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The interim government formed in the immediate aftermath of a youths-led movement on Sept 8-9 has an uphill task ahead: conducting elections within six months (of which one month has already elapsed), which is easier said than done. 

The state organs have suffered burns of varying degrees in the ensuing violence. Many police posts, tasked with maintaining law and order, have turned to ashes. For many police personnel, according to reports, even uniform has become a luxury, leave alone other amenities. At this point in time, the morale of the police force may not be exactly high as it has just survived a serious crisis, with burns and scars of various degrees and depths. 

What’s more, out of over 14, 000 inmates, who escaped from 28 prisons and juvenile detention centers across Nepal during the protests, nearly 5,700 individuals, including hardened criminals, are still on the run—with looted weapons—while 8,851 escapees, including 341 juvenile detainees, have voluntarily surrendered.  

Concerningly, the government does not seem as serious as it should be when it comes to conducting an operation for the search, arrest and disarming of the absconders. Is the government waiting for some auspicious date to conduct such an operation?  

Still, the government appears serious about conducting the elections within the stipulated timeframe (5 March 2026) and handing over the reins to an elected government. It has directed the Election Commission to make preparations for the polls and called Nepali missions abroad to garner support of host governments and organizations for the cause.     

Sounds great, but polls cannot take place in a vacuum. The democratic exercise is impossible without taking a shaken and stirred people into confidence, for which a semblance of order is necessary. In every democracy worth its name, polls are impossible without the participation of political parties. 

But the government seems to have forgotten—or undermined, deliberately or otherwise—to take the parties into confidence.  

Apart from issuing instructions to the EC and making logistical arrangements for the vote, the government should also reach out to the parties. 

On their part, the parties should not forget that only a popular vote can take the country out of this long and dark tunnel of anarchy. 

It’s time the government rallied the whole nation for polls by taking the parties and other stakeholders into confidence. Government instructions and directives sound great, but action should speak louder.

Nepal is facing a unique convergence of political, social, and environmental challenges, leaving a profound impact on the collective mental health of its population. This year’s World Mental Health Day theme, “Access to Services: Mental Health in Catastrophes and Emergencies,” could not be more relevant. The nation has witnessed historic youth mobilization through the GenZ revolution, alongside unprecedented floods and landslides that have caused widespread loss of life, displacement, and disruption. Both events illustrate the urgent need for robust, accessible, and integrated mental health services for all Nepalis.

The burden of suicide in Nepal

Mental health challenges in Nepal have long been a public health concern. According to Nepal Police statistics, in the last fiscal year 2024/25 alone, 7,055 people lost their lives to suicide, averaging roughly 20 deaths per day. On a population scale, this translates to approximately 24 deaths per 100,000 people due to suicide in a single year.
The National Mental Health Survey 2020 further highlights that 6.5 percent of adults and 3.9 percent of adolescents reported having suicidal thoughts, indicating widespread psychological distress across age groups. Suicide is particularly significant among women of reproductive age (15–49 years), where it is identified as the leading cause of death. These alarming statistics underscore the importance of addressing mental health not as an ancillary issue but as a core public health priority.
Nepal has recognized mental health as a fundamental human right. Article 35 of the Constitution guarantees basic health services as a fundamental right, ensuring that all citizens can access health care, including emergency services, without cost. The Public Health Service Act 2075, Section 3, and the Public Health Service Regulations 2077, Rule 3, explicitly include mental health services as part of basic health care, guaranteeing citizens the right to free access. Moreover, the Muluki Criminal Code 2074, Section 185, prohibits encouraging suicide, reinforcing a legal framework to protect vulnerable individuals.
In line with the Sustainable Development Goals, Nepal aims to reduce suicide mortality from 16.5 per 100,000 population to 4.7 per 100,000 by 2030. Achieving this target requires both systemic reforms and community-level interventions that combine prevention, treatment, and psychosocial support.

Political upheaval and mental health: The GenZ revolution

The GenZ revolution represents one of the most significant social movements in Nepal’s recent history. Youth activists, primarily aged 15 to 29, organized protests, awareness campaigns, and digital advocacy to demand accountability, transparency, and systemic change. While the movement energized public discourse and created a sense of agency among young people, it also generated significant psychological strain.
Prolonged participation in protests, exposure to conflict and police action, disrupted daily routines, and the pressure of balancing academic and professional responsibilities created a high-risk environment for stress, anxiety, depression, and trauma. Constant exposure to political tension through social media amplified mental health risks, leading to emotional exhaustion and increased vulnerability to long-term psychological effects.
The experiences of these young activists highlight a broader lesson: political emergencies function as psychological catastrophes. Individuals engaged in social movements often experience emotional distress comparable to those affected by natural disasters. Recognizing and responding to such mental health needs is essential for building a resilient society.

