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It seems like the GenZ protests of Sept 8-9 happened a long time ago, but the effects they caused in our nation’s foundation remain. As Nepal gears toward the general election, we find ourselves in a fragile normalcy. While the immediate crisis—the collapse of the Oli-Deuba coalition, which held a nearly two-thirds majority, and the tragic loss of citizens’ lives is behind us—the real danger is only just beginning.

For decades, politicians have defined national security solely through the lens of sovereignty, limiting it to borders and geopolitics. Often, the public conversation is about the threat of foreign interference and balancing India and China. But the events of September have laid bare a harsh truth: Nepal’s most potent national security threat is not external aggression, but internal institutional decay.

The broken social contract

Under the social contract, and indeed under our own Constitution, the state’s primary obligation is the protection of the life and liberty of its citizens. On Sept 8 and 9, the Nepali state did not just fail operationally; it abdicated its constitutional duty. The security apparatus collapsed under the weight of the people’s rage.

The intensity of the protests was not a sudden event; it was a whole political climate developed over the years that resulted in it. As our intelligence agencies failed to assess the situation, in the resulting chaos the security forces used excessive force. This resulted in the largest single-day killing in the history of Nepali protests, which was followed by widespread destruction of public and private property the next day. As the government, including the security apparatus, failed to secure the safety of its citizens and protect their property, it has undermined its moral authority as well as cast doubt on the capacity of the Nepali State.

This failure has inflicted deep psychological scars on the nation. The immediate economic fallout is visible, but the long-term cost will be invisible and devastating: a quiet exodus of capital. If the state cannot guarantee the safety of assets, the desire for holding assets abroad will become irresistible. We are staring at a future where people are not just leaving the nation for a better future abroad but also parking wealth abroad, leaving behind a prospect of an economy unable to fund its own development. 

Therefore, it is imperative that the nation undertake major reforms in three critical spheres: security, institutions, and the economy.

Overhauling security agencies

This catastrophe was manufactured by years of politicization. The Nepal Police, which should be the bedrock of law and order, has been reduced to a political tool. Transfers, promotions, and postings are guided not by merit or security needs, but by proximity to power centers. When officers look to party headquarters for orders rather than their chain of command, the result is paralysis. Equally alarming is the failure of our intelligence mechanisms. The anger was clear in digital spaces and on the streets. Yet, the intelligence apparatus failed to anticipate the scale of the rage.

The immediate task for the government formed post-general election should be to radically overhaul the law enforcement agency and the information gathering mechanism, specially removing political interference and rebuilding them on professionalism and capability.

Army: A force for the future

Amidst the civilian institution’s collapse, the Nepali Army stood as the only functioning pillar, helping to restore normalcy, in the difficult time. However, resting on this success would be a strategic mistake.

As the global security landscape is shifting and we are entering an era of cheap drone warfare, cyber-attacks, information operations, the Nepali Army must rapidly modernize to build itself to meet the challenges of the future. This means investing in cyber security and understanding the threats of modern technology.  

With the return of the realist politics and increasing willingness to use force unilaterally by the global power reflect a challenging global environment. To remain a force of capability and trust, the army must also strengthen its internal research capabilities, including investing in internal think-tanks and research agencies that can anticipate and prepare for future challenges.

Economic reform as security strategy

It is time to recognize that unemployment has ceased to be just an economic statistic, it is a critical national security challenge. When the state fails to create an environment for growth, it creates an environment for unrest. The mass migration of our youth is a direct result of this failure.

To fix this, we need systematic deregulation to tear down the barriers that stifle business. We must unlock internal economic growth not just to create wealth, but to create stability. If we do not treat job creation as a security priority, the anger on the streets will never truly subside.

Rot in the bureaucracy

Perhaps the biggest security challenge lies in our civilian institutions. The bureaucracy, constitutional commissions and judiciary have stopped functioning as checks and balances. Instead, they often act as partisan cadres. When the judiciary is seen as biased and the bureaucracy as an obstacle, people’s frustration spills onto the streets.

