Will Oli’s ‘nationalist’ fervor work again?
The Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) is preparing to hold its general convention on Dec 13–15 to elect a new leadership. The CPN-UML’s internal dynamics are especially tense this year, as incumbent Chairperson KP Sharma Oli, who has been politically shaken by the recent GenZ movement, is seeking a third consecutive term. Though Oli had signaled before Sept 8–9 protests that he would lead the party for another five years, the large-scale demonstrations and the killing of 19 youths has severely dented his standing both inside and outside the party.
A number of senior UML leaders have urged Oli to retire from the party chairmanship, arguing that he should take moral responsibility for the deaths that occurred under his premiership. Yet, Oli remains defiant. He insists that he was removed from government not because of his governance failures, but because of his uncompromising “nationalist stance.” This claim once again reveals a familiar pattern: Oli’s consistent use of nationalism as a political tool to consolidate his power, deflect criticism and project himself as a defender of Nepal’s sovereignty. Inside the communist party, there is a tendency to create real, perceived or even fabricated enemies in order to convince cadres that they should focus on fighting these threats rather than questioning or changing the leadership. This is exactly what KP Oli is doing right now.
Oli’s nationalism card
‘Nationalism’ has long been a potent currency in Nepali politics, especially within communist parties, which frequently frame internal dissent as externally manipulated. After joining mainstream politics, it was Maoist Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal successfully weaponized ‘nationalism.’ When challenged by senior leader Baburam Bhattarai, Dahal often accused him of being influenced by foreign actors, particularly India. After losing power in 2008, Dahal blamed India for orchestrating his downfall and launched a political campaign centered on “national independence.” This narrative helped him maintain his grip on the Maoist party at a time when his leadership was under pressure.
Oli has followed a similar path since coming to power after 2015. He rose to national prominence during the 2015 Indian blockade, portraying himself as a staunch nationalist resisting external interference. His government’s issuance of a new political map of Nepal in 2020 further cemented his image as a leader willing to challenge powerful neighbors.
Internal challenge
For this year’s General Convention, Oli faces a more organized challenger than in previous conventions. His deputy, Ishwar Pokhrel, backed strongly by former President Bidya Devi Bhandari, has announced his candidacy for party chairman. Pokhrel’s camp is significantly stronger than in the 2021 convention, making him the first genuinely competitive candidate against Oli in years. Predictably, Oli’s supporters have begun portraying Pokhrel’s challenge as influenced by external forces. Such accusations are not new: within Nepal’s communist parties, labeling rivals as “foreign agents” is practically a political tradition. A Facebook post by Shankar Pokhrel on Nov 29, for example, stated: “The country is in crisis, and attacks on nationalist forces continue. In such a situation, firmness in policy and unity in leadership are essential. Let’s move forward—it is possible.”The subtext of the statement is clear: in the name of national unity, Ishwar Pokhrel should withdraw and support Oli. This framing aligns perfectly with the longstanding internal communist practice of marginalizing opponents by presenting them as threats to national interests.
GenZ protests and ‘foreign ploy’
The GenZ protests shook Nepal’s political establishment as thousands of young took to the streets against corruption, unemployment and political stagnation. Instead of acknowledging the domestic roots of the unrest, Oli and his loyalists characterized the protests as foreign-orchestrated, drawing parallels with color revolutions in Eastern Europe and Central Asia. Oli has repeatedly argued that his government was targeted by foreign powers because of his policies in favor of nationalism, such as signing the BRI with China. This narrative implies that the protests were an attempt on the part of Western powers ‘to punish him and destabilize the UML.’
Oli’s belief that the GenZ uprising was externally orchestrated rests mostly on rumors and unverified reports. Most Nepalis view the movement as a spontaneous expression of frustration with political instability, chronic corruption and the failure of leaders to deliver meaningful reforms. The attempt to reduce a youth-led domestic uprising to foreign interference seems increasingly detached from public sentiment.
Social media ban and nationalism
One of the major triggers of the GenZ movement was the Oli government’s decision to ban several social media platforms for not registering in Nepal. Oli attempted to justify the move by claiming that these platforms violated Nepal’s sovereignty and refused to comply with national laws. This explanation, framed once again through the lens of nationalism, did little to placate widespread anger.
Oli’s public defense of controversial businessman Durga Prasai, arrested for inflammatory remarks, further underscored his reliance on the nationalism narrative. Prasai had released a video claiming that Western-funded NGOs were behind the GenZ protests, echoing Oli’s larger narrative of foreign interference. By siding with Prasai, Oli signaled once again that he sees political advantage in promoting the idea of a foreign conspiracy.
Will ‘nationalism’ work again?