Natural disasters: Floods and landslides

Nepal’s geographic and climatic conditions have made it prone to natural disasters. In early Oct 2025, continuous heavy rainfall caused severe floods and landslides across the country. The affected areas included Ilam, Rautahat, Khotang, and parts of Kathmandu Valley. Over fifty lives were lost, and hundreds of families were displaced, highlighting the devastating human and psychological toll of environmental emergencies.
In Ilam, entire villages were swept away by mudslides. Rautahat and Khotang experienced flash floods that destroyed homes, farmlands, and critical infrastructure. In Kathmandu, waterlogged roads, blocked highways, and submerged bridges severely disrupted mobility and access to essential services. Major highways, including Araniko, BP, and Kanti, were cut off for several days, isolating communities and delaying emergency relief.
These events produced not only immediate physical damage but also long-lasting psychological distress. Families faced the loss of homes and livelihoods, children were separated from schools and routines, and communities experienced uncertainty and fear. Displacement to temporary shelters and constant exposure to danger created conditions conducive to anxiety, post-traumatic stress, depression, and suicidal ideation. The floods served as a stark reminder that natural disasters have profound emotional and mental health implications alongside physical devastation.

Intersecting crises and compounded risks

The intersection of political upheaval and environmental disasters has intensified mental health challenges in Nepal. Youth already experiencing stress from activism were simultaneously facing additional pressures from floods, landslides, and displacement. Disrupted education, interrupted employment, and cumulative stressors have created conditions conducive to long-term psychological disorders.
Emergencies of any kind disrupt daily life, create uncertainty, and reduce access to coping mechanisms. In Nepal, these compounded crises demonstrate how political, social, and environmental factors converge to exacerbate mental health vulnerabilities.

Challenges in mental health service access

Nepal’s mental health infrastructure faces significant limitations. There are fewer than 200 psychiatrists nationwide, and most are concentrated in urban areas, leaving rural and disaster-affected populations underserved. Psychologists, psychiatric nurses, and trained counselors are limited, and community-based psychosocial support programs are often inconsistent due to insufficient resources, staff shortages, and limited integration into emergency response systems.
Stigma further limits service utilization. Despite legal provisions and constitutional guarantees, many individuals avoid seeking help due to fear of social judgment or misunderstanding about mental health. In disaster situations, when access is most critical, these structural and social barriers can leave vulnerable populations without support.

Strategies to strengthen mental health resilience

Addressing Nepal’s mental health challenges requires a holistic and integrated approach across multiple levels. Expanding community-based services is essential, with schools, health posts, and community centers providing accessible mental health support, particularly in rural and disaster-prone areas. Frontline workers, including teachers, health professionals, and volunteers, should be trained in psychological first aid, trauma recognition, and referral systems to ensure timely and appropriate support. Mental health services must also be fully integrated into disaster response plans, guaranteeing that counseling, psychosocial support, and safe spaces are available alongside essential provisions such as food, shelter, and medical care. The use of digital platforms and tele-counseling can further extend reach, connecting isolated communities during floods, landslides, and other emergencies.
At the policy level, the government must prioritize mental health within disaster management frameworks and allocate adequate resources for sustainable, nationwide service delivery. Finally, public awareness campaigns are critical to reduce stigma, educate communities, and promote early intervention, ensuring that individuals seek help promptly and receive the support they need.

Conclusion: Building a resilient Nepal

Nepal in 2025 illustrates the intricate connections between political, social, and environmental crises and mental health outcomes. The experiences of youth during the GenZ revolution, combined with the trauma of floods and landslides, as well as persistent challenges related to suicide, emphasize the urgent need for comprehensive, accessible mental health care.
Mental health is not a secondary concern. It is a fundamental right, a public health priority, and a societal responsibility. Strengthening mental health systems, integrating services into disaster response, and ensuring universal access are essential steps toward protecting lives, empowering youth, and building a resilient society.
On this World Mental Health Day, Nepal has an opportunity to act decisively to safeguard mental well-being, honor constitutional and legal rights, and ensure that the mental health of all citizens is treated with the urgency and respect it deserves.

It has been exactly one month since the GenZ protests toppled the KP Sharma Oli-led government, marking one of the most dramatic political shifts in Nepal’s recent history. Following Oli’s resignation at 2 pm on Sept 9, the country drifted into nearly nine hours of stateless uncertainty until 10:30 pm, when the Nepal Army assumed temporary command over both security and political affairs to prevent further chaos.

