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With just two and a half months remaining before the March 5 parliamentary elections, political activities across the country have intensified. Prime Minister Sushila Karki has held meetings with leaders of major political parties, including KP Sharma Oli, Sher Bahadur Deuba, and Pushpa Kamal Dahal. Meanwhile, Minister for Communication and Information Technology, Jagadish Kharel, has been visiting party offices and holding discussions with party officials.

In a major political development, Kathmandu Metropolitan City Mayor Balen Shah and Kulman Ghising have joined the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) and signed a triparty agreement with party Chair Rabi Lamichhane and Ghising as Vice-chair. The agreement names Shah as the party’s prime ministerial candidate.

Other political parties, including the CPN-UML, Nepali Congress, Nepal Communist Party, and newly formed parties such as Janadesh Party, Gatisheel Loktantrik Party, and Bibeksheel Loktantrik Party, are also engaged in internal preparations. They have begun allocating candidates for the election and have already submitted closed lists of proportional representation candidates to the Election Commission.

As political parties mobilize their resources and gear up for the March 5 polls, attention has also turned to the Election Commission, the constitutional body responsible for conducting elections in Nepal.

Over the past week, the Election Commission has taken several key steps, including initiating the printing of ballot papers, collecting the closed lists of proportional representation candidates from political parties, determining candidate expenditure limits, establishing the Election Information Dissemination and Coordination Center (EIDC), publishing the voter list, approving a temporary voter list collection program, and issuing the Election Code of Conduct 2025.

The commission has also begun correcting errors in the proportional representation lists submitted by political parties. According to the Election Commission, a closed list of proportional representation candidates has been submitted from 64 political parties to contest the election under 58 election symbols. The closed lists submitted by the political parties between Dec 28 and 29 will be examined until Jan 4.

Following the examination, political parties will be asked to reconcile their lists between Jan 5 and 11. The commission will then verify the revised lists from Jan 12 to 17. The closed lists are scheduled to be published on Jan 18, while the final list will be published on Feb 3.

Meanwhile, the commission has begun printing ballot papers. Proportional representation ballot papers will be printed first, followed by direct ballot papers. Printing is being carried out at the Janak Education Materials Center Limited in Sanothimi, Bhaktapur, with the process having started on Dec 31. The commission plans to print 10 percent additional ballot papers for proportional representation elections, and the process is expected to take 20 to 30 days.

Printing of direct ballot papers will begin after the proportional ballot papers are completed and the final list of candidates is published. As direct ballot papers vary by constituency, they will be printed accordingly.

The final voter list includes citizens who will have reached the age of 18 by March 4. According to the Commission, the list comprises 18,903,689 voters—9,663,358 males, 9,240,131 females, and 200 others. In comparison, the 2022 parliamentary elections had 17,988,570 registered voters. This marks an increase of 915,119 voters, including 522,552 males, 392,552 females, and 15 others.

For the March 5 elections, the Commission has designated 23,112 polling stations across 10,967 polling centers nationwide. This represents an increase of 885 polling stations and 75 polling centers compared to the 2022 elections.

The Election Information Dissemination and Coordination Center has been established at the Commission’s office to strengthen communication with voters, candidates, political parties, and other stakeholders, and to enhance coordination with the media. The aim is to ensure that the House of Representatives elections are conducted in a free, fair, transparent, and credible manner.

The EIDC consists of three coordinated units: the Election Information and Communication Centre (Press Office), the Information Integrity Promotion Unit, and the Digital Voter Education Unit.

Acting Chief Election Commissioner Ram Prasad Bhandari said that effective dissemination of factual and official information is essential to ensuring credible elections. He expressed confidence that the EIDC would help counter misinformation, disinformation, propaganda, and hate speech on social media during the election period. He also urged the media to uphold principles of self-regulation and responsible reporting.

Bhandari said the Commission has made necessary preparations to promptly remove misleading, rumor-based, and false information, including AI-generated deepfake content, circulating on social and digital media. He added that coordination has been established with social media platforms such as Meta, TikTok, and X to address such content and take action against individuals or organizations violating the law.

