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Devendra Gautam of ApEx had a wide-ranging conversation with Andrei Kiselenko, minister-counselor and charge d’affaires of the Russian Embassy in Nepal. Here it goes:

Q: Your excellency, global geopolitics is getting choppier by the day. Tensions are palpable between Russia and the United States, the US and China, India and China, India and Pakistan, India and Bangladesh, so on and so forth, marking the ascendance of a multipolar world order in place of a unipolar one. Against this backdrop, the president of Russia, Vladimir Putin, was on an important visit to India. What does it mean for Nepal, the South Asian subcontinent and the world?

The visit of President Vladimir Putin to New Delhi has taken place at a moment of profound global transformation. We are witnessing the steady, irreversible evolution of a multipolar world order, where regional voices, including those of South Asia, increasingly shape the international agenda. In this context, Russia views its partnership with India as one of the key pillars of stability across Eurasia and the broader Indo-Pacific region. India is a long-standing and highly respected strategic partner of the Russian Federation. Our countries share decades of cooperation in defense, energy, nuclear technology, science, education and people-to-people exchanges. The summit will only strengthen this multidimensional relationship at a time when constructive dialogue is needed more than ever.

It is also important to highlight a development that directly connects this visit with the broader economic future of the region. On Nov 26, the first round of negotiations on a Free Trade Agreement between India and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) was officially launched. This step has the potential to create the largest free-trade framework in Greater Eurasia, opening new markets, reducing barriers and encouraging more predictable, secure and mutually advantageous economic flows. For Nepal, this trend is of direct relevance. As a close neighbor of India and an observer of shifting economic dynamics in Eurasia, Nepal stands to benefit from a more interconnected regional architecture. Enhanced India–EAEU trade routes and logistics corridors may create new opportunities for Nepali exporters, students, technologies and even labor mobility, expanding the country’s access to northern Eurasian markets. Moreover, a stronger and more stable India-Russia partnership contributes to the overall resilience of South Asia.

In a world where tensions often dominate headlines, this visit demonstrates that major powers can still choose dialogue, cooperation and long-term vision. That is a positive signal not only for Russia and India, but for Nepal and the international community at large.

Q: Historically, Russia’s strategic alignment in the subcontinent has altered the political map of the subcontinent. Given this context, is Russia aware of defense-security sensitivities of countries in the region reeling under chronic domestic instability unabated by external interference?

Russia has always approached South Asia with a deep sense of responsibility and an awareness of the region’s complex security landscape. Our engagement has never been opportunistic or destabilizing; on the contrary, Russia has consistently acted as a force of balance, predictability and dialogue.

Unlike many actors whose policies have historically aggravated regional tensions, Russia’s role has been fundamentally different. For decades, Moscow has respected the sovereignty, internal political processes and security concerns of each country in the subcontinent. This is precisely why our partnerships whether with India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka or Nepal remain stable, trusted and free of hidden agendas.

Russia is uniquely positioned as a nation that does not divide the region into “spheres of influence.” We do not impose military blocs, political conditions or ideological pressure. Instead, we support indigenous development and national self-reliance.

For Nepal, a country that values non-alignment and strategic autonomy, this is especially important. Russia’s steady, respectful approach helps ensure that regional processes evolve in a way that strengthens stability rather than undermines it.

Q: What, in your opinion, can superpowers and regional powers do to shore up defense and security of weaker states?

Security for smaller states is best strengthened through stability, dialogue and respectful cooperation. Larger powers can help by supporting national priorities rather than imposing external agendas.

Russia has a long and positive record of working with Nepal in exactly this spirit. Over the decades, Moscow has consistently supported Nepal’s sovereignty, development and capacity-building from training Nepali officers and specialists in Russian educational institutions to cooperation in disaster-response, helicopter aviation safety and hydropower. These practical areas of engagement quietly contribute to national resilience, which is an integral part of long-term security.

Q: In her development endeavors, Nepal, one of the founding members of the Non-aligned Movement, has received support from both Russia and her rivals, especially during the Cold War era. But development support from Russia has plummeted markedly after the political change of 1990. What went wrong?

Over the past years and decades, enormous changes have taken place in our countries and in the world. But the feelings of mutual sympathy between the two peoples and the desire to deepen multifaceted international cooperation have not changed.

 Russia attaches great importance to the development of relations with Nepal. Our countries have a rich history of cooperation in economic, cultural, educational, technical spheres. At all times, relations between Moscow and Kathmandu have been of traditionally friendly nature and have never been clouded by any contradictions or differences. Russia values the peace-loving foreign policy of Nepal, its adherence to the principles of Non-Alignment and peaceful coexistence.

