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Prime Minister Balendra Shah’s early days in office have signaled a striking departure from traditional governance. From his restrained public presence to his assertive administrative reforms, Shah’s approach suggests an attempt to redefine how executive power is exercised. 

One of the most visible shifts has been his communication style—or the lack thereof. Unlike previous prime ministers, who typically engaged with the media immediately after assuming office, Shah has remained notably silent. He has neither addressed the press nor issued public statements, signaling a preference for action over rhetoric.

Even celebratory political norms were curtailed; his party instructed lawmakers not to organize victory rallies, and Shah himself kept his sole appearance brief and speechless.

Diplomatic conventions have also been disrupted. Traditionally, ambassadors from major nations meet a newly appointed prime minister within a day of the oath-taking ceremony. Shah, however, has limited such engagements, meeting diplomats only during the official ceremony. By avoiding customary congratulatory exchanges, he has maintained an unusually quiet Prime Minister’s Office.

At the same time, Shah has embraced symbolic gestures rooted in tradition. He followed Hindu rituals during his oath-taking and conducted a special pujabefore entering the official residence in Baluwatar. 

Structurally, Shah moved quickly to streamline the government. He reduced the number of ministries from 24 to 15, emphasizing efficiency. He also directed government secretaries to either accelerate their work or step down, demonstrating a results-oriented approach. 

Policy-wise, Shah’s administration has taken bold steps. The government issued a public apology to Dalits and historically marginalized communities—an acknowledgment of centuries of systemic oppression. This commitment is part of a broader 100-point governance reform agenda approved by the cabinet.

On the day of his swearing-in, the arrest of former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli by the Ministry of Home Affairs sent shockwaves through the political landscape, underscoring Shah’s willingness to maintain accountability. 

 Further reinforcing this stance, the cabinet decided to form a high-level commission to investigate the assets of public officials dating back to 1990.

Perhaps the most significant break from the past lies in cabinet formation. Shah has prioritized merit and professional expertise over political compromise, resisting pressure from party insiders. Senior leaders expected to secure ministerial positions were sidelined as Shah asserted his authority to choose his team independently. This has allowed him to maintain tighter control over his cabinet and demand greater accountability.

In a positive sign for legislative stability, he has begun reaching out to other parties in Parliament. He has consulted with lawmakers across the political spectrum to gather their views on the budget and the government’s priorities.

Furthermore, as the Rastriya Swatantra Party pledged to amend the constitution in its election manifesto, the government has formed a committee led by Ashim Shah, the PM’s chief political advisor, to prepare a foundational document for constitutional amendment.

 Balen Shah’s premiership is marked by a blend of administrative assertiveness, cultural symbolism, and political independence. While his opaque style and limited communication may invite criticism, his decisive actions and reform-oriented agenda set him apart from his predecessors. Whether this unconventional approach will yield long-term stability remains to be seen, but it has already redefined leadership expectations in Nepal.

In any democracy, the ultimate measure of progress is not the charisma of a leader but the strength of the institutions that guarantee freedom, accountability, and justice. History has repeatedly shown us that when democracies begin to worship individuals rather than nurture institutions, the system tilts dangerously toward authoritarianism. Conversely, where institutions are built to outlast personalities, democracy endures even amidst crises.

A strong framework of institutions—such as the Election Commission, the Supreme Court, and Commission for Investigation of Abuse of Authority—should be nurtured to sustain and strengthen democracy. These bodies become the backbone of democratic functioning, which in turn nurtures smooth transitions of power and safeguards constitutional values. Whereas in countries where democracy slid into personality cults, rulers risk turning to ruler-for-life. By centralizing power around oneself and eroding institutions like the judiciary and civil services, the ruler hollows out the very foundations of governance. What follows is economic collapse, rampant corruption, and political instability. The lesson is clear: when institutions are weakened in favor of individuals, democracy becomes hostage to whims rather than laws.

Nepal’s recent political landscape offers a vivid illustration of this dynamic. Balendra Shah—popularly known as Balen—first captured the nation’s imagination when he stood as an independent candidate for Kathmandu Mayor in the 2022 local elections, becoming the first independent candidate ever elected to the position. His victory set off a wave of enthusiasm, particularly on social media, where his profile grew rapidly into something resembling a movement.

As a mayor, Balen gained immense popularity. He rarely spoke to the public and avoided the media, choosing instead to communicate through social media, generating significant online engagement. The former rapper became an enigmatic figure. People wanted to know more about him, but he rarely revealed much about himself. He attempted to clear squatter settlements in Thapathali, used force against street vendors, and openly expressed frustration with the government’s failure to coordinate on waste management—going so far as to order rubbish dumped outside government offices. These actions drew criticism and backlash, but they also cemented his image as someone willing to act where others merely talked. His aura was, by most accounts, unmatched in recent Nepali political history.

That boldness extended beyond municipal governance. He frequently lambasted the major political parties, including the Congress, CPN (UML), the Maoists, and even the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), and his voice came to embody the frustration of thousands of Nepalis who felt disillusioned with these parties. During the GenZ protests on Sept 8–9 against corruption, nepotism, the social media ban, and other governance failures in Nepal, he expressed support for the demonstrators. He also called former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli a “terrorist” and demanded that he take responsibility for the deaths during the protests. 

