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Dust, mud and frequent traffic congestion have made daily travel along the Suryabinayak–Sanga road section increasingly difficult for commuters. Rohit Shrestha, 26 was travelling with his grandmother in a scooter when the tire slipped and they fell in the muddy road at Sanga. He said that the road has been in a very poor state for some time, but he hopes to see it being constructed soon. In the same way, local shopkeepers say dust has affected business and have caused health issues too due to dust, while commuters complain about traffic jams during peak hours.

Ranjana Siwakoti, a regular public bus commuter, says the ongoing road construction has made daily travel exhausting. She said it now takes around 15 to 20 minutes to reach Suryabinayak from Jagati—a short stretch that previously required far less time. According to her, traffic congestion, dusty conditions and uneven road surfaces have made the journey increasingly difficult for passengers.

These commuting challenges are largely due to the ongoing expansion of the 16-kilometer Suryabinayak–Dhulikhel section of the Araniko Highway, which began in January 2023. The project aims to widen the road into six lanes and has been divided into two sections—Suryabinayak–Sanga and Sanga–Dhulikhel. Progress in the Sanga–Dhulikhel stretch has been faster compared to the Suryabinayak–Sanga section.

Engineers say delays in the Suryabinayak–Sanga section were mainly due to house demolitions, relocation of utilities, intersection management and the dismantling of structures built against road setback rules.

Officials explained that a provision requiring space to be left while constructing houses was introduced in 1975 during the construction of the Araniko Highway. Houses built without following the protocol had to be removed, and since many were on private property, coordination with owners and authorities took additional time. Some structures still remain, requiring further coordination at different government levels. Authorities, however, say the project can meet its deadline if work continues at the current pace and resources are mobilized smoothly.

Currently, in the Suryabinayak–Sanga section, one lane is being layered with Cement Treated Base, which will be followed by a crack relief layer, Dense Bituminous Macadam and finally asphalt. According to Pradeep Tamang, engineer at the Department of Roads, work on the left lane has also been started from Suryabinayak. He added that currently, the project employs 110 human resources.

Tamang said there had been some budget-related issues in the past, but authorities are now providing additional funds. Rs 60m had been allocated for the current fiscal year, which was considered insufficient. The project has now requested an additional Rs 4bn to continue the work smoothly. He expressed hope that similar financial support will continue in the coming days to ensure steady progress of the project. He also acknowledged that local residents have faced several difficulties due to the construction work and said efforts are being made to complete the project smoothly and at a faster pace with the support of local authorities. He added that preparations are underway for the rainy season, noting that there are only three to four effective working months left for fiscal year 2025/26, and planning is being done accordingly.

According to Anju Pariyar, information officer at the Department of Roads, the Suryabinayak–Sanga section of the project was originally contracted on 8 March 2023, with a deadline of 7 March 2026, which was later extended to 13 March 2027 to accommodate delays. Similarly, the Sanga–Dhulikhel section, initially scheduled to be completed by 12 Dec 2025, was extended to Dec 2026 to allow for ongoing construction challenges.

Tamang said the team is prioritizing measures to reduce dust and mud, especially during the monsoon. Roads are being blacktopped as quickly as possible, and in sections where black topping cannot be completed on time, gravel will be laid to minimize dust and mud without damaging the existing pavement.

Pariyar said that bridges along the route will also be upgraded. “Three existing bridges within the 8-kilometer stretch—at Jagati, Mahadev Khola and Punya Mata Khola—will be redeveloped as part of the expansion,” she said. The work has been awarded under a separate contract to the Hindu Focus–Ramjanaki JV, following a design-and-build modality. Surveying and preparatory work are currently underway.

The 15.8-kilometer road expansion is being carried out under two separate contracts. Of the total stretch, the Suryabinayak–Sanga section has recorded partial progress, while the Sanga–Dhulikhel segment has achieved relatively higher physical progress. Lama Construction Company has been awarded the contract for the Sanga–Dhulikhel section of the road expansion project. Meanwhile, the Suryabinayak–Sanga section has been contracted to the Ashish–Kumar Shrestha–Bandan Bhagawati JV.

The project involves widening the 16-kilometer Suryabinayak–Dhulikhel section of the Araniko Highway into a six-lane road. The 7.5 kilometer Suryabinayak–Sanga stretch was awarded at a contract cost of Rs 3.8bn, while the 8.5 kilometre Sanga–Dhulikhel section was contracted for Rs 4.5bn. Despite financial constraints that caused delays, key infrastructure works such as retaining walls, drainage systems and culverts have already been completed.

Once the highway expansion is completed, the travel time from Kathmandu to Dhulikhel is expected to be reduced to approximately 30 minutes in total, significantly improving connectivity and easing traffic flow. Construction activities are currently ongoing in both sections. Meanwhile, 95 percent of retaining wall and drain construction has been completed. About two kilometres of the Sanga–Dhulikhel section has already been paved.

