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A large number of temporary migrant workers from India are entering Jhapa with their families to work in chimney brick industries, but local authorities lack verified data on their arrival. The absence of reliable records has raised concerns that Bangladeshi and Rohingya nationals could also enter Nepal through the same channels.

The Armed Police Force (APF) has increased surveillance along border points in the district, citing the possibility of Bangladeshi and Rohingya citizens illegally crossing into Nepal from West Bengal. However, security officials say the lack of proper documentation and identity checks for Indian workers entering through Bhadrapur and Kakarbhitta has created operational challenges. Many workers reportedly arrive by reserved buses and proceed directly to brick kilns without undergoing verification.

APF SP Tul Bahadur Bhandari, chief of Battalion Headquarters-2 in Jhapa, said the authorities have begun collecting details of Indian migrant workers and their families employed in brick factories.

A recent district security meeting also discussed the possibility that brick kilns could be the first destination for individuals entering illegally. SP Bhandari said coordination is underway with the Jhapa Brick Industries Association to address this risk.

According to officials, Bangladeshi and Rohingya individuals in India often possess Indian Aadhaar, PAN, or voter ID cards, making identification more difficult. “Those working in brick factories may also hold Indian documents, but without accurate data on how many workers have arrived, verification becomes challenging,” SP Bhandari said.

Nepal Police is also assisting in the data collection process.

Jhapa Brick Industries Association secretary Bishnu Prasad Ghimire said 24 chimney brick industries are currently operating in the district. Most workers come from Cooch Behar and Mathabhanga areas of West Bengal, he said, adding that his factory maintains updated identity records of Indian workers, though he was unsure about practices at other factories. Each kiln employs between 50 and 200 workers, and the total number increases when children accompanying families are counted. Most of these workers, who are Bengali-speaking and predominantly Muslim, arrive between mid-November and late March.

Indian authorities have recently launched a Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of voter lists in West Bengal and 12 other states. Following the start of the SIR, many Bangladeshi and Rohingya nationals who had been living secretly in West Bengal—some with illegally obtained Aadhaar, PAN, or voter ID cards—have reportedly begun leaving India out of fear of being unable to present valid documents during verification.

I visited Ukraine from Nov 12–20  to attend the third edition of Crimea Global, organized by the Mission of the President of Ukraine in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, the Office of the Crimea Platform, and several Ukrainian NGOs. The theme, “Crimea Global: Understanding Ukraine through the South”, brought together researchers, journalists, and experts from across continents: Mexico, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Brazil, Kyrgyzstan, India, Malaysia, Argentina, Myanmar, Nigeria, Costa Rica, Nepal, Kenya, and more. I spoke on a panel examining Russia’s recruitment of foreign citizens, including Nepalis, into its war against Ukraine, where around eight Nepalis are currently held as prisoners of war.

Since flights to Ukraine have been suspended since 2022 due to war, my journey began in the icy morning light of Warsaw. From there, we drove through the night toward Lviv in a small minivan. Whether it was Ukraine’s warm food or the exhaustion of travel, I slept soundly, even through an air-raid alarm that was meant to send me to the hotel’s basement bunker. I learned of it only at breakfast the next morning, the irony of my peaceful sleep against the backdrop of war making the moment feel strangely surreal.

Lviv: History, resilience, and compassion

Lviv greeted us with its layered history and quiet determination. In the early twentieth century, it was the only city in the world to host three Catholic Archbishops, a testament to its tradition of religious coexistence that shaped generations of thinkers and writers. We wandered through its cobblestone streets and met the City Mayor, who spoke about Russian attacks on the city and Lviv’s ongoing efforts to build inclusive urban infrastructure and help veterans reintegrate into daily life.

At the Lychakiv Cemetery, where nearly a thousand fallen defenders rest, and later at the Unbroken Ukraine Rehabilitation Center, we witnessed immense efforts, by local institutions and international partners, to heal the wounded, both military and civilian. Mayor Andriy Sadovy captured Ukraine’s spirit in one striking idea: Ukrainian victory has two inseparable parts, the de-occupation of its territories and the reconstruction of the country. Reconstruction, he stressed, cannot wait for the war’s end; it must continue even amid conflict, to sustain hope and the rhythm of daily life.