UML leaders often boast that their party alone does not compromise on matters of national interest. In previous elections, this rhetoric helped Oli galvanize public support. But this time, the situation appears different. Oli has been raising the issue of foreign intervention behind the GenZ movement for more than two months, yet the narrative has gained little traction. Public sentiment has shifted. Nepalis today are more concerned about corruption, unemployment, inflation and the failure of political leaders to govern effectively. The idea that Nepal’s problems stem from foreign meddling, rather than deep-rooted internal dysfunction, no longer convinces many. Inside the UML, too, Oli’s nationalist rhetoric appears to be losing its persuasive power. The party rank-and-file recognizes that nationalism has become a convenient cover for resisting internal reforms and maintaining control. With rising dissatisfaction in the organization and the emergence of stronger rival factions, Oli’s grip on the party is not as secure as it once was.
Conclusion
KP Sharma Oli’s use of the term ‘nationalism’ has been a key part of his political identity for nearly a decade. It helped him rise to power, survive internal challenges and present himself as the champion of Nepali sovereignty. But political landscapes evolve, and public patience has limits. Today, with a frustrated younger generation, intensifying intra-party competition, and declining faith in political theatrics, Oli’s nationalism card appears increasingly exhausted. Whether it will still work at the upcoming General Convention remains uncertain, but all signs suggest that its effectiveness is rapidly waning.
The UAE always stands with Nepal in difficult situations
It is my pleasure to welcome you today as we celebrate the 54th anniversary of the founding and establishment of the United Arab Emirates, under this year’s theme “United”. This theme reflects the unity of our society, the strength of our bonds, and the spirit of cooperation and teamwork on which our nation was built since its foundation.
On this day, we remember the journey of an exceptional nation that began with a wise vision and strong will. A journey that made our Union a unique model of progress, development, and advancement. It shaped our present and laid firm foundations for the future, guided by leadership that placed the human being at the center of development and made the prosperity of the nation its constant goal.
This year, we celebrate the Union Day of the UAE under the theme “United,” which also comes at a special moment marked by the announcement of His Highness Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, President of the UAE declaring 2025 as the Year of Community. This reflects our leadership’s deep belief in the ability of citizens and residents to contribute positively to our path of growth, and in strengthening the values of unity and cooperation that have been the foundations of our Union since its establishment.
Over the past decades, the UAE has witnessed major transformations across many sectors—from the economy and sustainable development to space exploration, and from clean energy to artificial intelligence (AI). The UAE has become one of the leading nations that shapes the future immediately without any delay.
These achievements were not just a coincidence. They are the outcome of a clear national vision built on excellence, the wise use of resources, and investment in people and knowledge—making the UAE a global center for innovation, growth, and creativity in many sectors.
The United Arab Emirates adopts a foreign policy that is balanced, open, and based on dialogue and understanding as key principles in its relations with all countries. The UAE continues its path of building bridges of cooperation and promoting dialogue—values and principles that have guided its foreign policy since the Union was formed, together with respect for good relations, the sovereignty of states, and international law.
The UAE believes that peace and development are two connected paths toward a better future for all peoples. Through its many initiatives, the UAE works to support humanitarian efforts, strengthen international cooperation, and promote global peace, security, and stability.
On this national occasion, the United Arab Emirates reaffirms its commitment to its steady approach, based on cooperation, openness, and constructive work with various countries and communities, in support of peace, stability, and sustainable development.
The distinguished relations between the UAE and Nepal reflect a deep and strong friendship, built on goodwill, mutual respect, and shared interests. As members of the United Nations, both countries share common perspectives on many global issues, such as climate change, world peace, and combating terrorism.
The UAE always stands with Nepal in difficult situations and constantly seeks to cooperate with and assist the government and people of Nepal during critical situation and natural disasters, such as the 2015 earthquake, the COVID-19 pandemic, and previous floods and landslides.
A large number of Nepalese communities live in the UAE, enjoying life alongside different cultures and peoples in a safe environment. They contribute to the economic growth of both Nepal and the United Arab Emirates.
We look forward to continuing joint efforts to open wider horizons for cooperation in various fields, including renewable energy, tourism, infrastructure, human resource development, and other areas of shared interest.
We would like to express our sincere thanks and appreciation to the government of Nepal for their mutual contribution to strengthening relations between the UAE and Nepal. We also value their continuous efforts to develop the country and graduate from the list of the least developed countries (LDC) by year 2026.
The speech delivered by Abdulla Alshamsi, Ambassador of UAE to Nepal, at a reception organized to mark UAE’s 54th Eid Ai Ethad.