Over the past decade, a number of Russian companies and entrepreneurs have explored various avenues to establish projects in Nepal in sectors such as energy, infrastructure, pharmaceuticals, information technology and tourism. Unfortunately, many of these efforts have faced obstacles on the Nepali side, often due to excessive bureaucratic hurdles or a lack of clear procedures for facilitating Russian investments. In some cases, Russian businesses encountered uncertainty or delays in obtaining necessary permits or approvals.

Frankly speaking, it is somewhat difficult to understand why the Nepali side continues to delay responses on several important pending draft agreements and memorandums, which have been under discussion for quite some time. These include, for example, the Protocol on Cooperation between the Election Commissions, the Agreement between the Ministries of Home Affairs, the Memorandum of Understanding on cultural cooperation, the Agreement on Readmission and others. From the Russian side, we remain fully ready to move forward on these documents, as they would provide a solid legal framework for deepening our bilateral cooperation in a number of key areas. We sincerely hope that the competent Nepali authorities will be able to give due consideration to these proposals in the near future.

Moreover, an additional factor cannot be ignored: some Nepali partners, especially in the private sector, remain hesitant to deepen their cooperation with Russian companies due to political pressure and informal warnings from Western, particularly European and American actors. The fear of falling under secondary sanctions or losing access to Western financial systems still plays a significant role in shaping such cautious attitudes.

Q: Your excellency, do you see the possibility of the revival of historic cooperation? If so, what are some of the probable areas?

It is important to stress that Russia stands fully ready to engage more actively with Nepal across multiple sectors. The Russian side sees enormous potential in Nepal’s development, be it in hydropower, agriculture, aviation, modern industry, or education. I believe that if Nepali authorities and business circles create a more transparent and welcoming environment for Russian investors free of unnecessary red tape and external political influences we will see very dynamic and mutually beneficial cooperation in the near future.

Q: What are your thoughts on SAARC? Do you think the region is better off without the regional body? Should Nepal, the seat of the SAARC Secretariat that played a key role in the establishment of the regional bloc, step up efforts to revive it?

SAARC remains an important regional platform with significant potential. Its activity has fluctuated due to well-known political constraints, yet the very creation of SAARC reflected the desire of South Asian nations to work together rather than drift apart. It is especially symbolic that this December marks the 40th anniversary of the signing of the SAARC Charter—a reminder that the region has a long tradition of seeking collective solutions. In this context, I believe that revitalized and pragmatic SAARC could address many shared challenges more effectively.

Nepal, as the host of the SAARC Secretariat and a country that played a pivotal role in the organization’s establishment, naturally has a unique moral authority to encourage fresh dialogue. If Nepal chooses to step up efforts to energize SAARC at this symbolic moment, it would be fully consistent with its long-standing role as a promoter of regional stability, balance and cooperation. I also sense that many member-states themselves quietly hope to see the organization become more active, more effective and more technically focused.

At the same time, experience from other regions shows that even when multilateral structures go through difficult phases, bilateral and inter-regional initiatives can maintain momentum. In this regard, Russia sees clear potential for greater complementarity between South Asia and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). Expanded trade flows, streamlined access for agricultural and industrial products, new transport and logistics corridors, cooperation in hydropower and energy engineering, educational and professional exchanges, as well as dialogue on digital technologies, innovation and standards—all these areas open practical opportunities for Nepal and the wider region.

Q: These days, countries like Nepal see a stiff competition of sorts between heavyweights to lead the Global South that appears to be another name for diversity. Do you think any self-proclaimed leader can truly voice concerns and do justice to the aspirations of this entity?    

The Global South is, above all, a community of diverse nations with different histories, priorities and development trajectories. It is not a bloc that can be represented by any single “leader,” nor does it require one. The idea that one country can speak on behalf of dozens of others is increasingly outdated.

What matters today is not self-proclaimed leadership, but genuine respect for sovereignty and the ability to listen rather than dictate. In this regard, the countries of the Global South, including Nepal, expect relationships based on equality, non-interference and practical solutions to shared challenges.

Russia has long adhered to these principles in its engagement with developing nations. Our approach has never been to claim leadership, but to promote multipolarity, fairness and the sovereign right of each state to determine its own path. This is why Russia is widely viewed across Asia, Africa and Latin America as a reliable and predictable partner that treats others as equals.

Q: Russia used to be the chess powerhouse in the 1990s. What is the status of the game in your country at present? Do you see any possibility of promoting chess diplomacy between our two countries?

Russia remains one of the world’s strongest chess nations, and we take great pride in this tradition. Our grandmasters continue to perform at the highest international level, and chess is deeply rooted in our educational and cultural life. The game is widely practiced in schools, clubs and regional centers. It is truly a part of our national identity.