After days immersed in Lviv’s history and Europe’s renowned cuisine, we began our journey to Kharkiv, a city just 25 kilometres from the Russian border.

Kharkiv: On the frontline

As we approached one of Ukraine’s most targeted regions, news alerts lit up our phones: Kyiv was under a massive drone and missile attack by Russia. Reports spoke of 430 drones and 18 missiles launched on 14 November. Messages from friends in India, Nepal, and elsewhere poured in, their concern amplifying our unease. Though the world is witnessing the largest war in Europe since World War II, my family knew little of the risks I was taking. I had deliberately shielded them from the harshest realities.

Yet, once we reached Kharkiv, the anxieties softened. The crisp winter air, the richness of Ukrainian cuisine, the bright laughter of children studying in underground schools, and the warmth of local hospitality made us momentarily forget the war looming above.

We met the Deputy Head of the Kharkiv Regional Military Administration, who briefed us on how the region had endured nearly four years of full-scale invasion. Despite relentless shelling, Kharkiv continues to rebuild: underground hospitals and schools are expanding, safe education spaces multiplying, and reconstruction proceeding, even when it must take place beneath the earth. Our day was spent partly in devastated neighbourhoods such as Northern Saltivka, and partly in underground shelters for meetings and visits. I still cannot say whether I spent more time above ground or below it, but what I saw was a reality far removed from the world’s distant screens.

Kyiv: The city of golden domes

From Kharkiv, the “City of Students, Science, and Industry,” we travelled to Kyiv, the legendary “City of Golden Domes.” We arrived at midnight. By morning, Kyiv welcomed us with sunlight shimmering on its ancient rooftops. We explored the historic centre, Yaroslaviv Val, the Golden Gate, St. Sophia’s Cathedral, and Mykhailivska Square. Later, we visited the Ukrainian Council of Weapons to learn about the country’s rapidly growing defence industry.

In Lviv, I slept through the air-raid alarm. Kyiv did not grant such a fortune. On the first night, the warning siren drove us underground for an hour; on the last night, we remained in a cold bunker until dawn. We were considered lucky, our shelter had beds, water, and electricity. Many Ukrainians sleep through the night without any of these.

We also joined a closed-door roundtable on “Ukraine’s Resilience in War: Challenges, Responses, and International Support.” Conversations with parliamentarians, ambassadors, and officials from the President’s Office revealed the immense scale of suffering, and of steadfast resolve. Thousands of Ukrainian political prisoners are currently held by Russia. Ukraine, they told us, is fighting not only for its own freedom but for the security of Europe itself. In a war of this magnitude, three elements are decisive: international support, a technologically prepared army, and a competitive defence industry.

Nepal’s support to Ukraine

I was heartened to meet a few Nepali and Indian faces in the gatherings. It was striking to learn that fewer than ten Nepali families currently reside in all of Ukraine. Equally surprising was how little awareness there seemed to be about Nepal’s support during the conflict.

In March 2022, Nepal voted in favour of Ukraine’s call at the UN Human Rights Council for an urgent debate to condemn Russia’s military operation. Of the 29 nations that supported holding the debate, Nepal stood among them, while neighbouring giants chose different paths: China voted against, and India abstained.

Again, on Feb 25, Nepal voted in favour of the UN General Assembly resolution titled “Advancing a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in Ukraine.” Nepal supported the resolution, while its immediate neighbours, India and China, abstained. Interestingly, the United States voted against it, alongside Russia. These moments reflected Nepal’s principled stance, something many Ukrainians were unaware of.

Reflections and hopes

After two days of intense discussions with Ukrainian and international experts, a country that had once been distant to us had transformed into a place filled with friendships, colours, and stories that will remain with us forever. As the train departed from Kyiv toward Poland, we passed through streets lined with brave, warm-hearted people, waving flags, holding flowers, dancing beside the windows. The scene was overwhelming. Yet we could neither let our tears fall nor look away from the emotion mirrored in their eyes.