Overall, the Suryabinayak–Dhulikhel road expansion project has achieved around 45 percent physical development, with the Sanga–Dhulikhel section progressing faster than the Suryabinayak–Sanga stretch. Authorities say that, if work continues at the current pace and resources are mobilized effectively, the project can meet its target completion by deadline. If completed on time, the six-lane highway is expected to significantly ease traffic congestion, reduce travel time and improve safety for thousands of daily commuters.

The parliamentary election scheduled for March 5 has attracted significant international attention. Major powers such as the United States, India, and China are closely watching the development, assessing the possible poll outcomes and their implications for them. Although all have maintained a cautious public stance to avoid the appearance of interference, their interest reflects deeper strategic, political, and economic concerns.

Global scrutiny

The Sept 8-9 GenZ protests were unprecedented in terms of their speed of mobilization and institutional impact. Within hours, key state mechanisms appeared paralyzed. The scale and intensity of the protests surprised observers worldwide. For Nepal’s immediate neighbors, the implications were especially serious. India and China, both of which share borders with Nepal, were concerned about possible spillover effects. India’s concerns were heightened by its open border and deep socio-political ties with Nepal, prompting policymakers to consider how similar unrest might affect its own domestic environment. China, highly sensitive to instability in its neighborhood, also watched the situation closely. Against this backdrop, the international community is now carefully observing how Nepali leaders respond and what direction the country takes after the elections.

The rise of new political forces

The emergence of parties such as the Rastriya Swatantra Party and other alternative political forces signals a potential shift in Nepal’s political landscape. For decades, external partners have worked with fragile coalition governments marked by frequent leadership changes, inconsistent policies, and a widening gap between promises and implementation. Diplomatic and development engagements were often disrupted by ministerial reshuffles and shifting alliances. Many in the international community see the possible rise of new leadership as an opportunity for greater policy coherence, particularly in foreign affairs and economic governance. If new actors form the government, their foreign policy direction and governance priorities will be closely scrutinized. However, new political parties have not clearly laid out their foreign policy priorities in their election manifestos. However, they have recognized that handling the relationship with major powers is a difficult and delicate task. International observers are also watching leadership shifts within traditional parties, including the potential rise of figures such as Gagan Thapa within the Nepali Congress.

The politicization of foreign policy

Several key bilateral and multilateral initiatives have been drawn into domestic political debates. The 1950 Treaty and border issues with India have often been used for political mobilization rather than genuine agendas to be addressed through sustained diplomatic engagement. India will be closely watching how the new political parties or new leaders of traditional political parties handle those issues when they form the government. The Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) compact with the United States became highly politicized, as did discussions around the Indo-Pacific Strategy and the State Partnership Program. Similarly, China’s Belt and Road Initiative faced controversy and delays. For major powers, such politicization complicates long-term planning and implementation. Many international observers believe that new political forces may avoid repeating the mistakes of past leaders by handling foreign policy matters with greater consistency and pragmatism.

Economic reform and the investment climate

Nepal’s strategic location and untapped economic potential have long attracted interest from both major and middle powers. The United States has consistently urged improvements in Nepal’s investment climate to encourage greater private-sector involvement. Under the Trump administration, economic and business interests were prioritized. With the shutdown of USAID, trade, investment, and China-related issues have become central pillars of Nepal–US engagement. China, India, Japan, Australia, and South Korea share similar concerns about Nepal’s business environment. Relationships with Japan, Australia, South Korea and other countries are equally important because they are in a well-position to invest in Nepal.  Despite some legal reforms, structural challenges—such as bureaucratic delays, regulatory uncertainty, and weak implementation—continue to discourage large-scale investment. International stakeholders hope that a new government, especially one with a strong reform mandate, will focus on improving the ease of doing business and advancing meaningful structural reforms.

Nepal’s geopolitical balancing act

Nepal has historically followed a policy of non-alignment while expanding diplomatic and economic ties with competing global powers. The international community is closely watching whether the new government that emerges after the GenZ movement will continue this approach or adopt a different strategic alignment. Over the past decade, China’s economic presence and political influence in Nepal have grown, prompting caution in India and among Western countries. The shifting balance of influence in Kathmandu carries broader regional implications. As a result, the upcoming election is viewed not merely as a domestic political event but as a potential turning point in Nepal’s external relations. Traditional political parties have generally adhered to the principle of non-alignment, while newer political forces have yet to clearly articulate their foreign policy positions. In fact, most parties have deliberately avoided taking firm stances on foreign policy issues in their election manifestos. The West will put emphasis on greater transparency, accountability in the new government’s handling of domestic and international issues. Like in the past, they will closely watch Nepal’s dealing with China. China will be more assertive to secure its security and strategic interests along with pressing the new government to implement the past agreement reached between two countries when Xi Jinping visited Nepal in 2019. India’s prime concerns are security, investment, new government’s approach to pending issues, China factor and new government’s approach with the West. The new priorities of the Trump administration in Nepal will be implementation of MCC, trade and investment, security cooperation and Nepal's response to the US policy on human trafficking and illegal migrants.