Into the trail of North Annapurna Base Camp
Nepal is blessed with endless natural beauty, from its jaw-dropping scenery to its awe-inspiring mountains and tranquil and shimmering lakes, making it truly special. Whenever I wish to add new memories by exploring the limitless possibilities of life, I venture into new corners of nature with backpacks eager to see the unseen views and uncover the untold stories, beautifying life and renewing my inner selves.
This time I along with other enthusiastic trekkers and a guide from the WalkNepalWalk team, a hiking and trekking group, travelled to a beautiful and soul-soothing place, which has gained immense popularity in recent times, where nature connects the soul to serenity. This is the journey to North Annapurna Base Camp situated at an altitude of 4,190 meters from sea level.
As per the itinerary, a team of 18 people, gathered at Gongabu Bus Park at 5 in the evening. Though we boarded a bus at 6 pm, we crossed Kalanki, which is around 20 minutes from Gongabu, at 8 pm because of a heavy traffic jam. After passing Thankot, we took our first break of the journey at Naubise, where we paused for a while to have some light snacks. As we were travelling at night, the lights of the moon and stars were making the journey absolutely magical. But the sad part is that the highway has not been upgraded yet.
With fun and laughter, we did not even realize that we had reached Abu khaireni, stop for dinner that night. The dinner made us all sleepy and everyone drifted off to sleep. It was around 8 am, when we reached Tatopani, where the jeeps booked in advance were already waiting for us. We had breakfast and left for Humkhola. The jeep journey was thrilling, bumpy and unforgettable as well. Thanks to WalkNepalWalk, everything from transportation to our hotel arrangements was completely hassle-free. This felt even more reassuring when we saw the recent chaos in North ABC due to overcrowding, with many exhausted trekkers forced to spend nights outside in the freezing cold.
Situated at an elevation of 2,840 meters, Humkhola is popular for hydropower projects. There are around five hydel projects currently in operation in Humkhola and two are under construction. It is a good example that if we use natural resources in a good way, it can be useful for many other purposes.
After two hours of off-road travel, we reached Humkhola. Without wasting time, we started the hike at around 11:30 am as we were already two to three hours late then as planned. The more we moved ahead, the more it felt that we were going back to the old days, when we used to walk freely without any worries. Life was simple and full of warmth.
After treading for around two hours along the trail carved by the Nilgiri River, which originated from melting glaciers of Nilgiri Himal, we reached Phutphute Waterfall, one of the highlights of this trek. Walking by the river, hearing the sound of water flowing and birds chirping encouraged us to move forward. The official name of this trail is the Maurice Herzog Trail, named after the French mountaineer, late Maurice Herzog, along with his teammate Louis Lachenal, made first ascent to Mount Annapurna I which stands at an altitude of 8,091 meters.
The trail, however, recently became popular among the travelers as the North Annapurna Base Camp Trek. We spent some time enjoying the waterfall taking photos and videos to recount the memory. In addition to the beautiful surroundings, we also had some mouthwatering dishes there. After walking uphill for around half-an-hour, we reached Sandikharka. The view ahead was astonishing. The forest was alive with vibrant colors and fresh earthy smell of damp soil and fallen leaves made the environment more attractive.
We then walked past Gufaphant (3,319 meters) and reached Busket Mela (3,530 meters), the first station of our jaunt. We stayed in the tents which were surprisingly cozy and warm. We crossed numerous bridges in this trek which were connecting people with nature.
On the next day, we woke up at around 4 am and headed towards Panchakunda Lake guided by headlights. We could see the clear sky with no trace of clouds and the majestic snow-capped mountains standing tall and smiling in front of us, as if she knew the answer to all the questions. She knows what people want and time of blooming and fading. We felt that we were travelling beyond the world with the inner self.
The trail to the base camp is gradually being developed. The problem arises when people go to the untamed pristine areas and leave litter everywhere. Travelling is not only about enjoying the views and taking photos, we should also take the responsibility to protect the environment. After a 45-minute walk, we reached Dharmashala. We could find a hut constructed by ACAP for the travelers to take rest.
The trail ahead was challenging as many sections were frozen as we were travelling in November. We had to walk very carefully. But still some of the friends fell down. Fortunately, no one sustained serious injuries. Walking continuously for around three hours led us finally to Panchakunda Lake.
The lake situated in Myagadi district was established as a tourist destination recently. The lake remained hidden among the Nepalis living in the country and abroad for years as only mountaineers used to come here for expeditions. Nestled at the foot of Mt Annapurna, it reminds us of the serene beauty of Shey Phoksundo Lake.
