Submit your Article

Nepali Congress General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa has proposed December 13–14 as the dates to hold the party’s special convention to elect new leadership.

Speaking at the party’s ongoing Central Committee meeting, Thapa said that since some leaders have not agreed to hold the regular convention promptly, the party should instead go for a special convention, which will pave the way for a regular general convention within a short time.

Amid internal disputes over the timing of the convention, Thapa said that the ongoing Central Working Committee must take the decision to hold the special convention on December 13–14. For a long time, Thapa has maintained that the party should go for the general convention to choose new leadership before the national elections which has been scheduled for March 5.  

“Our convention is not just an internal matter; it is a national issue,” Thapa said. He added that it is inappropriate to invite party President Sher Bahadur Deuba to “save the party,” as doing so ultimately harms him. Thapa reminded party members that President Deuba had already instructed that the convention be conducted within the given timeframe. “He (the party president) has already stepped aside, and now it is we who must take responsibility,” Thapa said. “When we proposed holding the regular general convention, no one agreed. Therefore, we must hold a special general convention and elect a president from it. 

Thapa also urged party leaders not to complicate matters, saying that President Deuba has already eased the process. Of the 4,743 general convention representatives from the Nepali Congress’s 14th General Convention, 2,488 submitted their signatures to Acting President Purna Bahadur Khadka, demanding a special general convention. 

On national politics, Thapa said that the party must move forward by addressing public dissatisfaction while protecting the constitution and the current system. As the largest party, the Nepali Congress must lead this process, he said. Thapa’s remarks come at a time of widespread criticism that the NC is stuck in internal disputes while the country faces a deep political crisis and a vacuum of leadership.

“Regarding how to move forward now, there are three possibilities. One is that polarization will increase and violence will intensify. The second is that through elections we may return to the situation before September 8, or things may move ahead with only temporary fixes. Neither of these options allows Nepal to progress. Therefore, we must choose the third path,” Thapa said in the meeting. “The third path means addressing the current dissatisfaction, managing it, and moving forward while safeguarding the constitution and the system. This responsibility must be taken up by the Nepali Congress.” He claimed that no one except the Congress can lead this process. “No one else can do this work. The CPN–UML cannot do it. It is not in UML’s character. The UML might spread agitation instead,” he said. After the Gen-Z movement, Thapa’s plan to reform the party has met strong resistance from senior party leaders.

After the Sept 8-9 youths-led nationwide protests that left behind a massive trail of deaths and devastation, Nepal Police, the primary government agency responsible for the maintenance of law and order within the national jurisdiction, is in a difficult situation.

The casualty list of that protest is rather long and includes police personnel, who were brutally killed on duty along with protesters.

In the violent incidents that followed the use of force during the Sept 8 protest that killed several protesters, the law enforcement bereft of morale saw with utter helplessness, apart from the brutal killing of police officers, destruction of its vital infrastructure, from road dividers to traffic islands to police beats, posts and offices, and looting of weapons and police uniform, marking an unprecedented breakdown of law and order and the rule of anarchy.  

The then inspector general of police (IGP), Chandra Kuber Khapung, is under the purview of an investigation in connection with the use of force during the protests while the political leadership at the helm of affairs during that crisis has tried to wash its hands of the entire affair by not even cooperating with the probe. This is in keeping with the ‘well-established’ national practice of going only after low-hanging fruits and sparing the political bosses in every scam, every abuse/misuse of authority and an envious level of impunity that the political brass has been enjoying in Nepal for long. 

Dan Bahadur Karki takes charge as the 33th IGP of Nepal Police at a time when police morale is quite low and the sense of insecurity runs deep in the Nepali society.

Amid all this, the resilience of the Nepali society makes us quite optimistic about the future, even as fears of another cycle of violence lurk.  

Scenes like police personnel back on duty from our roads to beats, people joining hands to rebuild damaged/destroyed infrastructure and resumption of businesses are some of the living proof of our resilience, our never-say-die attitude. Hopefully, this attitude will get us through this crisis too. 

At this juncture, the onus is on the government and the police leadership to boost the morale of the police force and instill in a shaken people a sense of security. If the government fails to shoulder this responsibility, it will lose whatever moral authority it has to rule, forget conducting the national elections slated for March 5 next year. 

Let action speak louder than words.

Uncertainty over the March 5 national elections looms large, as political parties remain unprepared. According to Prime Minister Sushila Karki, around 65 percent of election-related preparations have been completed. The government is also preparing a comprehensive security plan for the polls. However, concerns persist over whether Nepal Police can effectively maintain security, given its low morale and shortage of arms and ammunition. Defense analysts have ruled out deploying the Nepali Army on the frontline.