The Commission will also conduct a content analysis through an expert group to assess media coverage of election-related information, representation of political parties and candidates, portrayal of gender and geographic issues, and dissemination of voter education materials. The findings will be used to inform the Commission’s decision-making process.

Meanwhile, the Election Commission has approved a temporary voter list collection program covering government employees, security personnel stationed in barracks, detainees and prisoners, residents of government-run old-age homes, and office-bearers of constitutional bodies whose names are included in the final voter list.

The Election Code of Conduct 2025 has also been approved, expanding provisions related to social media use, introducing measures for green elections, and incorporating new topics such as party manifestos. The code prohibits the dissemination of false or misleading information, operation of fake accounts or websites, and publication of defamatory or personally insulting content. While political parties and candidates may promote their agendas through official or personal social media accounts, the Commission has urged them to do so in a dignified and systematic manner.

The code further prohibits the wearing or carrying of election-related symbols, logos, or clothing during campaign activities. Political parties, candidates, and their affiliated organizations have been urged to conduct rallies, meetings, and campaign events in a disciplined and civilized manner, using only approved party flags and symbols in permitted sizes and numbers.

In cases of code violations, the Commission has stated it will take action based on the nature and severity of the offense, ranging from public warnings and fines to legal penalties, including the cancellation of candidacies. Monitoring mechanisms will be active from the central to district levels to ensure compliance.

Furthermore, the Election Commission has published the maximum spending limits for candidates contesting under the first-past-the-post system and for political parties contesting under the proportional representation system. The commission has directed candidates to open a separate account at a bank or financial institution for election-related expenses and to conduct all spending through that account. Candidates are also required to designate a responsible person to incur expenses on their behalf and to inform the Election Officer’s Office and the relevant Provincial or District Election Office of the designated person’s details.

The commission has further directed that candidates must remain within the prescribed spending limits and submit detailed statements of election-related income and expenditure—either personally or through an authorised representative—to the concerned Provincial or District Election Office within 35 days of the declaration of election results. Political parties and candidates are also required to make public the details of income and expenditure incurred during election campaigning for the information of all concerned.

The maximum spending limit has been set at Rs 2.5m for five constituencies, Rs 2.7m for 17 constituencies, Rs 2.9m for 65 constituencies, Rs 3.1m for 52 constituencies, and Rs 3.3m for 26 constituencies.

Emphasizing that credible elections require strict adherence to the code of conduct, the Commission has called for collective commitment from political parties, candidates, media, and stakeholders to ensure a clean, free, impartial, fear-free, and economical election, contributing to democratic strengthening and good governance in the country.

Many Nepalis have welcomed the alliance between Balen Shah and Rabi Lamichhane as a sign of hope ahead of the upcoming election. For supporters, this partnership represents a break from failed politics and a promise of economic prosperity. In a country where economic development has long dominated political speeches, such optimism is understandable. Yet history urges caution. For decades, Nepali political leaders have placed economic growth at the center of their agendas while repeatedly failing to deliver lasting results. After the political transformation of the 1990s, the Nepali Congress introduced major economic reforms that initially showed promise. 

However, these gains were undermined by corruption, internal power struggles and a deep leadership crisis. Democracy cannot function without transparency, accountability and shared ownership of leadership—principles the party ultimately failed to uphold.

The Nepal Communist Party performed no better. Instead of acting as a constructive and intellectually vibrant opposition, it focused on destabilizing the government through obstruction and political chaos. This failure of leadership and vision helped create the conditions for the Maoist insurgency, which pushed Nepal back by an entire generation in both education and economic development. The insurgency led to another historic transformation: the end of the Shah dynasty and the establishment of a federal republic. While this shift reshaped the state, it did not bring political stability or economic security. Years later, Nepal remains politically fragile, with no clear path toward sustained prosperity.

