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The ranking of ministers in the Balendra Shah-led Cabinet has been reshuffled 

President Ram Chandra Paudel revised the order of the Council of Ministers formed on March 27 on the recommendation of Prime Minister Shah, said Ritesh Kumar Shakya, spokesperson at the President's Office.

Home Minister Sudhan Gurung, who was previously ranked third, has now dropped to fifth place.

Energy Minister Biraj Bhakta Shrestha has climbed from sixth to fourth place.

Previous standings 

Contrary to claims that the Gauri Bahadur Karki-led probe commission report ignored the second day of the GenZ movement, the 898-page document provides a forensic account of a state in collapse, a security vacuum that invited chaos, and a ‘criminal hijacking’ of a peaceful protest that has now led to criminal charges against the highest levels of the former government.

The Karki Commission report draws a clear distinction between the ‘peaceful’ protests of Sept 8 and the ‘criminal’ activities of Sept 9. 

The Karki Commission draws a sharp, definitive line between the two days of the uprising. Sept 8 was characterized as a ‘reform-oriented and anti-corruption’ movement that was largely peaceful until it reached the gates of Federal Parliament. However, the report characterizes Sept 9 as a day when the movement was ‘hijacked’ by what it calls ‘criminal elements’.

According to the report, the crowd on Sept 9 was no longer just the frustrated GenZ youths who had mobilized over a social media ban and systemic corruption. Instead, the riots were joined by street vendors, garage workers, transport drivers, construction workers, and even individuals who had just escaped from police custody or prisons. This shift transformed a political protest into a nationwide spree of arson, looting, and targeted destruction.

The report provides a chilling inventory of the damage inflicted on Sept 9. The violence was not random; it followed a tactical pattern across 18 districts, from east to west.

In Kathmandu Valley, ‘criminal elements’ targeted the very heart of the Nepali state. Beyond the Federal Parliament, mobs attacked Singha Durbar and its various ministries, Supreme Court and the Office of the Attorney General, Sheetal Niwas (President’s Residence), Official Residence of Prime Minister in Baluwatar, and the Minister’s Quarter in Bhaisepati.

The commission’s field visits revealed a calculated method of operation. In almost every instance, attackers first destroyed CCTV cameras and government Data Centres to erase evidence before proceeding with the destruction. They emptied water tanks to ensure fire-fighting efforts would fail, then used ‘Molotov Cocktails’ and other highly flammable chemicals to torch buildings.

Private property was not spared. The report details the looting and burning of star hotels (including the Hilton and Hyatt), political party offices, shopping malls (notably Bhatbhateni stores), and the private residences of politicians and civil servants. In some instances, the looting was so frenzied that individuals were trapped inside burning buildings and died while attempting to steal goods.

Perhaps the most damning section of the report is the analysis of the ‘security vacuum’ that emerged on Sept 9. By 10:00 am that day, police presence across the country had essentially vanished from the streets, withdrawing into their stations.

The commission found that top police leadership had issued orders to use ‘minimum force’ and, if the situation worsened, for personnel to strategically withdraw to save their own lives and protect their weapons. While this may have limited casualties, it created a psychological victory for the mobs. “The crowd felt that they had won, that they could do anything, and that no one was coming to stop them,” the report notes.

This vacuum led to the collapse of police infrastructure. In the Kathmandu Valley alone, 39 police units, including circles, divisions, and posts, were looted, burned, or vandalised. Large quantities of state weapons, ammunition, and communication equipment were seized by ‘non-state actors’. The report highlights the brutal murder of three police officers, two at the Maharajgunj Circle and one at the Koteshwor Division, who were beaten to death by the mob.

The commission specifically critiques the lack of a ‘unified command’. While the Nepali Army was eventually deployed, it did not happen nationwide until 10:00 pm on Sept 9, long after the nation’s most vital installations had been torched.

The chaos of Sept 9 culminated in what the report calls a ‘grave security challenge’: the mass escape of prisoners. Across the country, mobs attacked jails, overwhelming staff and forcing gates open.