Meanwhile, the CPN-UML has taken to the streets in protest against the Karki-led government. The party organized demonstrations across local levels this week and has planned a series of mass protests in Kathmandu. It has refused to participate in elections conducted by the current government, calling it unconstitutional. The UML’s roadmap centers on the restoration of parliament, the formation of an all-party government, and the eventual conduct of early elections.

In contrast, the Nepali Congress remains without a clear and firm position, while the CPN (Maoist Centre) has expressed readiness to go to the polls. The Nepali Army, for its part, has already communicated to all stakeholders that it has no intention of taking over power, warning that such a move would only worsen the country’s political instability.

In the coming days, the focus will be on Nepal’s evolving political roadmap. Possible scenarios include a postponement of elections to April or May while allowing the Karki government to continue, or the formation of a consensus government among major political forces, followed by a new election announcement. Rumors have also surfaced about the possibility of a Chief Justice-led caretaker cabinet, similar to that of the 2013 second Constituent Assembly elections.

Adding to the uncertainty, President Ramchandra Paudel’s next move remains unclear. He had appointed Prime Minister Karki with the mandate to hold elections within six months. However, tensions between the two have reportedly grown after Karki dismissed the President’s proposal to include political party representatives in the cabinet. The President is also said to be dissatisfied with the lack of dialogue between the Prime Minister and political parties, a key prerequisite for holding credible elections.

However, the Election Commission (EC) has been active in engaging political parties to create a conducive environment for the polls. The EC is currently in consultations to finalize the election code of conduct.

Interestingly, not only traditional parties but even new political groups have expressed reluctance to hold elections on March 5, citing inadequate preparation time. Some representatives of the GenZ movement, including Sudan Gurung, have warned that they will not accept elections unless their demands are addressed first. Political observers estimate that it could take at least a year to manage the ongoing transition.

Security tensions also remain high. The Nepal Police has arrested around 500 people across the country for their alleged involvement in arson and vandalism during the Sept 8–9 protests. Critics, however, argue that the protesters should not be criminalized, as the demonstrations were a form of revolt. Earlier, Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal’s directive not to arrest protesters had sparked opposition from Nepal Police’s top brass. Now, Aryal finds himself under fire from both GenZ protestors and political parties.

Within the Nepali Congress, internal disputes over its upcoming general convention remain unresolved. There are growing fears that the party could split if it fails to settle the issue soon. The party has also begun collecting signatures from its lawmakers, a move interpreted as preparation to push for parliament restoration.

Meanwhile, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, now leading the Nepali Communist Party, has emphasized his readiness for elections but remains open to parliament restoration. He has succeeded in bringing 12 fringe communist parties under his fold and has once again become a vocal critic of KP Sharma Oli. In a related development, Bhim Rawal, who had left UML a few years ago, has joined Dahal’s NCP.

The number of political parties registered with the Election Commission has now exceeded 125, with around two dozen new applications under review. Following the GenZ protests, which toppled major political parties from power, a new wave of actors—including businesspeople, independent politicians, celebrities, and others—have shown interest in joining politics. Since the March 5 election announcement, the EC has received 21 new party registration applications.

For comparison, in the 2022 elections, 116 political parties were registered with the commission, though only 87 participated. Many of the new parties believe they can attract public support amid widespread disillusionment with mainstream political forces that have dominated power since 1990.

In other developments, President Paudel has removed Madhesh Province Head Sumitra Subedi and appointed Surendra Labh in her place. Meanwhile, Dan Bahadur Karki has taken charge as Inspector General of Nepal Police, succeeding Chandra Kuber Khapung. The new IGP faces the formidable challenge of boosting police morale and ensuring that the force can provide foolproof election security.

Controversial businessman Durga Prasai is reportedly planning street protests demanding the restoration of the monarchy. The government, however, is considering stopping the demonstrations, arguing they could further destabilize the fragile security environment. Home Minister Aryal has already held preliminary talks with Prasai, who has presented a 27-point list of demands, several of which are considered unrealistic and unconstitutional.

In another political development, Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) Chairman Rajendra Lingden and Rastriya Prajatantra Party-Nepal Chairman Kamal Thapa held talks this week to explore party unification. In the aftermath of the GenZ movement, polarization among royalist forces is intensifying, with discussions underway on whether to contest the elections or push for a broader movement.