It is within this environment of frustration that Shah and Lamichhane have gained popularity. Shah presents himself as a voice of a new generation, while Lamichhane entered politics as a media-driven populist figure. Their alliance challenges traditional parties that many citizens view as corrupt and ineffective. However, rejecting the old guard is not the same as offering a viable alternative. To date, the alliance has failed to present a serious, long-term economic plan. Instead, it relies on emotional appeals, vague promises and blaming existing political institutions for Nepal’s failures. Populist energy may mobilize voters, but without concrete policies and realistic strategies, it risks repeating the same cycle of disappointment.

Nepal does not suffer from a shortage of political slogans or self-proclaimed saviors. What it lacks is leadership grounded in responsibility, institutional respect and a credible economic vision. If new political forces hope to earn lasting public trust, they must move beyond protest politics and offer solutions that are practical, inclusive and sustainable. Without this shift, today’s hope may become tomorrow’s regret.

I offer my best wishes to the new alliance and would genuinely welcome being proven wrong. Still, I remain doubtful that it can fulfill the high expectations of the Nepali people. One major concern is the lack of clarity and consistency in its economic vision. The alliance appears to hold conflicting economic ideas, leaving voters uncertain about the policies it intends to pursue. This confusion is reflected in the silence and shifting positions of key figures. For example, Swarnim Wagle, a respected political leader and economist who has long advocated a market-based economy, has recently aligned himself with populist socialist rhetoric. In today’s global system, which largely operates on capital-driven economic principles, Nepal, already a poor and fragile economy, cannot afford ideological ambiguity. Attempting to balance socialism and market economics simultaneously is like standing with one foot in each boat; it leads nowhere. Without a clear economic direction, meaningful development is unlikely.

Even more troubling is the absence of a clear political or economic agenda from Shah himself. So far, the public has heard little about his long-term policy vision. This silence is risky. Leadership without clarity creates uncertainty, inconsistency and ultimately public disappointment.

The Rabi–Balen alliance also appears to be driven largely by political elites. It has failed to meaningfully include women, Dalits, and working- or middle-class citizens in its leadership and campaign strategy. A closer look at its top figures shows that most come from privileged economic, academic and social backgrounds. Decision-making remains highly centralized, with little attention given to grassroots leadership. In a country as diverse as Nepal, shaped by geography, caste, ethnicity and religion, inclusion is not optional; it is essential. By sidelining this principle and focusing primarily on power acquisition, the alliance risks deepening existing social divisions. Even if it were to secure a majority, elite-driven populism is unlikely to deliver lasting peace or prosperity.

Another serious concern is the alliance’s apparent lack of respect for democratic institutions. While it is true that many Nepali institutions are inefficient and in need of reform, dismissing or attacking them outright is dangerous. Institutions are not merely part of the problem; they are also part of the solution. Shah has repeatedly challenged federal government agencies through confrontational rhetoric and political theatrics. As for Lamichhane, he entered politics by attacking institutions and political actors, often using polarizing narratives. When political leaders openly undermine institutions, democratic foundations weaken further. Many scholars agree that Nepal’s democracy has become fragile largely because of institutional decay, not despite it.

Despite these concerns, there remains a narrow space for cautious optimism. Critics argue that this alliance poses a serious challenge to established political parties, forcing them to reflect, reform and perform better. It has also succeeded in mobilizing young people and drawing them into political campaigns. Youth engagement, if channeled responsibly, can generate peaceful momentum for change and strengthen democratic competition.

If the alliance achieves a significant electoral victory, it may offer Nepal a valuable test case, an opportunity to evaluate new political actors while pushing traditional parties to prepare more seriously for the future. However, meaningful progress will not come from quick fixes or political shortcuts. Scholars consistently remind us that sustainable change is slow, deliberate, and institutionally grounded.

Nepal’s future depends on whether its political actors, old and new, can move beyond personal ambition and ideological confusion to build a shared vision. What the country truly needs is an ideological consensus and a long-term economic plan capable of delivering real reform. Without this, any alliance, no matter how popular, risks becoming just another chapter in Nepal’s long history of unmet promises.

The author is a PhD student in Public and International Affairs at Virginia Tech. Views are personal

Sixty-four political parties are contesting the House of Representatives election under the proportional representation (PR) system. However, the closed PR candidate lists submitted to the Election Commission (EC) have come under sharp criticism, with many describing them as an assault on the very spirit of proportional representation.