The most high-profile incident occurred at Nakkhu Jail, where protesters demanded the release of Rabi Lamichhane, the chairperson of Rastriya Swatantra Party. The jailer’s statement to the commission describes a scene of intense pressure where, fearing a total massacre, administration officials eventually allowed the crowd to take Lamichhane. Lamichhane himself claimed he was ‘pushed out’ by the crowd against his will.

The scale of the escape was staggering. A total of 12,440 prisoners and detainees fled their cells on Sept 9. As of March 30, the government has managed to return 8,225 to custody, but 4,215 remain at large, continuing to pose a significant threat to public safety. 

Contrary to claims that the state has halted its pursuit of the Sept 9 rioters, data from Police Headquarters reveals an extensive and ongoing nationwide crackdown. To date, law enforcement has taken 951 individuals into custody and registered 801 cases, of which 690 have already been resolved. The judicial system remains actively engaged in these proceedings, with 210 individuals currently held in jail pending trial.

Kathmandu Valley has emerged as the primary focal point for these legal efforts, accounting for 259 cases and 409 arrests, including those tied to the murder of three police officers. Notably, the police revealed that 48 of the individuals arrested in the capital had prior criminal records for serious offenses such as attempted murder and drug trafficking. This finding lends significant weight to the commission’s theory that the movement was systematically infiltrated by criminal elements rather than being a purely spontaneous protest.

The arrest of former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and former Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak on March 28 is the direct result of the commission’s recommendation for criminal investigation into their ‘negligent conduct’. The commission argues that in a parliamentary system, the Prime Minister holds the ultimate responsibility as the ‘guardian’ of the citizens.

The report is particularly scathing regarding Oli’s testimony. It notes that even as gunfire continued for four hours outside Parliament on Sept 8 and riots consumed the city on Sept 9, no effective efforts were made to prevent human loss. The commission termed Oli’s responses during questioning as ‘irresponsible’.

For Lekhak, the commission recommended action for negligence that led to the loss of life. While Lekhak argued that he provided ‘policy guidance’ and that the protests were ‘infiltrated’, the commission concluded that the failure to coordinate a unified response and the subsequent ‘security vacuum’ constituted a criminal lapse in duty.

The report also identifies the government’s own actions as the primary catalyst for the explosion of anger. The ban on 26 social media platforms was the ‘triggering factor’ that drove the youth onto the streets. 

However, the commission also criticizes the government for its handling of the ban’s lifting on Sept 9. It argues the government lifted the restrictions without studying how misinformation and ‘negativity’ would spread. This allowed false reports—such as the claim that 32 bodies of protesters were hidden inside the Parliament building—to go viral, further inciting the mobs to attack government structures.

The commission identifies a critical turning point on Sept 8 when a peaceful protest transitioned into a violent siege. According to the report, at approximately 12:00 pm, a group of about 100 motorcyclists arrived from various corridors, including Chabahil and Gaushala. Many members of this group were wearing black T-shirts with ‘TOB’ written on them.

These individuals—believed to be the members of the gang that goes by Tibetan Original Blood— acted as provocateurs, revving their motorcycle engines to create loud noise and aggressively inciting the crowd. Following their arrival, the protesters became significantly more violent, attacking police lines with water bottles, stones, rods, bricks, and slingshots in a concerted effort to breach the Federal Parliament.

For the TOB group and other individuals involved in vandalism, arson, and looting, the commission has made several specific recommendations aimed at ensuring systematic prosecution.

To address the widespread destruction of state and private property on Sept 9, the commission has outlined a series of rigorous recommendations targeting general vandals and criminal elements. Central to this strategy is the formation of a high-level Special Investigation Team under the Ministry of Home Affairs, composed of forensic and technical experts. This team should be tasked with utilizing primary evidence already collected, specifically Base Transceiver Station (BTS) data from Nepal Telecom and NCell, to identify telephone numbers present at vital riot sites like Singha Durbar and the Supreme Court. 

Meanwhile, the government of Balen Shah, in its first cabinet decision, has said that it would form a probe committee regarding Sept 9.

To ensure accuracy, the report directs investigators to cross-verify this digital data with CCTV footage, social media videos, and victim-provided clips to confirm the identities of those involved in arson and looting.

