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Nepal is currently steering toward a definitive realignment, characterized by the collapse of traditional partisan fealty and the emergence of a meritocratic mandate. The ‘GenZ Uprising’ and the subsequent dismantling of Sher Bahadur Deuba’s hegemony signify a profound repudiation of a legacy marred by administrative ineptitude and strategic stagnation. Deuba’s political career, alongside the populist rhetoric of KP Sharma Oli and the ideological volatility of Pushpa Kamal Dahal, serves as a cautionary tale of prioritizing personal survival over the foundational democratic and governance values. 

The ascension of Gagan Kumar Thapa signifies a profound generational shift toward results-oriented pragmatism, marking a departure from traditional ideological rigidity. To achieve a similar transformative impact, the communist led by former multiple time prime ministers of Khadka Prasad Sharma Oli and Puspa Kamal Dahal along with others must experience a comparable party avalanche akin to the recent restructuring of the Nepali Congress. However, the March 5 election faces the threat of ‘unholy alliances’ between the entrenched trio of Deuba, Oli, and Dahal, who seek to manipulate the democratic and governance values to preserve their waning influence. 

To counteract this, voters must demand a robust social contract that literalizes ‘Power to the People’ by securing water and energy as the non-negotiable bedrock of national security and economic development. They must critically analyze these recycled agendas and reject any coalition that views vital resources as elective luxuries. This election is a strategic imperative for Nepali citizens to purge the political landscape of institutionalized corruption and to establish a capable governance model of fostering genuine economic dynamism and national sovereignty.

The River Basin Plan 2024

The Water and Energy Commission (WEC) of the Government of Nepal successfully brought to the River Basin Plan 2024 represents a seminal shift in Nepal’s geoeconomic strategy, offering a sophisticated framework for hydrological, terrestrial resource governance and flood control. Rooted principles of  the Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM), the blueprint advocates for a decentralized, multi-scalar river basin governance model across ten major river basins like the Gandaki, Bagmati, Karnali and Koshi. 

By prioritizing multipurpose projects, the plan seeks to harmonize hydroelectric generation, perennial irrigation, and ecological preservation, positioning water security as the primary catalyst for domestic production and a vital antidote to the chronic ‘brain drain’ of overseas migration. However, a critical disconnect persists between this technocratic roadmap and the prevailing orthodox political landscape. Despite the immense potential of fertile, sequestered river valleys such as the Dordhi and Rapti to foster niche agricultural entrepreneurship, these regions remain marginalized by systemic corruption and populist rhetoric. 

Leadership under figures of Puspa Kamal Dahal, Khadka Prasad Sharma Oli and Sher Bahadur Deuba including other incapable former prime ministers have historically substituted substantive policy with strategic stagnation, leaving the nation burdened by debt and governance ineptitude. Established political entities, including the Nepali Congress and various communist blocs, continue to treat energy and water as peripheral commodities rather than the fundamental pillars of economic sovereignty. Ultimately, the active  river basin plans of the WEC success hinges on whether Nepali voters can compel the political class to move beyond ‘recycled dreams’ and embrace this roadmap as a non-negotiable imperative for national resilience.

Imperative of water and energy

Water and power are the fundamental catalysts required to reanimate Nepal’s stagnant economy. As stakeholders in the democratic process, voters must scrutinize party manifestos for concrete economic agendas regarding the water and energy sector. The River Basin Plan of the WEC 2024 provides a comprehensive blueprint for unlocking natural resource potential to catalyze economic transformation. Therefore, voter support must be directed toward candidates who offer pragmatic, realistic policy commitments prioritizing the needs of the populace who have been neglected for over three decades. To date, neither the Nepali Congress nor the various splintered communist factions have demonstrated a serious commitment to converting these resources into genuine economic endeavors.

Economic Implications of the River Basin Plan 2024

The implementation of multipurpose projects at local, provincial, and national levels across the identified river basins offer profound economic opportunities. These projects serve a strategic function: transferring water to agricultural command areas, enhancing environmental services, revitalizing rural and urban economic partnerships by increasing productivity, advancing industrial and ecological balance. Sufficient water infrastructure supports productivity across all social, economic and environmental sectors. 

The River Basin Plan of 2024  projects a capital requirement of $8.8bn for investment and operations, which is estimated to yield $15.7bn in total benefits. Under the strategic river basin plan framework: the Economic Net Present Value is projected to increase from Rs 1,151bn to Rs 1,221bn. Beyond these metrics, integrated water and power projects act as a multiplier for job creation and ‘real sector’ growth, directly elevating household incomes and human development indices, ultimately expanding GDP over $100bn with over $5000 per capita income.

The institutional failures of the power sector

Nepal’s power sector is currently stifled by the structural inefficiencies and monopolistic stagnation of the Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA). Despite extensive government support, the NEA’s gross failure to ensure reliable delivery has forced enterprises into costly diesel-reliance, compromising national economic dynamism. This institutional paralysis is exacerbated by a leadership culture that prioritizes the performative optics of energy exportation and populist media narratives over domestic infrastructure and household energy promotion. 

Furthermore, the NEA exerts a ‘feudal’ dominance over independent power developers, frequently defaulting on grid-connection commitments and imposing restrictive Power Purchase Agreements and power generation to existing projects that jeopardize the sustainability of power projects. Such autocratic behavior necessitates an immediate transition toward an unbundled, decentralized market structure. 

To unlock Nepal’s hydroelectric potential, the upcoming  election must prioritize the establishment of a robust, independent regulatory body capable of enforcing accountability and dismantling entrenched political patronage. The professionalization of energy governance replacing administrative lethargy with meritocratic leadership is the only viable pathway to securing economic sovereignty. By curbing the NEA’s absolute market dominance, Nepal can foster a competitive environment that transforms electricity from a neglected luxury into the fundamental bedrock of industrial prosperity.

