependence and mutual cooperation for the benefit of the people in our respective countries.

In light of these significant developments, Nepal is encouraged to identify its national objectives, policies, and also policies regarding relationships with neighbors and friends. China, an all-weather friend of Nepal, is ready to support Nepal’s journey toward political stability and prosperity. Chinese President Xi Jinping has highlighted a Chinese belief system that is consistent with the Chinese government’s policy motto, ‘common prosperity’, which holds that the countries of a region should work together for common development and common prosperity. 

We believe that if a country desires for stability and prosperity, no nation can continue to experiment with politics every other decade. Therefore, 2026 should be a pivotal year for Nepal to concretize its sustainable national goals, governance model, and implementable policies that can address the aspirations of the people of all generations in the country. Once Nepal determines its objectives and policies, neighbors like China could be sources to help the nation achieve these goals while respecting political independence. The tie between China and Nepal, established over seven decades ago, underscores a commitment to shared goals and mutual progress between the two nations. As a neighbor, we are seeing silver linings in the existing political clouds in Nepal. 

The author is head of Center for Nepal Studies at East China University of Technology, Jiangxi China

The Election Commission (EC) has stated that a trustworthy security environment for the upcoming House of Representatives (HoR) polls will be created for the political parties, candidates, and voters alike.

EC Spokesperson Narayan Prasad Bhattarai said that a robust security situation would be ensured for the political parties and candidates to visit the voters for the election campaigns and for the voters to cast their votes.

Spokesperson Bhattarai made it clear that all four security agencies were working in a coordinated fashion as per the integrated security planning and the government was also providing resources for the polls. 

The political parties, candidates, and campaigners enjoy the situation to visit the voters and take their views to the people in a fearless manner, he added.

The Election Commission has brought activities in the social networking platforms under the purview of the code of conduct with the aim of making the March 5 elections to the House of Representatives free and fair.

According to the Commission, the code of conduct prohibits anyone from operating an account in social networking platforms or opening a fake site with the intention of adversely affecting the elections. 

The code of conduct prohibits any act of belittling or spreading misinformation in social networking platforms with or without the use of Artificial Intelligence (AI). Similarly, the code of conduct prohibits the dissemination of misleading information, insults, and hate speech, or the making misleading comments.

Similarly, information or material published or broadcast for any purpose may not be modified or posted, reposted, commented on, live-streamed, tagged or mentioned in social media, with or without the use of artificial intelligence, with the intention of influencing the election.

The code of conduct prohibits any act that adversely affects the credibility of the elections or the reputation of the Commission, Commissioner or its employees. 

It also prohibits character assassination, personal defamation, or the production of similar materials in any form, and the publication or broadcast of such materials by any means.

It also prohibits the violation of the confidentiality of voters or any other act that affects the integrity or impartiality of the election. 

The Commission is preparing to implement the code of conduct from January 17.

Nepali Congress (NC), Nepal’s oldest democratic party, is witnessing one of its most consequential internal challenges. Youth leaders Gagan Kumar Thapa and Bishwo Prakash Sharma have launched an open revolt against the party’s entrenched leadership by calling a special general convention—a move that could fundamentally reshape the party’s future.

The convention, scheduled for January 11–12 in Kathmandu, comes at a politically sensitive moment, when the country is immersed in election preparations. For decades, the party’s senior leadership—many of whom have alternated between power and opposition since 1990—has dominated decision-making and is often accused of organizational inertia, factionalism, and resistance to reform. Thapa and Sharma argue that without urgent structural and leadership change, the Nepali Congress risks irrelevance, particularly among young voters.

The immediate trigger for this assertive move lies in the September 8–9 Gen Z–led protests, which exposed a deepening generational disconnect between political parties and Nepal’s youth. Since those protests, Thapa has consistently argued that contesting elections under the same leadership and organizational framework would amount to political self-sabotage. According to him, symbolic gestures are no longer sufficient; only radical internal reform can restore public confidence.

Unsurprisingly, the party establishment—led by Party President Sher Bahadur Deuba—has strongly opposed the convention, even though he has already stated that he will not contest the party leadership again. Deuba appears to have forgotten that, as a youth leader, he himself had revolted against the party leadership two decades ago. Deuba and his allies, who have steered the party through multiple governments and internal power struggles, view the move as destabilizing and ill-timed, arguing that this is a moment to focus on election preparations rather than internal conventions.

However, the youth faction remains defiant, framing the convention as a legitimate intra-party democratic exercise rather than a futile gathering. Whether the convention will immediately displace Deuba and other senior office-bearers remains uncertain. Leaders close to Thapa suggest that if the establishment faction engages constructively, the youth leaders may defer leadership change until the party’s regular general convention after the elections. If resistance continues, however, the special convention could be empowered to take decisions even on leadership restructuring.

Crucially, the youth faction holds a strong legal footing. According to the Nepali Congress statute, a special general convention must be convened if 40 percent of elected general convention representatives demand it. Thapa’s camp has already secured the signatures of 54 percent of representatives—a figure expected to rise further before January 11—making the convention difficult to block without risking internal rupture.

If the convention proceeds and the party remains united, the Nepali Congress could experience its most significant generational shift in decades. Such a transformation could also help the party reconnect with Gen Z voters, many of whom are openly demanding leadership change across major political parties. Party insiders say the convention could mark the birth of a “new Nepali Congress”—more responsive, inclusive, and future-oriented.

Interestingly, cracks are already appearing within the establishment camp. Several senior leaders aligned with Deuba have begun expressing support for the special general convention, sensing the changing political mood. However, Shekhar Koirala, another senior leader and a declared contender for the party presidency, finds himself in an awkward position. While positioning himself as an alternative to Deuba, Koirala has yet to clarify his stance on the special general convention—an ambiguity that could weaken his claim to lead a reformist charge. As Nepal heads toward elections, the unfolding struggle within the Nepali Congress is no longer merely an internal power contest. It has become a broader test of whether one of the country’s most influential parties can reinvent itself—or remain captive to its past.