Furthermore, the commission emphasizes the need for specialized focus on the systematic tactics used by rioters, such as the strategic destruction of Data Centers and CCTV cameras intended to erase evidence. 

The report recommends severe criminal prosecution for individuals who utilized Molotov cocktails or targeted sensitive government documents. Accountability also extends to the security breach, with a specific probe recommended to identify both the ‘non-state actors’ and negligent police involved in the theft of state weaponry.

Despite its nearly 900-page length and extensive evidence, the Karki Commission report explicitly acknowledges several critical areas where it lacks data or definitive findings. 

The most significant admission in the report is that the commission failed to collect enough solid evidence to recommend formal prosecution for most individuals involved in the Sept 9 violence. The commission cited its ‘short mandate’ and a severe ‘lack of time and human resource’ as reasons it could not conduct a detailed investigation into every incident nationwide. Instead of identifying all perpetrators, it recommends that the government form a special investigation team to finish the work.

The commission reports a lack of cooperation regarding security data. Specifically, it states that police and the Armed Police Force (APF) did not provide detailed logs regarding which officers used what ammunition or the specific circumstances under which weapons were looted. The report notes that despite repeated requests, these agencies provided ‘reports citing arson’ rather than the forensic details required to determine if ammunition was used responsibly or negligently.

The report highlights a gap regarding the movement’s origins. While the commission mentioned suspicions that foreign funding may have been directed to certain NGOs to fuel the unrest, it explicitly states that it found no ‘concrete evidence’ or ‘solid proof’ to support these claims. It notes that while the geographic location of Nepal makes such influence a ‘natural suspicion’, the state’s regulatory mechanisms currently lack the transparency to confirm these financial trails.

In a damning critique of the state’s internal systems, the commission reveals that it did not receive a single intelligence report from any government or non-governmental agency to assist in its investigation. This left the commission to rely almost entirely on testimonies and raw BTS (cell tower) data, which only proves physical presence at a scene rather than specific criminal actions.

In mid-Feb 2025, Pokhara, the tourism capital of Nepal, announced a ‘Pokhara Visit Year 2025’ with the goal of welcoming 2m tourists to the country in 2025. At that time, Pokhara had announced the target to draw in 1.5m tourists to the bustling metropolis alone. Recent estimates suggest that around 40 percent of tourists visiting Nepal also visit Pokhara. For 2025, the target was to increase this figure to 60 percent. The tourism capital is developing different packages to achieve this goal by attracting tourists, Indian tourists in particular.

This Visit Year program, initiated by the provincial government with support from the Nepal Tourism Board, aims to promote Pokhara’s unique natural beauty, thrilling adventure activities, and rich cultural experiences, and to further establish the image of Pokhara at the international level.

At present, domestic tourism in Nepal is gaining momentum. A culture of traveling during holidays is gradually developing, which is a positive sign for tourism. Social media platforms such as Facebook and X are playing a major role in attracting tourists. Despite various challenges facing Nepal’s tourism sector, there has been a noticeable revival of activity. The arrival of tourists to Pokhara and other major cities during Dashain and Tihar has created renewed enthusiasm in this sector.

According to 2024 statistics, France received the highest number of tourists (102m), followed by Spain (93.8m), the United States (72.4m), China (64.9m), and Turkey (60.6m). In the same year, India received 18.8m tourists, while Nepal welcomed 1.147m tourists.

France’s Eiffel Tower and Dune of Pilat paragliding attract tourists, while the desert nation Dubai draws visitors from around the world through manmade infrastructures such as Burj Khalifa, Dubai Mall, Jumeirah Burj Al Arab, and Dubai Miracle Garden. Compared to these countries, Nepal enjoys an excellent climate and extraordinary natural sites. If Nepal can invest even modestly in infrastructure and promotion, it can get attractive dividends from the tourism sector. Nepal has numerous rivers comparable to France’s Gorges du Verdon. Nepal shares many comparable geographical advantages with France and several other countries that have a thriving tourism industry.