We also appreciate that even in the world of chess, Russia and Nepal have an unexpected yet beautiful point of connection in the personality of Anish Giri, who has both Russian and Nepali heritage. His success is a reminder that chess is a bridge between cultures and that our peoples can meet each other in the most inspiring ways.

Another positive example is the visit of a large Nepali delegation of the Nepal Chess Federation, led by its President Herakaji Maharjan, to the Republic of Kalmykia (a region within Russia) in September this year. The delegation took part in the First Chess Tournament of Buddhist Countries. We were delighted to see Nepal so actively represented.

As for the future, we certainly see great potential for developing “chess diplomacy” between our two countries. Friendly tournaments, youth exchanges, training camps, master classes and participation in international competitions, all of these can strengthen not only the game, but also mutual understanding between our peoples.

And, if I may add on a personal note, it would be our dream to participate in a major chess event in Nepal—a tournament where, as always, the real winner would be friendship.

With the monsoon long gone, rains are not even on the horizon even as dust and smoke continue to give every living entity a hard time, in the bowl-shaped Kathmandu valley and other urban centers of the country.  

At 4:01 pm on Thursday, Kathmandu stood 18th (not so proudly) on the air quality index with a score of 123 (an air monitoring website considers the AQI between 101-150 as unhealthy for sensitive groups) far behind Tashkent (218), Kolkata (230). Lahore (217), Delhi (192), Hanoi (182), Dhaka (181), Mumbai (178), Almaty (163), Wuhan (160), Krakow (154), Kabul (153), Doha (140), Sarajevo (140), Karachi (133), Shenzhen (127) and Guangzhou (127). 

Even a cursory look at air quality monitoring sites suggests that we survive somehow in a neighborhood where pollution has crossed limits. 

Major cities in our neighborhood experiencing "unhealthy" to "very unhealthy" AQIs for days on end and posing serious health risks to residents, especially children and the elderly, should be a matter of serious concern for our government because we the inhabitants of this living planet breathe the same air and live under the same sky, and pollution anywhere affects us all everywhere.

An alarming situation like this calls for serious transboundary talks aimed at mitigating the debilitating impact, but the government appears to have other priorities, including the extension of South Asia’s first cross-border petroleum pipeline to Kathmandu via Chitwan and the construction of another such pipeline in eastern Nepal along with the construction of storage facilities. In a country where petroleum imports already account for a lion’s share of the trade deficit, the development and expansion of petroleum import infrastructure is sure to bleed the national economy further, apart from taking a heavier toll on public health due to increased emissions resulting from a surge in the consumption of dirty fuels.

In summary, a lush-green country (Nepal has increased its forest cover from 29 percent in 1994 to around 50 percent) taking pride in her nominal carbon footprint must go greener by taking measures such as reduced consumption of petroleum products, adoption of green technologies and engaging in climate diplomacy with neighbors and the rest of the world to curb pollution, air pollution in particular, that has been severely affecting everything and being—from the world’s tallest peak, the Sagarmatha, to flora and fauna to every ordinary Nepali with extraordinary potential. 

The Nepali Congress has once again pulled itself back from the brink. After weeks of infighting over the timing of its General Convention, the party’s rival factions have finally settled on holding the gathering in early January. This compromise has, for now, quieted calls from the dissident camp for a special convention. Still, the truce remains fragile. Lingering disputes over active membership lists and the selection of convention representatives continue to cast doubt on whether the event can proceed as planned.

Against this uncertain backdrop, the leadership race is already underway. With national elections set for March 5, the NC is grappling with a strategic dilemma: should it overhaul its leadership before going to the polls, or wait until after the election to avoid further internal turbulence? The establishment and reformist camps are pulling in opposite directions, and their tug-of-war is shaping the party’s pre-election mood.

Across the aisle, the CPN-UML is moving ahead with preparations for its own national convention, scheduled for Dec 13–15 in Kathmandu. Yet instead of the usual sense of momentum, insiders describe an unexpected fatigue within the party. Local representatives in several districts have shown limited interest in internal elections, raising concerns among senior leaders. Many fear that if the grassroots remain disengaged now, they may not mobilize effectively during the national campaign.

The convention itself is expected to stage a high-stakes showdown between incumbent chair KP Sharma Oli and senior leader Ishwar Pokhrel. Oli maintains that he welcomes democratic competition but warns that a bruising leadership battle could leave the party divided at a critical moment. His preferred path of reaching consensus and avoiding internal bloodshed reflects the anxiety within the party ahead of the March polls.

Meanwhile, one of Nepal’s most popular technocrats is venturing deeper into the political arena. Kul Man Ghising, celebrated for ending load-shedding during his tenure at the Nepal Electricity Authority and now serving as a minister in the Karki-led government, has been crisscrossing the country in what increasingly resembles a shadow political campaign.