It has been said that the lake splits into five ponds when it freezes and reunites into one when the snow melts and that’s how the lake got its name. When we reached the lake, half of it was frozen while half remained unfrozen. The unfrozen part of the lake was turquoise in color. It felt like witnessing a piece of heaven on earth.
Since it was freezing cold. We could hardly stand outside for five minutes. Hence, we stayed at the tea house sipping hot tea until the sun rose. We left for the base camp at around 8 am. The North Annapurna Base Camp is not that far from Panchakunda Lake. We could reach the base camp in around a 30-minute walk.
The view from the base camp was priceless and unreal. We could clearly see Mt Annapurna I (8,091 meters) and Tilcho Peak (7,134 meters) standing tall in front of us while Mt Nilgiri rose just opposite to it. That is why, Panchakunda Lake holds a unique significance. After feasting our eyes on nature's splendor, we came back to Panchakunda Lake to have lunch. We then descended directly to Busket Mela and then to Gufaphant to spend that night.
The following day, we hiked towards Humkhola at around 8 am from where we took jeeps to Tatopani. Then we had delicious Thakali khana, dipped into a natural hot spring and wrapped up our journey. Though the trek ended, we came back home with countless memories which will stay with us forever.
What if the government fails to hold polls on time?
Nepal's contemporary political history shows that an unstable political system has been a constant. The country is at another crossroads following the Sept 8-9 protest of GenZers against chronic corruption, nepotism and political instability that overthrew the government of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, leading to the dissolution of the Parliament through a presidential decree and the appointment of a retired Chief Justice, Sushila Karki, as PM, with the sole mandate of holding elections to the House of Representatives on March 5 next year. One of the most important questions that we face as a nation at this point in time is: What will happen if the government fails to conduct the polls on time?
What’s more, the course that Nepal takes will have implications for regional stability too.
A history of instability
To understand the gravity of this moment, we must look at Nepal's troubled political history. Since the restoration of multiparty democracy in 1990, our country has witnessed more than two dozen prime ministers. Between 2008 and 2025 alone, Nepal saw 14 different governments. This carousel of leadership has created a political culture where power sharing out-dated policy implementation, and coalition building became more important than serving the people.
In 1961, King Mahendra banned political parties and began the Panchayat system, which remained until 1990, when a popular movement compelled King Birendra to go for multiparty democracy with constitutional monarchy. With the start of the Maoist insurgency in 1996, Nepal entered a decade-long civil war that killed more than 17,000 people. After the people's movement of 2006, the monarchy got abolished (in 2008) and the Constitution promulgated seven years later turned Nepal into a federal secular democratic republic.
Political instability continues to be Nepal’s defining feature in spite of these constitutional accomplishments. Frequent changes in administration have caused public confidence to plummet, slowed down development initiatives and fostered an atmosphere that allows nepotism and corruption to thrive unchecked.
The GenZ awakening
The September 2025 GenZ protests were not spontaneous, they were the eruption of long simmering frustration. The government banned 26 social media platforms on Sept 4 to silence dissent and what followed is public knowledge.
Young Nepalis, representing over 60 percent of the population under age 30, poured into the streets with three clear demands: end corruption, eliminate nepotism, and reform the political system.
This movement stood out from earlier demonstrations due to its leaderless, digital-native nature. GenZ activists organized using social media sites like Facebook, Instagram and Discord, completely avoiding established political systems. While regular Nepalis faced depleting earnings and a youth unemployment rate of 20 percent, they revealed the extravagant lifestyles of politicians' offspring, known as “nepo kids,” who were vacationing in Europe and shopping for expensive brands.
On Sept 8, police opened fire during the movements, killing 19 people, including a 12-year-old. The next day, angry demonstrators stormed and burnt the Supreme Court, Parliament and the homes of politicians. There were 72 fatalities in all. PM Oli resigned on Sept 9 and Sushila Karki succeeded him, becoming the country's first female PM, on Sept 12, leading an interim administration with the sole goal of holding free and fair elections on March 5 next year.
A gray area
The interim government exists in a constitutional gray area. Nepal’s 2015 Constitution does not explicitly provide for appointing a prime minister, who is not a sitting member of the parliament. The current arrangement emerged through negotiations involving President Ramchandra Paudel and Chief of the Army Staff Ashok Raj Sigdel with GenZ representatives—an unprecedented process that bypassed normal constitutional channels.
Under the Constitution, the House of Representatives comprises 275 members: 165 elected through FPTP from single constituencies and 110 through proportional representation. The Election Commission has approved the election schedule, with political parties required to register between November 16-26, 2025, campaign period running from February 15 to March 2 next year and voting on March 5 (7 am-5 pm).