Over the next three days, the Army facilitated a series of intense negotiations between President Ramchandra Paudel and the GenZ protest leaders, as well as with senior figures from major political parties. These discussions, though tense and at times inconclusive, culminated in what was presented as a constitutional way out of the crisis. On Sept 12— just three days after the violent clashes that led to at least 74 deaths including 19 students—an interim government was formed under former Chief Justice Sushila Karki, with a six-month mandate to hold national elections.

Breaking from our usual editorial format, this issue takes stock of the major political shifts, emerging power struggles, and societal undercurrents that have defined the past month.

Interim government’s mandate

Immediately after being sworn in as interim Prime Minister, Karki dissolved Parliament and announced that fresh national elections would be held on March 5 next year. Her initial cabinet appointments signaled a desire for technocratic competence and public trust: senior advocate Om Prakash Aryal was named Home Minister, and former Finance Secretary Rameshwar Khanal was appointed Finance Minister.

On Sept 25, Karki delivered her first national address, delineating the priorities and limitations of her caretaker administration. She firmly stated that no constitutional amendment would take place before the elections. The interim government, she stressed, exists to ensure a smooth and credible transition, not to embark on structural reforms. She further noted that the more fundamental demands of the GenZ movement, such as constitutional reform and a shift in the system of governance, fall outside its temporary jurisdiction.

Since then, Karki has reiterated that her government’s single overriding priority is to hold elections on time. To this end, she has maintained close coordination with the Election Commission and pledged full logistical support. On Oct 8, while addressing Nepali ambassadors abroad, she underscored the importance of securing international backing to guarantee the timely and credible conduct of the polls.

This clarity of focus has won her cautious support across various quarters. In our view as well, ensuring free, fair, and timely elections remains the most responsible course of action amid the current volatility.

The chances of holding elections, however, are becoming increasingly challenging, as the CPN-UML has demanded the restoration of Parliament, and the Nepali Congress is likely to follow suit. Soon after the dissolution of Parliament, political parties collectively opposed the move.

Fragile law and order

The law and order situation remains precarious. During the Sept 8–9 protests, the Nepal Police bore the brunt of the violence. Protesters looted weapons and uniforms, assaulted officers, and torched several police posts, while other security forces largely stood aside. Though police operations have slowly resumed, morale remains low and resources stretched thin.

Differences between the cabinet and security chiefs persist over how to handle investigations into the killings, arson, and widespread destruction of both public and private property. The government has formed a judicial inquiry commission led by former judge Gauri Bahadur Karki to investigate the protest-related violence and the deaths. 

However, distrust between protestors and the state remains deep.

GenZ demonstrators have filed formal complaints demanding the immediate arrest of former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, former Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak, and several senior officials allegedly implicated in the killings. In retaliation, youth wings of major political parties have lodged a case against Kathmandu Mayor Balendra Shah and Sudan Gurung, accusing them of inciting unrest. This tit-for-tat exchange has created an atmosphere of mutual hostility, threatening to reignite street confrontations and deepen the crisis.

While Prime Minister Karki and her cabinet have publicly supported the idea of holding those responsible accountable, security chiefs have advised restraint, warning that premature arrests could destabilize an already fragile order. Acting on the inquiry commission’s recommendations, the government has restricted the foreign and domestic travel of Oli, Lekhak, and several high-ranking officials, requiring them to seek permission before leaving the Kathmandu Valley. The commission is expected to summon Oli for questioning in the coming days.

Fragmented GenZ 

A month after their political triumph, the GenZ movement is showing signs of fragmentation. Dozens of splinter groups have emerged, advancing competing visions for Nepal’s political future. Some factions demand the complete dismantling of the current constitution and a shift toward a directly elected presidential system, while others argue for preserving the constitutional framework but reforming its implementation. Several groups are reportedly planning renewed street demonstrations to press forth their respective demands.

Observers note that these divisions have made the movement vulnerable to political co-option, as various GenZ factions begin aligning themselves with different established parties and agendas.

Private sector’s anxiety

Beyond the political turbulence, Nepal’s economic outlook has sharply deteriorated. The private sector has warned that continued impunity and instability could paralyze business recovery. Tourism, contributing nearly seven percent of the GDP, has been among the hardest-hit sectors, with hotel occupancy plunging from 70 percent before the protests to around 30 percent afterward. The World Bank now projects Nepal’s growth rate to fall from an estimated five percent to around two percent this fiscal year.

Despite the grim outlook, the interim government’s fiscal restraint and efficiency measures have earned praise. The decision to curtail unnecessary public spending has been well received, and the government’s proactive disaster preparedness during recent floods and landslides has drawn commendation for saving lives through effective coordination among agencies.