In the past, traditional political parties were widely criticized for nominating family members, relatives, and privileged elites through the PR system. This time, both established and newly formed parties have once again allocated PR seats to individuals who, in one way or another, have enjoyed access to state power over the past four decades.

New and emerging political forces have followed the same pattern. Just three months ago, a youth-led movement against “nepo kids” brought down a powerful government, raising hopes that established parties would reform and that new political actors would break away from this chronic practice. Contrary to those expectations, the PR candidate lists submitted by both old and new parties are now being widely dismissed as “Nepo Lists.”

Nepal adopted a mixed electoral system—first-past-the-post (FPTP) and proportional representation (PR)—to ensure meaningful representation of marginalized and underprivileged groups in Parliament. However, political parties are openly undermining this principle by nominating relatives and wealthy business figures who financially support party activities.

Even new political forces that had promised change have failed to escape criticism. The Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), which has brought together many new and alternative voices, has faced widespread backlash over its PR list. Similarly, Balendra Shah and Ujyaalo Party Nepal, led by Kul Man Ghising, have been accused of favoring relatives in their PR nominations.

Dr Toshima Karki, a senior leader of the RSP, remarked: “The very concept of proportional representation was introduced so that geographically marginalized regions could find space. The list should also include the disadvantaged. The existing PR list has raised serious questions about its legitimacy.”

Several leaders have also accused Kul Man Ghising of effectively selling PR positions in exchange for money. Many Generation Z leaders have echoed these concerns, criticizing new political parties for reproducing the same nepotistic practices they once opposed.

Similar questions surround the major traditional parties—the Nepali Congress (NC), CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Centre). While these parties have introduced some new faces through the PR system compared to the past, the selection of certain candidates has continued to raise concerns. For example, Nepali Congress leader Arjun Nara Singh KC has faced scrutiny for being placed high on the PR list under the Khas-Arya cluster.

Chief Adviser of Bangladesh, Professor Mohammad Yunus, has said that the spirit of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) remains alive, despite the regional bloc’s prolonged inactivity, according to Bangladesh Sangbad Sanstha (BSS).

Yunus made the remarks during separate meetings with high-level delegations from South Asian countries who visited Dhaka to attend the funeral of former Bangladesh Prime Minister Khaleda Zia. He said he was deeply moved by the respect shown by SAARC member states toward the three-time prime minister, who was also the world’s second female Muslim head of government.

“We witnessed a true SAARC spirit at the funeral yesterday. SAARC is still alive. The SAARC spirit is still alive,” Yunus said during his meeting with Maldives Minister of Higher Education and Labour Ali Haider Ahmed, according to BSS.

He echoed similar sentiments in his meeting with Sri Lanka’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Employment and Tourism, Vijitha Herath. “SAARC was in action yesterday. We shared our grief and sorrow together,” Yunus said.

Delegations attending the funeral from SAARC countries included Nepal’s Foreign Minister Bala Nanda Sharma, India’s External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, Maldives Minister Ali Haider Ahmed, and Speaker of Pakistan’s National Assembly Sardar Ayaz.

During the meetings, Yunus repeatedly underscored the need to revive SAARC as a platform for regional cooperation. He also recalled his earlier attempt to convene an informal meeting of SAARC leaders on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly in New York.

“I wanted to hold a get-together among SAARC leaders, even if only for five minutes,” he said, expressing hope that SAARC could be revitalized as a meaningful forum for nearly two billion people in South Asia.

Established in 1985, SAARC was created to promote regional cooperation among South Asian countries. However, the organization has remained largely dysfunctional in recent years, with no summit-level meeting held since 2014. Tensions between key member states, particularly India and Pakistan, have stalled progress and prevented the convening of leaders’ summits.

Despite occasional diplomatic engagements and symbolic gestures, the prospects for the revival of SAARC in the near future remain slim, analysts say. Still, Yunus’s remarks reflect a renewed call for regional unity at a time of shared challenges across South Asia.