When I returned home, I learned that the United States had proposed a 28-Point Peace Process, a comprehensive framework aimed at ending the war. According to a Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) survey, 76 percent of Ukrainians categorically reject the plan. Whether this initiative will bring relief or lasting peace remains uncertain. But like millions of others, I hope peace arrives soon, a peace that respects Ukraine’s sovereignty and secures long-term stability for its people.

The author is Research Director at the Nepal Institute for International Cooperation and Engagement, one of Nepal’s leading think tanks working on foreign policy and security

As Nepal marks the 34th International Day of Persons with Disabilities on Dec 3, the national mood feels different from previous years. This is not merely because of the annual observance or another well-phrased slogan. Rather, it is because the country finds itself standing at a political crossroads. The powerful GenZ movement, which erupted with unprecedented energy from streets to social media, has shaken the foundations of Nepal’s traditional political establishment. It has forced long-comfortable leaders to confront voices they could previously ignore. And, as the nation moves toward yet another election cycle, one thing is clearer than ever: Nepal’s democracy cannot mature without confronting the question of inclusion head-on.

This year’s international theme, “Fostering Disability-Inclusive Societies for Advancing Social Progress,” and Nepal’s national theme focusing on promoting disability-inclusive societies for social advancement offer not only a reminder but a roadmap. They urge us to revisit what inclusion truly means beyond speeches, tokenism or yearly commemorations and to examine how deeply inequality is embedded in our structures.

For more than a decade, Nepal has proudly pointed to its commitments under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD), which we ratified in 2010, and the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act (2017). These frameworks obligate the state to ensure accessibility, non-discrimination, participation and full equality. But the distance between law and lived reality remains wide.

Nepal has made encouraging commitments to universal accessibility, yet many schools, hospitals, municipalities, public buildings and transportation systems are still working toward meeting these goals. Although policies emphasize equal participation, disability-related decisions often include limited input from persons with disabilities. And while data collection and inclusive budgeting are required in principle, many people with disabilities still remain overlooked and not fully reached in practice

A wake-up call

The GenZ movement has challenged stagnation across all sectors; politics, governance, media and social norms. Its demands for transparency, accountability and equal opportunity resonate strongly with the disability community. After all, people with disabilities have long been demanding these very things: transparent service delivery, accessible infrastructures, fair representation, and an end to systemic neglect.

GenZ’s insistence on structural change naturally aligns with disability rights. However, the movement itself must also evolve. Many of its loudest voices come from urban youth without disabilities. The movement has an opportunity and responsibility to expand its platform to include disability justice at its core. If GenZ wishes to redefine Nepal’s political culture, it must champion a future where all bodies, minds and identities have the space and support to participate fully.

It is also important to recognize that disability itself is diverse; encompassing physical, sensory, psychosocial, intellectual and multiple disabilities. In Nepal, this diversity is represented through the National Federation of the Disabled Nepal (NFDN), the umbrella organization advocating for the rights of persons with disabilities across all provinces. Any political or social movement that seeks true inclusion must engage with this diversity and the institutions that represent it.

As political parties prepare their manifestos, the usual clichés will reappear: development, roads, jobs, digital transformation. Yet the real question is: Will disability inclusion be positioned as a fundamental development priority? Here are key commitments that must define the coming election agenda:

1. Universal accessibility: Public buildings, schools, health centers, transport, digital platforms and polling stations must meet accessibility standards. Accessibility is not charity; it is a human right.

2. Representation and leadership: Persons with disabilities must have meaningful representation in local and federal bodies, not merely through reserved seats but through open, competitive leadership roles.

3. Inclusive education and employment: From early childhood education to university systems, Nepal must dismantle structural barriers. Employment quotas must be enforced with accountability, incentives and penalties.

4. Data, budgeting and policy execution: Without accurate disability-disaggregated data, planning is impossible. Budget allocations must be transparent and measurable, with civil society oversight.

5. Assistive technology and digital inclusion: With Nepal’s rapid digitalization, accessible digital services—screen-reader-friendly platforms, accessible government websites, sign-language-integrated public communication—must become non-negotiable.

6. Health and community-based support: Holistic support services, mental health care, rehabilitation, personal assistance, sign language interpretation and community-based rehabilitation must be strengthened nationwide.