Corruption and accountability

Fighting corruption was one of the GenZ movement’s core demands. However, the interim administration faces both constitutional and procedural obstacles in creating new anti-corruption mechanisms. The Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) is under intense public scrutiny, with its chief, Prem Kumar Rai, facing mounting calls to resign. Protestors accuse the CIAA of protecting the political elite rather than prosecuting them.

Shifts in external relations

Internationally, Nepal’s political transition has been met with cautious engagement. Key development partners and regional powers, including India, Japan, and the European Union, have expressed readiness to support both the upcoming elections and post-crisis reconstruction. China, however, has remained conspicuously silent.

Diplomatic circles were abuzz after the Dalai Lama sent a congratulatory message to the Karki-led government, a gesture that has unsettled Beijing and stirred debate in Kathmandu about Nepal’s delicate balancing act between competing global interests. Prime Minister Karki has yet to appoint a Foreign Minister, but her government has made it clear that foreign relations will prioritize stability, credibility, and election support.

Political parties in flux

In the wake of the GenZ uprising, Nepal’s traditional political establishment has entered a period of introspection and disarray. Many senior leaders went underground during the peak of the protests, wary of the public backlash.

Among the major parties, the CPN (Maoist Center) was the first to react by dissolving its Central Working Committee and forming a General Convention Organizing Committee under Pushpa Kamal Dahal. The Maoists have since positioned themselves as sympathetic to the GenZ demands for systemic reform, particularly the idea of a directly elected president. At the same time, they are strategically maneuvering to benefit from the waning popularity of the Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML.

The Nepali Congress remains indecisive. Party President Sher Bahadur Deuba is still undergoing medical treatment, leaving the party effectively leaderless. Younger leaders like Gagan Thapa and Bishwa Prakash Sharma have apologized for the party’s failures and launched a signature campaign calling for an extraordinary convention to replace the old guard. Yet senior figures such as Prakash Sharan Mahat, Prakash Man Singh, and Purna Bahadur Khadka have resisted, arguing that internal leadership changes could weaken the party ahead of elections. Whether the NC will contest the polls or push for the restoration of the dissolved Parliament remains uncertain.

Within the CPN-UML, Chairman KP Sharma Oli has rejected internal calls to resign, declaring in a virtual address to district chairs that he will lead the party “as long as I have the strength, conviction, and clarity of vision.” The UML views the GenZ movement as a foreign-orchestrated attempt to weaken Nepal’s sovereignty, particularly blaming Western actors. The party now appears to favor reinstating Parliament and has dismissed the findings of the judicial inquiry commission.

The Rastriya Swatantra Party, Nepal’s fourth-largest political force, is similarly mired in internal conflict. The GenZ uprising has intensified scrutiny of party chairman Rabi Lamichhane’s unresolved legal cases. The resignation of senior leader Sumana Shrestha has exposed deep fractures within the party, dashing earlier hopes that it could capitalize on the disillusionment with traditional parties.

Civil society’s renewed voice

Over the past year Nepal’s civil society has reasserted itself as a moral and political force. In the wake of the GenZ protests, prominent intellectuals, journalists, and activists have called for the old political class to make way for new leadership. They also urged the government and parties to ensure a peaceful environment for credible elections.

Civil society’s growing engagement reflects a broader sentiment shared across the country: while the GenZ protests succeeded in disrupting the old order, the difficult task of rebuilding public trust, democratic accountability, and institutional integrity has only just begun.

During the protests, mainstream media were targeted, severely limiting their ability to report independently. Amid a climate of impunity and fear, many Nepali journalists have resorted to self-censorship. Despite these constraints, the media continue to play a vital role in holding those in power accountable.

The GenZ uprising of Sept 8-9 has reignited debate over the relevance of Nepal’s federal governance system. Calls are growing to dismantle the provincial structure and empower local levels further. At the same time, a parallel public sentiment questions whether seeking alternatives to federalism is premature. Political and social representatives emerging after the movement have openly presented divergent perspectives on the issue.

Nepal formally adopted a federal system with the 2015 Constitution, which came into full implementation in 2018. While federalism had been sporadically discussed in earlier debates, the Madhes movement and other ethnic-regional agitations following the 2007 Interim Constitution were pivotal in institutionalizing it. Political parties of that era accepted federalism under pressure to pacify unrest and restore stability. It is therefore indisputable that federalism in Nepal was not a spontaneously embraced principle but a system established through struggle.

Against this backdrop, dissatisfaction with the provincial setup, considered the “soul” of federalism, has emerged as a pressing subject for analysis. Why has public support for provinces eroded so rapidly? This question lies at the heart of the ongoing national debate: Why are the provinces neglected?

