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Three days before the March 5 election, I left Hetauda and began a short but revealing journey toward the eastern plains and hills. My purpose was simple: to listen. Over the past few months, I had already been spending long hours in tea shops, buses, and college campuses talking with ordinary people. Those conversations had convinced me that public frustration with traditional political parties had reached an unusual level. Still, I wanted to see whether that sentiment was truly widespread or simply limited to a few urban circles and social media.

So I decided to travel—from the Madhes districts toward Jhapa—to hear directly from voters on the move. The journey began around 10 in the morning in a small tea shop in Hetauda. In front of the shop, a line of microbuses waited to depart, filled with passengers heading back to their home constituencies to vote. Elections in Nepal always bring this familiar movement—students, workers, and migrants returning home to cast their ballots. Curious about the mood, I asked one passenger a simple question: “Which party will you vote for?”

He answered without hesitation: “I will vote for the Ghanti.”

“Ghanti,” the Nepali word for bell, is the election symbol of the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP). Within minutes several others joined the conversation. One after another, they said the same thing—they were voting for “Ghanti.” Interestingly, many of them did not even know the name of the local candidate representing RSP. Their reasoning was straightforward: they wanted to see a new political force rise. For them, supporting the bell symbol represented change.

Some even spoke enthusiastically about wanting to see Kathmandu’s mayor, Balen Shah, take on a national leadership role someday. After spending some time there, I continued my journey toward the Madhes districts. Along the highway I stopped at several small tea shops—those familiar roadside gathering points where farmers, drivers, students, and shopkeepers debate everything from local politics to international affairs.

What struck me most during these conversations was not just the curiosity about a new party, but the depth of fatigue with the old ones. In district after district, people spoke about wanting to give someone new a chance. In Sarlahi, I met an 85-year-old man sitting quietly in a tea shop courtyard. When I asked about his voting preference, he smiled and said he would vote for the new party. “I have given many chances to the old parties,” he said calmly. “This time I want to give someone new an opportunity.”

His words captured a sentiment I had heard repeatedly during the journey—not simply anger, but exhaustion. Many voters were not necessarily hostile toward the traditional parties; they simply felt those parties had already been tested many times and had failed to deliver the change people had hoped for.

As my journey continued eastward, I eventually reached Jhapa. In Jhapa-5, I stopped at a small haircut salon. While waiting, I asked the barber about the local election atmosphere. He told me he was originally from Morang-3 and was preparing to travel there to vote. “Over the past two months,” he said, “almost everyone who came here said they would vote for the new party this time.”

A day before the election, I walked through several areas considered strongholds of traditional political parties. Normally such areas are filled with party flags and banners during campaign season. This time the visual landscape looked different. The flags of the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML were surprisingly rare. Instead, the bell symbol associated with RSP appeared frequently across houses, shops, and roadside poles.

It was difficult to determine whether this reflected stronger grassroots enthusiasm or simply more visible campaigning. But compared to previous elections, the difference was striking. During my stay in Jhapa-5, I also had the opportunity to share tea with several families. One particular conversation revealed a generational divide I had been noticing across the country. In a family of three—a father, mother, and a 21-year-old college student—the son passionately argued that the family should support the new political party. The father, a long-time supporter of UML, was hesitant to abandon the party he had supported for decades.

The mother eventually suggested a compromise: one vote for Balen and another for UML. Similar conversations seemed to be unfolding in many households. Younger voters were strongly pushing for new political alternatives, while older family members remained emotionally tied to the parties that had shaped Nepal’s political history.

In another home nearby, a father tried to persuade his daughter to remain loyal to the party he had supported all his life. She listened respectfully but appeared unconvinced. These quiet debates inside homes reflected something deeper: Nepal’s political loyalties were slowly shifting.

Throughout Jhapa I also met several committed party supporters of CPN-UML who openly expressed frustration with their own leadership. Some longtime party cadres complained about internal factionalism, leadership styles, and the growing distance between senior leaders and ordinary supporters.

By the end of the day, after nearly four hours of conversations across tea shops, homes, and small businesses, one impression stood out clearly: voters were eager for change, though not necessarily united behind a single political alternative. Later that evening, back at the hotel, the staff were packing their bags to return home to vote. I casually asked them about their preferences.

They laughed. “Dai, do you still have confusion?” one of them said. “Of course we are voting for the bell.” The next morning, before voting officially began, I visited a polling station near the hotel. Around nine o’clock, an energetic elderly man—well into his seventies—walked out after casting his ballot.