The shift Nepal must embrace

Culturally, disability has long been seen through the lens of pity or charity; individual suffering to be consoled rather than societal barriers to be dismantled. This mindset continues to influence policies, media portrayals, and even our education systems. The UNCRPD demands a shift away from this outdated charity model toward a rights-based understanding that recognizes people with disabilities as holders of equal rights, agency, and autonomy.

This shift is not theoretical. It requires language that respects dignity, media that portrays disability accurately, institutions designed with accessibility in mind, an economy that recognizes diverse abilities and policymaking processes that include persons with disabilities from the start.

Diversity as national strength

When we talk about disability, we are ultimately talking about human diversity. Disability is not an exception; it is a natural part of human life. Anyone can enter the disability community at any stage through illness, accident, age or circumstance. Designing society to be inclusive of disability is, therefore, designing a society for everyone.

Wheelchair ramps help parents with strollers. Clear signage helps tourists. Easy-to-read communication helps children and older adults. Sign language interpretation enriches public communication for all. Accessibility benefits the entire population; it is a universal good.

A moment we must not waste

This year’s International Day of Persons with Disabilities comes at a moment when Nepal is rethinking its political culture, its priorities and its vision for the future. With young citizens demanding accountability and elections on the horizon, we have a chance to realign our national direction. If Nepal chooses to take disability inclusion seriously, not as a ceremonial gesture but as a structural commitment, the rewards will be transformative. 

Nepal now stands before a choice: will we continue to write progressive laws without implementing them or will we finally build a country where every citizen, regardless of body, mind or background, can participate fully in shaping our shared future?

As we mark this day, let us reaffirm that social progress is impossible without disability inclusion, and that democracy loses its meaning when even a single citizen is left behind.

The author is a communication for development professional with over a decade of experience across South Asia

Nepali Congress General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa has formally presented an additional proposal to the party’s Central Committee, urging immediate steps to hold the 15th General Convention before the upcoming general election scheduled for March 5. 

In his proposal presented before the party’s Central Committee meeting on Monday, Thapa argues that the country’s political landscape has fundamentally changed since the Sept 8–9 GenZ uprisal, making a timely convention essential for the party’s credibility and renewal.

According to Thapa, the situation before and after the GenZ-led protests, which toppled the previous coalition government led by KP Sharma Oli, dissolved parliament and paved the way for an interim administration, was “completely different.” He said the unexpected national crisis shattered the political ground the party had been standing on.

“After the Sept 8-9 upheaval, the party cannot move forward with regular activities,” Thapa states in his proposal. He adds that in the new context, political parties across the spectrum are preparing for elections with fresh strategies, new leadership, and reorganized structures.

Thapa notes the Nepali Congress’s historical tradition of navigating moments of crisis through national gatherings, such as Mahasamiti sessions, special conventions and general conventions. “We cannot abandon that tradition,” he says, stressing that the party must present voters with renewed policies, leadership, and a clear political message before facing the electorate.

He also criticizes the party leadership for halting convention-related work for the past 45 days, arguing that the delay weakened the party’s political position and prevented necessary interventions in national politics. “Had the party allowed convention preparations to proceed as proposed in September, lower-level conventions would already have been completed,” he says.

On Monday, the party presented a revised schedule to conclude the central-level convention within 45 days. As per the party’s decision, the 15th General Convention will be held on Jan 10–12. Thapa describes the timeline as “highly challenging” but insists that the party must compensate for the time lost due to internal disagreements.

Thapa references the signatures of more than 54 percent of Central Committee members who on Oct 15 formally demanded a special general convention under Article 17(2) of the party statute. “Their intention was clear: the party must hold a convention (regular or special) before participating in the general election,” he states. 

He maintains that the party cannot face the general election, or the people, without a new mandate from the general convention. “Public trust cannot be secured through internal assurances alone. Our accountability lies with the Nepali people.” 

He also warns that if the 15th General Convention cannot be held for any reason by January, the party should not wait until the month’s end. Instead, it should immediately decide to move toward a special general convention. “In that situation, the party will have no choice,” he concludes.