An ambiguous role

Nepal’s Constitution clearly delineates powers and responsibilities among the federal, provincial and local levels, including both shared and exclusive authorities. Despite these clear provisions and subsequent functional reports further clarifying them, the federal government has failed to sufficiently empower the provinces.

The Constitution restricts provinces from enacting laws that contradict federal legislation. Yet, because the federal parliament has delayed passing or amending necessary laws, provinces were left in a prolonged legal vacuum. Consequently, they began drafting their own legislation. For instance, the Federal Civil Service Act is still pending, whereas provinces have already enacted their civil and local service laws, creating legal inconsistencies that have reached the Constitutional Bench.

Fiscal federalism has similarly suffered. Major taxes and large infrastructure projects remain under federal control, preventing provinces from achieving financial self-reliance and making them dependent on federal grants. This situation has raised questions about the federal government’s genuine commitment to federalism. Administrative disruptions, particularly in personnel adjustment, have compounded the problem. Forced adjustment often met with resistance undermined the provinces’ ability to implement federalism effectively. The failure to stabilize the administrative backbone weakened the system’s overall efficacy.

Provinces’ weaknesses

In the initial phase, provincial governments appeared relatively agile and committed. Small seven-member cabinets functioned despite limited staff and legal gaps. Over time, some of these challenges got resolved, but then the provinces began replicating the federal government’s problematic practices.

Unnecessary expansion of ministries, oversized cabinets, bloated advisory bodies and costly administrative setups increased recurrent expenditures without producing tangible improvements in citizens’ lives. Provincial legislators frequently engaged in party splits and political maneuvering to secure positions and power—further eroding public trust. Corruption and uncontrolled benefits by political personalities amplified public criticism.

Government change in the Center also affected provincial stability. Governments were formed or dissolved at the federal leadership’s signal, weakening provincial autonomy. As a result, provincial administrations—the intended embodiments of federalism, began operating under external influence, failing to establish themselves as credible institutions in the public eye.

Judiciary’s ineffective role

Scholars have long expected the judiciary to guide provinces to become stronger and more capable through clear constitutional interpretation. Judicial decisions significantly shape federal practices, yet courts have failed to safeguard provincial autonomy adequately.

Most of the cases accusing the federal government of unnecessary interference or lack of facilitation have remained unresolved. Decisions, when issued, lack uniformity. For example, cases filed by the Madhesh Province Government over the Sagarnath forest project or staff adjustments have remained unresolved for seven years. Supreme Court rulings on the Gandaki Province government formation have given rise to significant legal disagreements. Differing court orders on writs filed by transferred civil servants further entrenched uncertainty for provincial governments and employees.

Such inconsistencies have reinforced the perception that centralized thinking dominates the judiciary. The courts’ failure to act as constitutional guardians of provincial stability is a major factor impacting public confidence in the federal system.

Irresponsible media

Mainstream media could have played a pivotal role in consolidating federalism. Instead, driven by TRP (Target Rating Point) competition, sensationalism often eclipsed informed reporting.

Positive provincial initiatives such as investments in social sectors, improvements in human development indicators and tourism promotion have received limited attention. In contrast, stories on cabinet reshuffles, ministerial lifestyles and petty scandals got amplified, fostering negative perceptions of the provincial structure.

While corruption has existed historically, media reports often exaggerated its prevalence only after the formation of provincial governments. Pro-federal voices were relegated to minor columns, while anti-federal perspectives dominated front pages. This biased information flow heightened public dissatisfaction and distrust toward provincial governments.

Influence multiplied

In today’s digital age, social media amplifies public discourse alongside traditional media. Activists and influencers compete for followers and views, often overlooking positive provincial initiatives. Single mistakes are sensationalized, analyzed from multiple angles and sometimes mixed with fabricated claims.

This flood of misinformation and malinformation leaves citizens unable to discern fact from fiction. Provincial governance is inherently the most challenging layer of the federal system for public comprehension. While it takes time to demonstrate necessity and effectiveness, various interest groups have exploited this period to magnify weaknesses and advance their agendas. Misleading campaigns have significantly contributed to public neglect of provinces.

Conclusion

Federalism forms the backbone of Nepal’s constitutional, political, and administrative framework. It was introduced not merely for administrative convenience but to ensure inclusive governance that accommodates Nepal’s diverse social, cultural and regional realities. Today’s imperative is not to dismantle provinces but to reform them—creating lean, efficient and results-oriented provincial structures. Through improved, citizen-centric federal practices, provincial governments can regain public confidence and become foundational pillars in building a tolerant society and a prosperous Nepal.