Additionally, Cabinet Minister Kul Man Ghising has registered a new political party under the leadership of former energy secretary Anup Kumar Upadhyay. However, Home Minister Aryal has said he will not allow Ghising to form a new party. Ghising has faced criticism within the cabinet for his political involvement, with colleagues arguing that since he joined the government to facilitate elections within six months, his engagement in party politics is inappropriate.

The number of political parties registered with the Election Commission has now exceeded 125, and the figure is likely to rise further, as the commission is currently reviewing around two dozen new applications. Following the youth-led protests of Sept 8–9, which toppled the major political parties from power, a new wave of actors, — including businessmen, independent politicians, celebrities, and others, have shown interest in entering politics. Since the announcement of elections for March 5, the EC has received 21 applications seeking party registration.

In the 2022 elections, 116 political parties were registered with the commission, though only 87 of them participated. Many of the new parties believe they can gain public support amid growing disillusionment with the mainstream political forces that have held power, in one way or another, since 1990. Their rhetoric is heavily anti-establishment, resonating with the agenda of the current government led by Sushila Karki, whose primary goal appears to be discrediting the traditional political parties.

The youth who led the September protests have also intensified anti-mainstream sentiment, supported by sections of the apolitical elite and intellectuals who feel sidelined by established parties. As a result, the registration of new political parties poses a direct challenge to the traditional political forces, the very targets of the Sept 8–9 violent protests.

However, most of these new parties lack a charismatic leader capable of mobilizing the masses, like Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) chair Rabi Lamichhane did in the 2022 national elections. They also lack the grassroots organizational structures needed to reach rural voters,  a limitation that even RSP faced, as its support base remained largely urban.

Meanwhile, traditional parties have failed to reform or connect with the growing youth population. Leadership change within the major political parties appears unlikely before the next elections. While the new political parties may not emerge as a decisive force, they could still attract portions of Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML voters, as RSP did in 2022.

Harka Sampang, mayor of Dharan Sub-Metropolitan City and a popular independent figure, has registered his own political party to expand his influence beyond Dharan. Known for his unconventional style, such as personally working as a daily-wage laborer in municipal development projects, Sampang has captured national attention through his humor and wit, often going viral on social media. After the September protests, he claimed that the Prime Minister and Nepal Army had invited him for talks. However, it remains unclear whether the army sought to defuse potential unrest involving his supporters or to recognize him as a political stakeholder, with many believing the former to be more likely.

Another prominent figure, Netra Bikram Chand, the Maoist leader who had long opposed the peace process, constitution drafting, and all elections since 2013, has now registered his Nepal Communist Party to contest the upcoming polls. Senior party leader Khadka Bahadur Bishwakarma confirmed their participation. Once an advocate of urban revolt, Chand’s decision marks a notable shift toward electoral politics.

Business circles, too, are entering the political scene. Birendra Bahadur Basnet, the owner of Buddha Air, has registered a new party called the Gatishil Loktantrik Party, chaired by Dinesh Prasai, a Jawaharlal Nehru University graduate. The party reportedly enjoys backing from Kathmandu’s elite circles. Basnet, who has strong media visibility, is expected to contest the elections.

Similarly, Kul Man Ghising, popularly known as the “light man” for ending Nepal’s 15–16-hour daily load-shedding crisis, has helped form a new political party under the leadership of Anup Kumar Upadhyay, a former energy secretary. Although Ghising has not taken any official position within the party, he has long been associated with its formation efforts. He currently serves as a cabinet minister in Sushila Karki’s government, which is mandated to conduct the March 5 elections.

In Nepal’s first parliamentary elections in 1958, only nine political parties participated. The number began rising rapidly after 1990, and especially after the first Constituent Assembly elections in 2008.

Registering a political party in Nepal is not a complicated process. The Political Parties Act requires the signatures of at least 500 Nepali voters, along with letters of commitment for party membership and certified copies of citizenship or voter identity cards.

Over the past three decades, only two parties — the Maoists in 2008 and the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) in 2022 — have witnessed sudden and unexpected political success. In the first Constituent Assembly elections, the Maoists emerged as the largest force with a commanding lead over NC and UML. In 2022, RSP won 20 parliamentary seats, while in the same year’s local elections, independent candidate Balendra Shah secured a landslide victory over the NC and UML candidates in Kathmandu.

Now, the political atmosphere once again appears favorable for new entrants. The major parties have been discredited for their failure to curb corruption and ensure good governance. The September 8–9 protests, during which the offices and homes of hundreds of political leaders were torched, have further weakened their standing — creating fertile ground for new political forces to rise.