Most tourists visiting Nepal come for religious purposes, visiting sites such as Pashupatinath, Janaki Mandir, Muktinath, and Lumbini. Other tourists make it to destinations such as the Sagarmatha region, Chitwan and Bardiya National Parks as well as Pokhara.

In recent years, China has achieved remarkable progress in information technology and infrastructure, surprising even powerful nations like the United States. From the Great Wall to the Forbidden City and cities like Shanghai’s Bund, China has attracted millions of tourists. Just as China developed tourist destinations like the Li River and Yellow Mountain, Nepal too has immense potential to attract tourists by promoting its diverse locations.

The average stay of tourists visiting Nepal is 12 days. By improving infrastructure, increasing tourist numbers, and extending their length of stay, millions of unemployed Nepalis can find employment or self-employment, playing a vital role in economic development. Tourism does not benefit only tourism businesses; it impacts the entire economy, including agriculture, industry, and banking and financial institutions, positively. Increased tourist arrivals and longer stays raise demand for human resources in tourism, generating direct employment, while increased demand for food and vegetables boosts agriculture and generates indirect employment and positive growth.

Nepal’s hotels are capable of providing international-standard services, but many food items—meat, vegetables, and other ingredients—still need to be imported. If international tourists could be served Nepal-produced meat, fish, and local dishes, and developed a taste for Nepali cuisine, food tourism could significantly support the tourism industry, increase demand for domestic products, create jobs, and positively impact the national economy.

France leads the world in food tourism; people travel there from all over the globe to enjoy local cuisine and wine. Countries such as Ireland, the Philippines, and Canada place special emphasis on attracting tourists through local food, while major cities like London, Paris, New York, Berlin, Madrid, Kuala Lumpur, Barcelona, Lisbon, and Rome have achieved strong tourism growth through culinary tourism.

According to recent studies, the world’s most visited tourist attractions include the Eiffel Tower (France), the Great Wall of China, the Taj Mahal (India), the Colosseum (Italy), Machu Picchu (Peru), the Sydney Opera House (Australia), Santorini (Greece), Petra (Jordan), and Niagara Falls (USA).

In 2024, Japan achieved a 47 percent increase in tourist arrivals, driven by currency devaluation that made travel packages cheaper, expansion of air routes to improve access from different countries, and simplified visa and administrative procedures. Saudi Arabia achieved a very impressive 73 percent growth by prioritizing tourism and diversifying away from an oil-based economy through various initiatives. In earlier years, Paraguay and Tajikistan also significantly increased tourist arrivals by prioritizing tourism.

Paraguay, whose GDP growth rate was negative until 2011–2012, has now achieved more than five percent economic growth, with tourism playing a key role. Favorable weather, clean roads, strong security arrangements, comfortable transportation, and cultural programs during travel have helped attract tourists.

Saudi Arabia attracts millions of religious tourists during Ramadan, just as India draws millions to its religious sites. Likewise, South Korea and Sri Lanka attract millions of religious tourists annually, making a major contribution to their economies.

Nepal, with its large Hindu population and as the birthplace of Gautaam Buddha, holds immense potential for religious tourism. Just as Muslims aspire to visit Mecca at least once in their lifetime, religious tourism programs can inspire Hindus to visit Pashupatinath, Muktinath, Vyas and other sacred shrines, while attracting Buddhists from around the world to Lumbini, the birthplace of the Buddha. By doing so, tourism could promote  and significantly help the nation’s economic growth. For this, it is essential that all stakeholders focus on the conservation and promotion of Nepal’s heritage to attract tourists.

Every Nepali must develop a positive mindset toward tourism and Pokhara must play a key role in this endeavor. Tourism is not just a sector; it is the hope of the nation and the people. Therefore, let us promote this sector with the theme: Tourism that leads, planting future seeds.

There was a time when the UK was an undisputed world super power, backed by an empire and navy that spanned the entire globe in the nineteenth century. In the twentieth century, particularly from 1945 to 1990, the world order boiled down to a bipolar structure, dominated by the USA and the USSR (present-day Russia) as the competing super powers. Since 1990, the USA has remained the only super power of the world. Nevertheless, the emergence of BRICS in the international arena as a major alliance for economic and social cooperation—grounded in the principles of the UN Charter and international law—signals the beginning of multipolarism. Russia regained its military strength, while China has taken the world by storm with its rapid economic rise within the period of 20 years, establishing itself as a formidable global power.