The collapse of the coalition government happened because these State institutions failed to address public grievances. Reforming these bodies is no longer just about ‘good governance’ agenda but a vital national security necessity. A corrupt bureaucracy is a national security risk because it erodes the state’s legitimacy as seen in last September where all civilian institutions collapsed within a matter of two days.

Conclusion

As we head toward the general election, we must not mistake silence for stability. True national security will only come from deep structural reform. We need a police force that serves the law, an intelligence agency that sees the truth, and civilian institutions that are loyal to the constitution rather than a political party, and an overall state mechanism that inspires hope and prosperity.

The September shock was a warning. If we do not heed it and fix our state architecture, the next crisis, and potentially deeper, is inevitable.

The author is a lawyer and strategic advisor based in Kathmandu. He runs an organization called ‘Robin Law and Policy Associates’

At a neonatal ward in Kathmandu, a doctor studies retinal images from a premature baby. To most people, the images look ordinary. To that doctor, they carry the weight of a lifetime. If early signs of abnormal brain and blood vessel development are missed, the child may grow up with permanent vision loss, learning difficulties, or both. In Nepal, where trained specialists are few and unevenly distributed, such decisions are often made under intense pressure, with limited support and little room for error. This is exactly where artificial intelligence should no longer be treated as a futuristic luxury, but as a public health necessity.

Artificial intelligence is already reshaping how neuroscience is practiced around the world. The real question for Nepal is not whether AI belongs in brain and neurological care, but whether we are willing to adopt it thoughtfully or allow preventable disability to continue simply because systems have not evolved.

At its core, neuroscience is about understanding how the brain develops, adapts, and sometimes fails. Artificial intelligence, on the other hand, is built to recognize patterns in vast and complex information. When these two fields come together, AI does not replace doctors or neuroscientists. Instead, it acts as a powerful assistant, helping humans see patterns that are difficult to detect consistently, especially when time, expertise, or resources are limited. For a country like Nepal, this partnership is not optional. It is strategic, practical, and necessary.

The evidence for this is no longer theoretical. A study published in Ophthalmology Science evaluated a deep learning system used to screen premature infants in Nepal for retinopathy of prematurity. The system performed with near-perfect accuracy, achieving an area-under-the-curve value of 0.999, using retinal imaging devices already available in Nepali hospitals. This was not an experiment in a high-income country with ideal conditions. It was tested in real hospitals, with real patients, and real constraints. The researchers concluded that AI could dramatically expand screening capacity, reduce pressure on scarce specialists, and enable earlier interventions, where delays often cost children in their futures.

This matters because retinopathy of prematurity is not just an eye disease. It reflects disrupted development of the brain’s blood vessels during a critical window of early life. Preventing severe disease is not only about saving vision; it is about protecting long-term neurological development. When artificial intelligence can reliably identify subtle warning signs earlier than the human eye, choosing not to use it becomes more than a missed opportunity. It raises serious ethical concerns.

The stakes extend far beyond neonatal care. Nepal is undergoing a demographic and epidemiological transition. As deaths from infectious diseases decline and life expectancy increases, neurological and mental health conditions are becoming more common. Conditions such as stroke, dementia, epilepsy, depression, and Parkinson’s disease now account for a growing share of disability. Data from the Global Burden of Disease study make this trend clear. Yet neurologists, psychiatrists, and advanced diagnostic facilities remain concentrated in a few urban centers. Expecting this system to meet future demand without technological support is simply unrealistic.

Public health researchers writing in the Nepal Journal of Epidemiology have pointed out that artificial intelligence could help improve diagnosis, predict risk, and guide population-level planning. But they also offer important warnings. If Nepal relies entirely on imported algorithms trained on foreign populations, it risks reinforcing inequity rather than reducing it. Health data reflect genetics, language, culture, and environment. AI tools must be validated locally, governed ethically, and paired with investment in Nepali expertise, not treated as black boxes delivered from abroad.