The Election Commission has stated that printing and packing of ballot papers for 25 districts for the first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system has been completed. 

According to the information provided by the EC, printing and packing of ballot papers for Dolpa, Mugu, Jumla, Kalikot, Humla, Jajarkot, Dailekh, Rukum West, Salyan, Surkhet, Bajura and Achham has been carried out. 

Similarly, printing and packing of ballots for 25 districts, including Bajhang, Doti, Dadeldhura, Darchula, Baitadi, Kailali, Kanchanpur, Panchthar, Ilam, Tehrathum, Bhojpur, Okhaldhunga, and Sunsari has been completed. 

Printing of ballots for 60 districts has also been completed, but packing is still remaining. 

According to the EC, the printing of ballots has reached its final stage with packing also gradually progressing. 

The printing of ballots is taking place at Janak Education Materials Centre Limited. 

As informed, the printing of ballots for the proportional electoral system has been completed. 

A total of 20,830,000 ballots for the proportional system have been printed, packed, registered, and prepared for delivery. 

Similarly, 20,323,000 ballots need to be printed for the FPTP electoral system. 

The printing of ballots for the FPTP electoral system started on January 30. 

Likewise, 1,098,200 sample ballots have been printed and delivered to various districts, the Commission stated. 

The election government led by Prime Minister Sushila Karki has come under growing criticism for its handling of Nepal’s relations with its immediate neighbors, particularly China. Since the formation of the government following the GenZ movement, Prime Minister Karki and senior officials at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs have repeatedly reaffirmed Nepal’s commitment to the One-China policy. However, these assurances appear to have done little to fully reassure Beijing.

In recent months, China has dispatched a series of official and semi-official teams to Nepal to assess the evolving political situation and its possible implications for bilateral relations. Diplomatic sources in Kathmandu say these visits reflect Beijing’s concerns about political uncertainty following the Sept 8–9 GenZ movement and the direction of Nepal’s new leadership.

Beijing’s unease reportedly deepened after Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama sent a congratulatory message to Prime Minister Karki upon her assumption of office. The message came as a shock to Chinese officials, who subsequently conveyed strong concerns to the Nepali leadership through diplomatic channels. China views any public engagement—direct or indirect—with the Dalai Lama as a sensitive issue, given its longstanding position that he represents separatist activities.

More recently, the visit of Tibetan spiritual leader Jonang Gyletsab Rinpoche to Nepal and the reception accorded to him in Kathmandu has once again raised eyebrows, both in Beijing and within Nepal’s political circles. Although Nepali officials maintain that the visit was religious in nature, critics argue that the government failed to anticipate the diplomatic repercussions.

Vice-chairperson of the CPN-UML, Ram Bahadur Thapa, publicly accused the Karki-led interim government of providing space to what he described as “anti-China activities” on Nepali soil. “The Dalai Lama’s representative came to Nepal and was received with great honor at the airport,” Thapa said, alleging that the government is implicitly protecting elements opposed to China’s core interests.

Foreign policy analyst Rupak Sapkota also points to the shortcomings in the government’s diplomatic approach. According to him, the Karki administration’s “immature handling” of relations with neighboring countries has raised suspicions in Beijing regarding Nepal’s commitment to the One-China policy.

Sapkota is not alone in his assessment. Several observers of Nepal’s foreign and strategic affairs have expressed concern that relations between Kathmandu and Beijing have become strained since the GenZ movement. Beijing reportedly also harbored reservations about the composition of the new cabinet and the broader political team assembled by Prime Minister Karki.

Adding to the diplomatic unease, the Chinese Embassy in Kathmandu remained without an ambassador for over a month after Chen Song was recalled to China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Beijing has now appointed Zhang Maoming, a familiar face in Nepal’s political and diplomatic circles, who is expected to arrive in Kathmandu in the second week of this month. Observers see his appointment as a signal that China intends to recalibrate its engagement with Nepal during a politically sensitive period.

In recent months, multiple Chinese delegations have visited Kathmandu to study the GenZ movement, assess preparations for upcoming elections, and gauge the likely nature of the next government. Notably, Beijing has maintained near silence on the GenZ movement in official statements, and Chinese state media have published far fewer reports and commentaries on Nepal than in the past—an absence that many analysts interpret as cautious watchfulness rather than indifference.

Japanese Prime Minister TAKAICHI Sanae has said that stability in Nepal is important for Japan as well in ensuring regional stability as a whole. In a meeting with Nepal’s President Ram Chandra Paudel, she said that Japan will continue to support the consolidation of democracy in Nepal and cooperate in Nepal’s development.

Prime Minister TAKAICHI also stated that stability in Nepal is important for Japan in ensuring regional stability as a whole and, from this perspective, emphasized the importance of Nepal’s general election scheduled to be held on March 5 this year being conducted in a free, fair, and inclusive manner with broad participation by the people of Nepal, reads the statement issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan.

The Japanese PM noted that Japan and Nepal have built friendly relations based on a long history of people-to-people exchanges, including student and mountaineering exchanges. President Paudel welcomed the promotion of people-to-people exchanges between the two countries.

This week, President Ram Chandra Paudel paid an official visit to Japan. This year marks the 70th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries. In the meeting, the Japanese PM said that she would like to further strengthen bilateral relations on this occasion. In response, President Paudel expressed his appreciation for the warm welcome extended by Japan and stated his desire to deepen the friendly relations between the two countries, which have spanned more than 70 years, across all areas.