India with vast human and natural resources, along with a fast-growing economy and a strong push toward high-technology innovation, is playing a pivotal role not only in this region, but also on the global arena as an emerging power. The way the international economic and strategic powers are taking shapes in the global political economy signals the dawn of a new global order. The Russia-Ukraine war and the US, Israel-Iran war have shown how powerful nations play to achieve their own interests at the cost of human lives. The global scenario paints a gloomy and miserable picture that poorly affects small states with weak economies.

Balancing

Nepal’s geopolitical position, located between two major powers, remains inherently vulnerable despite efforts to maintain diplomacy in a balanced way. Prithvi Narayan Shah’s strategic assertion that ‘Nepal is a yam between two boulders’ continues to be equally important and relevant even after more than two centuries. Against this backdrop, neither the geography of Nepal can be altered nor its   neighbors chosen. Nepal must build its socio-economic strength in line with the ground realities of its geostrategic position. This means, drawing lessons from the past experiences, the government must read the writing on the wall and keep abreast of the shifting regional and global order to foster its development efforts and balance its delicate foreign policy. Nepal can neither bear the biting cold of the north nor the scorching heat of the south. Similarly, it cannot withstand the damaging storm from the west. It must, therefore, steer a middle path by developing strong institutional relations followed by the art of diplomatic balance.

In practice, previous governments have often been criticized for pursuing an unbalanced foreign policy. Ineffective handlings of policy across different governments has made neighboring and friendly countries skeptical of Nepal’s diplomatic governance. Weak institutional coordination and a lack of continuity in diplomatic initiatives have projected an image of naivety in the conduct of foreign policy.

Nepal’s geopolitical location is both a blessing and a burden. However, Nepal is a landlocked country, but it is not ‘mind locked’. The mind is a powerful source of action and innovation. Focusing on knowledge-based human resources, innovation, technology, digital connectivity and energy corridors is immensely important, as these elements significantly reduce the constraints imposed by physical boundaries. There is ample scope to develop Nepal through its enhanced economic connectivity between India and China, provided that the trust of its neighbors is secured. Over the past couple of decades, successive political governments have mainly centralized their actions to build ‘vote banks’, rather than steering national interests and development efforts in a way that ensures citizens’ satisfaction.

While dealing with its immediate neighbors, Nepal must not forget that the US as a super power is taking more interests here in recent years, primarily to counter China as its strategic competitor, and at times to balance its hidden agenda toward India. In view of this landscape, Nepal must remain vigilant in safeguarding its sovereignty and national interests by implementing its foreign policy principles into effective and consistent action. So long as the political leadership continues to adopt this reality in a sensitive manner and stays free from the pressure and influence of powerful countries, Nepal’s national interests will be definitely safeguarded.

Learning lessons

In international relations, there are no permanent friends or foes. It is national interest that ultimately determines who can be regarded as a real friend. The government of Nepal has no option left but to resolutely and rapidly strengthen its economy beyond its present condition. Otherwise, its voice in regional and global platforms will be marginalized and rendered inconsequential. Development is determined not only by its resources, it takes inspiring shape through committed will of the government and altruistic implementation of realistic policies.

One of the basic flaws of Nepal’s governance system is its persistent failure to learn from past experiences. It tends to forget even the gravest crises with alarming haste.

Coming days will be more critical and perilous due to the covert and overt power struggles among global powers that will directly affect vulnerable nations like ours. How the present government calibrates its tactical moves in foreign policy is a matter of serious and sensitive consideration. Nepal’s strategic situation demands greater cooperation with its immediate neighbors rather than distant power, maintaining a balanced approach. Unless Nepal’s diplomacy ensures that its foreign policy is strategic, coherent, focused on national interests, balanced in engagement and proactive, frequent critiques of its implementation will continue.