Encouragingly, Nepali scholars themselves have emphasized this balance. A 2025 article in the Journal of Universal College of Medical Sciences compared artificial intelligence and human brain function from a physiological perspective. Their conclusion was refreshingly grounded. AI is faster and more precise when handling large amounts of data. Humans remain superior in judgment, ethics, emotional understanding, and contextual decision-making. In healthcare, the goal is not competition, but collaboration. Machines should manage repetitive and data-heavy tasks so clinicians can focus on care, compassion, and responsibility.

Still, enthusiasm without caution is dangerous. Generative AI tools are now entering medical education and research, including in Nepal. A 2024 review in the Journal of Institute of Medicine Nepal highlighted both their promise and their risks. Issues such as data privacy, security, and confidently incorrect outputs are real concerns, particularly when dealing with sensitive brain and health information. These tools are powerful, but without training and oversight, they can mislead just as easily as they can assist. This is why education matters as much as technology. Studies on AI adoption in Nepal show that while awareness is increasing, access and digital literacy remain uneven, especially outside major cities. If clinicians are expected to rely on AI tools without understanding their strengths and limitations, the result will be mistrust or misuse.

Nepal now stands at a crossroads. Artificial intelligence in neuroscience is no longer a distant idea discussed only in conferences and journals. It is already helping detect disease earlier, analyze complex brain data, and support clinical decisions in resource-limited settings. The real danger lies not in adopting AI, but in doing so passively, without local data, ethical safeguards, and human oversight. The path forward is clear. Nepal must invest in digital health infrastructure, encourage collaboration between engineers, clinicians, and neuroscientists, and develop national guidelines that place ethics and equity at the center of AI use. Artificial intelligence should be treated as a public good, not a private experiment or a marketing slogan.

Used wisely, AI can help a general doctor in a district hospital recognize a neurological emergency before it is too late. It can help a premature child avoid a lifetime of preventable disability. Choosing not to act is itself a decision, one that disproportionately harms those with the least access to care. The future of neuroscience in Nepal will not be written by machines alone. It will be shaped by whether we choose to use these tools responsibly, locally, and humanely. The technology is ready. The evidence is strong. What remains is the collective will to act.

The author is a PhD candidate in the Department of Neurosciences and Neurological Disorders at the University of Toledo

The Nepal Army personnel will be mobilized from today to ensure free, fair, and fearless elections to the House of Representatives (HoR).

Security personnel from the Nepal Police, Armed Police Force, and the National Investigation Department are being mobilized under the coordination of the Nepal Army for the elections scheduled for March 5. 

Army personnel will be deployed across all 165 constituencies nationwide.

On November 27, President Ram Chandra Paudel on the recommendation of the Prime Minister and decision of the council of ministers, approved the mobilization of Nepal Army for the elections. 

As part of its election security responsibilities, the Nepal Army will oversee critical tasks, including printing and transportation of ballot papers, security at polling stations,  transportation of ballot boxes, and protection of vote-counting centers.

The closed list submitted by political parties for the proportional representation (PR) system of the elections to the House of Representatives includes more women than men candidates.

According to the details made public by the Election Commission, of the total 3,135 candidates there are 1,772 women in the final candidates for the PR system. Similarly, there are 1,363 men, with 63 political parties represented. 

The Commission has published the final list on Tuesday in accordance with Section 29 of the Election Act for Members of the House of Representatives, 2074 BS and Rule 16 (2) of the Election Regulations under the Act.

Meanwhile, the names of 76 candidates from the closed list were removed after they were deemed illegal by the Commission, citing various reasons. 

Those included 21 candidates who were blacklisted by the Credit Information Center and 25 people who were on the closed list for the proportional electoral system of the Provincial Assembly.

Similarly, the commission had also removed 10 people who had not paid the prescribed fine and one person who was not in the voter list of a backward region as represented in the closed list. Another, 10 the names were removed as communicated by the concerned political parties to remove them.