On 28 Dec 2025, Shah formally unified with the RSP, resigning as Kathmandu mayor on 18 Jan 2026 to contest the 2026 general election as the party’s prime ministerial candidate. While RSP chair Rabi Lamichhane retained his formal title, Shah became the party’s dominant public face and the principal engine of its electoral momentum.

The results were staggering. Shah ran against four-time former Prime Minister Oli in the latter’s own stronghold—and won convincingly.  Shah secured 68,348 votes, the highest vote total ever recorded in Nepal’s parliamentary election history. This surpassed the previous record of 57,139 votes set by Oli himself in the same constituency in 2017. Oli received just 18,734 votes, leaving Shah with a winning margin of 49,614 votes. The symbolism was impossible to miss: the new Nepal, it seemed, had emphatically displaced the old.

RSP’s broader performance matched the scale of Shah’s individual triumph. With 12 candidates winning over 50,000 votes each, the party swept the election with a landslide victory, claiming close to a two-thirds majority—falling just two seats short. Balen and his party became a defining force within the very mainstream system he once so loudly criticized.

This victory arrives at a particularly delicate moment for Nepal. In the aftermath of the GenZ protests, the country stepped outside its constitutional framework, appointing a former chief justice as prime minister. It is now on the path back to constitutional order through fresh parliamentary elections. In that context, RSP and Balen represent both enormous opportunity and considerable challenge.

The opportunity is obvious: a party with a sweeping mandate and a charismatic leader who commands genuine popular trust. The challenge is subtler—and more dangerous. Posts are already circulating on social media that deify Shah in terms that should give any democrat pause. Owing to the coincidence of his birth date with Oli’s electoral rise in the early 90s, some have compared him to Lord Krishna, born to end the reign of the tyrant Kansa. It is a flattering myth, but myths of this kind carry real costs in a democracy. When leaders are elevated to quasi-divine status, the institutions meant to check them begin to seem like obstacles rather than safeguards.

Building robust institutions ensures continuity and accountability. Leaders may inspire, but institutions protect. Personality cults may offer temporary stability, but they weaken checks and balances. True democracy is not about deifying a figure—it is about ensuring that no one is above the constitution, and no one is indispensable to governance.

Balen faces a challenge: to meet the sky-high expectations of a people hungry for honest, effective governance. But the responsibility does not rest with him alone. The people who voted for him—and those watching from afar—must also resist the temptation of placing him on a pedestal he was never meant to occupy. He is a representative of the general public in a democratic country. Nothing more, and nothing less. He cannot be above his party. He cannot be above the constitution.

If Nepal—and democracies everywhere—wish to thrive, they must resist the temptation of idolizing individuals and instead invest in the institutions that will safeguard freedoms for generations. After all, it is institutions, not idols, that make democracies durable.

The swearing-in of Balendra Shah as Prime Minister marks a dramatic shift in Nepal’s political landscape, followed swiftly by bold actions from his administration. Within a day of assuming office, his government ordered the arrest of former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and former Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak, holding them accountable for the deaths of 19 youths during the September 8–9 protests, based on findings from an investigative panel.

These arrests triggered widespread backlash. The Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist) launched nationwide protests, while the Nepali Congress also raised objections, citing concerns over the lack of due process. Legal experts have similarly argued that proper legal procedures were not followed in the arrests of Oli and Lekhak.

At the same time, the government intensified its anti-corruption drive by initiating money laundering investigations against top political figures. This included the arrest of Dipak Khadka after a large amount of allegedly illegal cash was discovered at his residence during the Gen Z protests. According to local media reports, the Balen administration has also begun investigating the assets of former prime ministers, including Sher Bahadur Deuba.

Alongside these crackdowns, the Shah-led cabinet unveiled an ambitious “100 tasks in 100 days” reform agenda aimed at restructuring the bureaucracy and depoliticizing state institutions. The government has also pledged to establish a new commission to fully investigate the September 9 protests, addressing gaps left by earlier inquiries, and announced plans to form a powerful body to scrutinize the assets of public officials dating back to 1990. Other initiatives are focused on improving public service delivery.

Meanwhile, a rift has escalated within the Nepali Congress. A special general convention held in January reportedly removed Sher Bahadur Deuba from party leadership and elected Gagan Kumar Thapa as the new party head. In response, the Deuba faction filed a case challenging the legitimacy of the convention. Both factions have since been conducting parallel political activities, deepening the party’s internal crisis.

​​​​Former Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak was produced before the Kathmandu District Court on Sunday to extend his remand, a day after he was arrested in connection with the investigation into the Gen Z protests. 

He was first taken to the public prosecutor's office before being presented in the court. 

Lekhak and former Prime Minister and CPN-UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli were arrested while implementing the report of the inquiry commission formed to investigate the Gen Z unrest.

Following the arrest, Oli has been admitted to the Maharajgunj-based Tribhuvan University Teaching Hospital while Lelhak is in police custody.

The arrests were made shortly after a high-level meeting involving Prime Minister Balen Shah, Rastriya Swatantra Party President Rabi Lamichhane and Home Minister Sudan Gurung. 

Immediately after the meeting, Home Minister Susan Gurung directed Inspector General of Police Dan Bahadur Karki and Inspector General of Armed Police Force Raju Aryal to arrest Oli and Lekhak.