Though Ghising holds no formal party post, he is widely perceived as the driving force behind the newly launched Ujyaalo Nepal Party, fronted by former energy secretary Anup Upadhyaya. His appearance as the chief guest at the party’s Dec 4 inauguration has sparked debate about whether a sitting minister should be helping build a political organization. The presence of former Rastriya Swatantra Party MP Sumana Shrestha added to speculation that the party may be attracting disenchanted reformists from across the political spectrum.

On the left, Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s Nepali Communist Party has begun staging large mass meetings nationwide in an effort to project unity and strength after months of defections and organizational stagnation. Despite skepticism from rivals, turnout has been substantial, suggesting that Nepal’s fragmented left may still command an energized base heading into the elections.

Amid this churn, new political outfits continue to emerge almost weekly. As a result, Kathmandu is buzzing with speculation about potential pre-election alliances among them. Many observers believe only a coordinated front can challenge the traditional parties, whose supporters are showing signs of deepening disillusionment. A unified bloc of new parties could reshape the electoral battlefield and force the NC, UML, and the Maoist Centre into a more defensive posture.

Foreign relations are also subtly influencing political conversations. KP Sharma Oli’s decision to attend China’s Victory Day parade in September has left lingering discomfort in Tokyo, where officials had hoped he would decline the invitation given the event’s wartime symbolism. Even so, Japan has continued its development partnership with Nepal without interruption. This year alone, it has signed a ¥2.8bn grant for emergency rehabilitation of the flood-damaged Sindhuli Road and approved a Rs 31bn loan to upgrade the congested Koteshwor intersection. As one senior diplomat put it, “Japan has helped Nepal without strategic strings for decades. Future prime ministers should avoid needless missteps.”

Nepal also received a diplomatic boost this week with the appointment of Lt Gen Ganesh Kumar Shrestha as the new Force Commander of the UN Interim Security Force for Abyei. A veteran with 36 years of service, Shrestha has led major divisions within the Nepali Army and served as Sector Commander in UNMISS, further reinforcing Nepal’s reputation as a committed peacekeeping nation.

Back home, negotiations between the government and the GenZ protest groups, whose nationwide demonstrations in September shook the political establishment, have stalled. More than 50 youth groups have submitted demands centered on swift and credible action against corruption. Recent high-profile arrests have raised hopes that the government may finally be allowing state institutions to act without political interference. Whether this represents genuine reform or tactical appeasement remains one of the capital’s most debated questions.

Despite the political noise, the Election Commission has begun setting up offices across the country in preparation for the March 5 polls. The government is reportedly preparing to recommend several electoral reforms to President Ram Chandra Poudel, including the introduction of a “None of the Above” (NOTA) option on the ballot—a proposal gaining support amid widespread frustration with political elites.

Yet major parties appear more preoccupied with internal disputes than with election readiness. A new theory circulating in Kathmandu suggests the government may even consider postponing the polls to give newly formed parties more breathing room. However, President Poudel is said to be pushing firmly for elections to proceed on schedule, warning that any delay could trigger a constitutional crisis.

Since the formation of the Sushila Karki–led government following  Sept 8–9 protests, there has been minimal engagement between Kathmandu and Beijing. In the aftermath of the GenZ protests, Chinese Ambassador to Nepal Chen Song met Prime Minister Sushila Karki and other government ministers to convey Beijing’s concerns, but there have been no high-level visits between Kathmandu and Beijing. 

Typically, October, November and December see a high number of visits as part of preparations for the coming year. This time, however, not only have the visits from China declined, but overall Chinese activities have also slowed. A China watcher noted, “Beijing may be in a wait-and-see position as the political developments unfold in Nepal.”

Similarly, Beijing’s viewpoint may be that since the current government cannot take major policy decisions, it is better to wait for the new government to be formed after the elections. According to people familiar with the matter, Beijing has conveyed two messages to Nepal following the GenZ protests. First, what happened on Sept 8–9 and the political course that followed is Nepal’s internal affair. Second, China has strongly raised its security concerns due to the open involvement of some Tibetan groups in those protests.

Over the past decade, China’s political, economic and security influence in Nepal has grown, increasing Beijing’s confidence that any government in power will refrain from jeopardizing its security interests related to Tibetan activities. However, the events of September have renewed Beijing’s worries.

Thus, after the GenZ movement, Beijing is experiencing both confidence and insecurity regarding its security interests. China is now closely monitoring the activities of the Tibetan community as well as broader political developments, including cabinet formation. Beijing believes that there can be no substantial progress on the Belt and Road Initiative under the current government. For this reason, China has adopted a policy of maintaining only a working relationship with the new government, with a special emphasis on security concerns. During this period, several Chinese delegations visited Nepal to study the Genz movement and assess potential challenges to bilateral relations.