When I asked him about the atmosphere inside, he confidently replied that many voters there seemed to be choosing the bell symbol. Throughout the day I visited several polling stations. While it is impossible to know exactly how people vote inside the booth, the conversations outside suggested that many voters were reconsidering long-standing party loyalties.

The reasons behind this shift appeared consistent across districts. People repeatedly spoke about corruption scandals, dissatisfaction with governance, lack of job opportunities, and the painful reality of watching young people leave the country in search of work. Among these concerns, employment stood out as the most urgent.

At the same time, voters did not express blind trust in the new political actors either. What they demanded most was accountability—clear answers, transparent leadership, and tangible results rather than speeches. By the time I completed my journey from the Madhes districts to Jhapa, one conclusion seemed unavoidable: the psychological environment of this election felt different from previous ones.

Now the election results are out. As anticipated, the Rastriya Swatantra Party has secured nearly a two-thirds majority in the 275-member House of Representatives, and Balendra Shah is poised to become the next prime minister.

The conversations I heard along the road help explain why. Across tea shops, buses, salons, and family kitchens, people repeatedly spoke about their exhaustion with traditional political parties. Many felt those parties had dominated politics for decades but had failed to deliver the jobs, governance, and opportunities citizens expected.

Yet the mood was not defined by frustration alone. It was also filled with hope. People now expect the new government to control corruption, create employment, strengthen governance, and restore a sense of trust between citizens and the state.

Whether those expectations can be fulfilled remains to be seen. But one thing is already clear. Across the country—from the plains of the Madhes to the eastern towns of Jhapa—citizens are questioning old loyalties, debating politics more openly, and demanding greater accountability from those who seek to represent them.

The External Affairs Ministry of India has stated that India and Nepal have a unique and multifaceted partnership.

Responding to the query of a journalist at a weekly press briefing, External Affairs Ministry spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said that the partnership between India and Nepal will continue to gain momentum in the coming days.

He said that the Indian government will work closely with the new government of Nepal.

Saying that Prime Minister Narendra Modi had a telephone conversation with Rastriya Swatantra Party President Rabi Lamichhane and senior leader Balendra Shah, Jaiswal stated that India wants common peace, progress, and prosperity.

“We have welcomed the successful conclusion of the elections in Nepal. Our Prime Minister has also congratulated the Rastriya Swatantra Party for its remarkable success in the elections through telephone,” he said, adding, “The Prime Minister has stated that India, as a close friend and neighbor, is always committed to working with the people and the new government of Nepal.”

The counting of votes under the proportional representation system for the House of Representatives (HoR) election, which took place on March 5, has been finalized.

With the recent completion of vote counting in Gorkha 1 and Ilam 1, the overall counting for proportional representation has also concluded, said Kul Bahadur GC, Assistant Spokesperson of the Election Commission. 

He noted that the process of gathering details from the relevant election officer's office to the commission is still in progress following the completion of the counting. 

Now that the vote counting for proportional representation is done, the commission has initiated the groundwork to determine the allocation of seats for political parties under this system. 

Reports indicate that this process is expected to wrap up in a few days. 

In the meantime, the Election Commission has reported that by 11 am today, a total of 10,739,115 votes have been counted for the proportional election. Among these votes, the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) is leading with 5,139,235 votes. 

The Nepali Congress has garnered 1,749,583 votes, while the CPN-UML has received 1,448,854 votes. The Nepali Communist Party has 805,773 votes, the Shram Sanskriti Party has 378,649 votes, and the Rastriya Prajatantra Party has 329,472 votes. 

Other parties have not managed to meet the required threshold of three percent of the total valid votes cast under the PR system as per the prevailing law.

Barring any dramatic political developments, Balendra Shah is poised to become Nepal’s next prime minister  following the strong electoral performance of the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) in the March 5 election for the House of Representatives.

RSP Chairman Rabi Lamichhane and senior leader Shah have already begun receiving congratulatory messages from the international community after the party emerged as the largest force in parliament. 

Despite their rapid political rise, however, both leaders remain relatively inexperienced in the realm of foreign policy and international relations. 

Over the past three decades, a number of leaders have engaged with these countries, and vice versa. However, under Balen’s leadership, the situation will be entirely new. Aside from existing institutional memory, bilateral issues will be discussed afresh. 

Shah served as mayor of Kathmandu Metropolitan City for three years but engaged with the international community only in a limited capacity. During his tenure, he avoided several official visits to major countries and showed little interest in expanding international ties. Some of his remarks and decisions related to foreign countries also stirred controversy.