The interim government has formed a judicial commission to investigate the violence, appointed untainted candidates as ministers and pledged to serve a maximum six-month term. Prime Minister Karki promised diplomats that her government is “non-political” with a “single, non-negotiable mandate”—conducting elections on the stipulated date (March 5 next year).
Neighborly influence
The political stability of Nepal affects the entire region. For both the neighbours—China and India—Nepal’s stability is very important.
India and Nepal have an open border, and India is home to the largest Nepali diaspora. An open border between two sovereign countries is taking a toll on the overall security of both the countries, thanks to a relatively unrestricted movement of people, transnational crimes and illegal trade.
In order to protect its Tibetan border and further BRI projects, China sees Nepal as strategically significant. Beijing emphasized its commitment to “regional stability” by quickly recognizing the Karki-led government. However, Nepal’s inability to strengthen bilateral ties and repeated changes in administration have become a constant irritant for China.
Both the neighbors kept a close watch on the GenZ movement. China voiced hope that “dialogue will restore social order,” while the Indian ambassador was present at Karki’s swearing-in. Our history shows that any extended instability invites outside intervention, teaching us to move with extreme caution.
Consequences of electoral delays
If elections do not occur on March 5 next year, Nepal faces dire consequences across multiple dimensions.
Political Crisis: The commitment of the interim government to holding elections on time is the only thing that gives it legitimacy. Any delay might spark violent protests again because it would be seen as treachery. The CPN (Maoist Center), Nepali Congress, and CPN-UML are the main major groups that already oppose the temporary arrangement; some call for the reinstatement of Parliament. Nepal might experience a constitutional crisis in the absence of elections, necessitating either military action or authoritarian governance.
Economic collapse: Damages from the protests in September totalled $22.5bn, or over half of Nepal’s GDP. Growth estimates dropped below one percent, investor confidence hit rock bottom and cancellations decimated tourism throughout the holiday season. Prolonged uncertainty is too much for Nepal's economy, which already depends on remittances that account for more than 25 percent of GDP. Postponing elections will hinder reconstruction efforts, halt development initiatives and encourage more young people to go overseas.
Social instability: GenZ called for the abolition of nepotism, direct executive elections and investigations into corruption scandals from 1990 to 2025. Postponing elections will not make these goals go away. Young people’s “radically different understandings of power, deference and legitimacy” from older generations came to light through the movement, revealing significant generational gaps. Continued isolation runs the risk of radicalization, which could reignite an armed insurgency or ethnic conflicts similar to the Maoist insurgency of 1996–2006.
Regional instability: The crisis in Nepal is similar to recent upheavals in Bangladesh (2024) and Sri Lanka (2022), where youth movements and economic desperation overthrew governments. In addition to upsetting India-China relations and undermining trust in democratic institutions throughout the region, a failed transition in Nepal will destabilize South Asia.
Will big parties cooperate?
There is an existential challenge for established parties. Although they still have rural support and organizational strength, the GenZ movement has destroyed their credibility. How the new and the old parties fare remains to be seen.
The CPN-UML has called for the restoration of the Parliament, while others insist elections proceed as scheduled. Some traditional leaders refuse to resign or make way for younger voices, clinging to power despite widespread discontent. Yet cooperation is essential, elections without major party participation would lack legitimacy.
While tackling three pressing issues—restoring police infrastructure damaged during protests, removing legal barriers preventing young voters from voting and establishing a competent commission to investigate the violence—Prime Minister Karki must forge unity across the political spectrum. Current methods put thousands of young people at risk of losing their right to vote, while the pledge to grant Nepalis overseas the right to vote remains a pledge.
The path forward
More than just a democratic exercise, the March 2026 election will determine if Nepal can overcome the decades-long cycles of instability. The GenZ movement demanded fairness, clean government, and youth participation in decision-making; it was more than just resistance.
Success requires political will from all stakeholders. Traditional parties must accept that "rank and power" alone cannot sustain legitimacy. They must embrace reforms, investigate corruption transparently and genuinely include marginalized voices. The interim government must restore law and order, rebuild destroyed institutions, and conduct elections that command legitimacy domestically and internationally.
If elections fail to take place on time, Nepal faces a grim future: constitutional crisis, economic ruin, social upheaval and regional destabilization. But if we seize this moment, if political leaders rise above narrow interests and young citizens engage constructively, Nepal can finally establish stable, accountable governance.
The choice is ours. A government born from a people’s movement cannot afford to fail. The world watches as Nepal stands at a crossroads: reconstruction or regression, democracy or chaos, hope or despair. Our response to this question “If the elections are not held in time, what will happen?” will define Nepal’s route for generations to come. So, let’s create a conducive environment for free and fair elections.