Lamichhane briefly headed the Ministry of Home Affairs, a role that gave him opportunities to meet foreign diplomats and visiting delegations in Kathmandu, providing him with some exposure to the concerns of major powers.

Although both leaders have spoken little about Nepal’s foreign policy, the RSP election manifesto offers clues about the priorities of a potential Shah-led government. The party advocates what it calls “balanced and dynamic diplomacy,” aiming to transform Nepal from a traditional buffer state into a “vibrant bridge” between its two giant neighbors — India and China — through strategic partnerships, connectivity and development cooperation. The party has also emphasized leveraging the economic rise of India and China to accelerate Nepal’s development.

 In the past three years, Shishir Khanal, who headed the party’s international department, often spoke publicly on foreign policy issues on behalf of the RSP. In talks with representatives of foreign countries, Khanal states that his party’s key priorities are good governance and economic prosperity, and that any dialogue with other countries should be based on these agenda.

During the same period, Swarnim Wagle, an RSP lawmaker, also commented frequently on foreign policy matters and is therefore likely to play a key role in shaping the foreign policy direction of the incoming government. For years, Wagle has argued that Nepal must better understand the aspirations and concerns of rising powers such as India and China. “Rising powers have legitimate interests and aspirations, and they also have certain red lines which we must understand,” Wagle has said in the past.

In a recent post on X following a phone conversation with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Lamichhane said the RSP-led government would prioritize development diplomacy. This suggests that Nepal’s primary engagement with major powers would focus on economic collaboration rather than broader strategic issues.

“We look forward to a partnership with India that scales new heights through cooperation in connectivity, cultural tourism, energy and trade, ensuring a prosperous future for the people of both countries,” Lamichhane wrote. Modi, in the same conversation, reaffirmed India’s commitment to working with Nepal’s incoming government on “mutual prosperity, progress and well-being.” He expressed confidence that bilateral ties would scale new heights in the coming years.

However, contentious issues such as the boundary dispute and the 1950 India-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship are likely to resurface when Shah eventually visits New Delhi.  In his role as the mayor of Kathmandu Metropolitan City, he raised the issue regarding the map.  As in the past, the new government may face domestic pressure to raise these matters with India. Relations with New Delhi remain crucial for Nepal’s domestic political and economic stability. 

The United States also congratulated the Nepali people for holding the election and said it looked forward to working with the incoming government on the shared goals of prosperity and security. The reference to “security” has sparked debate within Nepal’s political and security circles. Washington appears eager to begin a new chapter in bilateral relations with a government led by younger leaders who are exposed to western values and culture. 

Ahead of the election, Samuel J. Paparo, commander of the United States Indo-Pacific Command, visited Nepal and praised the country’s role in promoting regional stability, disaster preparedness and peacekeeping. Meanwhile, Bill Huizenga, chairman of the US House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on South and Central Asia, said recent elections in Nepal and Bangladesh present new opportunities for US engagement in South Asia.

At a congressional hearing on US policy in the region, Huizenga described South and Central Asia as a dynamic region where young populations are increasingly drawn to Western cultures and values. For the administration of Joe Biden, trade and security remain key priorities.

Following the 2025 September Gen Z movement that triggered the political upheaval, China initially remained largely silent. However, with the arrival of a new ambassador in Kathmandu, Beijing has become more vocal. China also congratulated Nepal on successfully conducting the election. 

Speaking at a press briefing on March 6, Mao Ning, spokesperson for China’s Foreign Ministry, said Beijing valued its traditionally friendly ties with Nepal and looked forward to strengthening the strategic partnership between the two countries. China’s key priorities include implementing agreements reached during Chinese President Xi Jinping’s 2019 visit to Nepal and advancing projects under the Belt and Road Initiative.

Although RSP leaders historically had limited engagement with major powers, international outreach toward the party increased after it emerged as the fourth-largest party in the 2022 general election. Senior RSP leaders have since visited India and held meetings with leaders of the Bharatiya Janata Party and Indian government officials.

China has also cultivated contacts with RSP leaders. In 2024, a 14-member delegation led by Wagle visited China but cut short the trip following Lamichhane’s arrest. Another senior RSP figure, Indira Rana, the former deputy speaker of the now-dissolved House of Representatives, frequently traveled to China and participated in programs organized by the Chinese embassy in Kathmandu.

As Nepal prepares for a possible political transition under a new generation of leaders, the coming months will test how the RSP balances relations with global and regional powers while pursuing its vision of development-driven diplomacy.