Conclusion

As election day approaches, major countries are publicly refraining from overt involvement or endorsement. Western nations appear open to the emergence of new political forces, hoping for improved governance and greater policy stability. India has indicated its willingness to work with any elected government, though it remains attentive to how new leaders might shape bilateral relations. China, while maintaining its principle of non-interference, is reportedly cautious about potential shifts that could weaken traditional communist forces in parliament and disrupt policy continuity. 

The Election Commission has clarified vehicles carrying essentials including drinking water, milk, fruits, vegetables, fish, meat, and petroleum products do not require a permit to operate on the day of the election to  the House of Representatives. 

The Commission has stated that Vehicle Permit Procedures, 2082 notes that the vehicles used for telecommunication services, drinking water, electricity, and sewage maintenance, and hospital service (for the movement of hospital doctors and health workers from home to hospital and from hospital to home) will not require a permit to operate on March 5.

Meanwhile, the Commission has recommended to the Government of Nepal to make arrangements so that such vehicles are used only by the concerned users and do not carry unrelated passengers.

In addition, no pass is required for vehicles carrying passengers traveling to and from the airport for international and domestic air services.  

Similarly, vehicles carrying pregnant women, women who are unable to walk, women carrying their own children, women with disabilities, physically challenged people, senior citizen voters who are unable to walk, and one of their helpers will also be able to operate without restrictions.

Vehicles of diplomatic missions with the number plate marked 'CD', vehicles used by observers holding observer identity cards issued by the Commission (only at the places mentioned in the identity cards), vehicles used for monitoring and supervision by the National Human Rights Commission, and vehicles of media persons with press passes will be able to operate smoothly.

Similarly, an integrated vehicle movement desk with representatives from the Election Commission, the Ministry of Home Affairs, and the District Administration Office, Kathmandu has been established on the Election Commission premises to oversee arrangements related to vehicle operation on Election Day. 

The District Administration Offices, Kathmandu, Bhaktapur, and Lalitpur are issuing vehicle passes from the same desk.

Nepal’s current election campaign has evolved into a contest not only of agendas but of tone, political memory, and competing claims over who can best safeguard the republic’s future. While most leaders publicly prioritize stability, governance, and development, their messaging styles—and the political histories they invoke—diverge sharply.

KP Sharma Oli and the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist) (CPN-UML) frame the election as a decisive choice between tested leadership and risky experimentation. Oli’s tone is assertive, combative, and strongly nationalist.

His campaign heavily references two defining moments of his premiership: his stance during the 2015 India–Nepal border disruption and the 2020 constitutional amendment introducing Nepal’s revised political map, incorporating Kalapani, Lipulekh, and Limpiyadhura. Through video messages and public speeches, UML portrays these episodes as evidence of strong leadership defending sovereignty. The party has even framed Sept 8–9 protests as conspiratorial attempts to destabilize the nation and drawn parallels between Nepal’s emerging GenZ activism and “color revolutions,” suggesting foreign-influenced unrest.

The overarching message is clear: only experienced and established leaders can protect sovereignty and ensure economic prosperity. Oli argues that new parties are politically immature and incapable of governing effectively. Aware that youth voters are gravitating toward newer political forces, UML has produced targeted media content urging young voters to trust traditional parties.  Its slogan—CPN-UML now, because the country comes first—reinforces a narrative of national duty and continuity. Party leaders further suggest that Nepal has made significant progress since the democratic restoration of 1990, and that UML’s return is necessary to prevent regression.

In contrast, Pushpa Kamal Dahal adopts a more measured and institutional tone. Rather than foregrounding combative nationalism, he presents himself as a guardian of the federal democratic system born from the 2006 peace process. By invoking his partnership with Girija Prasad Koirala during the Comprehensive Peace Accord, Dahal underscores his claim as one of the architects of the republic. Earlier, he was aggressive toward Oli and aligning himself with new political parties, but of late he is stating that NC, UML and his party will have to collaborate with the forces that burnt down Singhadurbar.

His campaign frames the election as a choice between safeguarding constitutional achievements—federalism, secularism, inclusion—and risking political regression. Unlike Oli, Dahal’s criticism of emerging parties is restrained. He questions their preparedness and long-term seriousness but avoids labeling them threats to the nation. His tone reflects his evolution from insurgent commander to institutional stakeholder: reform, in his framing, must occur within the constitutional system, not through destabilizing rupture.

Gagan Kumar Thapa of the Nepali Congress seeks to position himself between old and new. His rhetoric emphasizes governance reform, anti-corruption, and institutional accountability while defending the democratic legacy of Nepal’s oldest democratic party. Rather than Oli’s defensive nationalism or Dahal’s legacy-based system protection, Thapa projects modernization within tradition, arguing that renewal can and must happen from inside established institutions. Thapa’s says that both Oli’s UML and new political parties are taking extremist positions which can be detrimental for the country. He urges people to vote for the NC’s centrist position.

Outside traditional party hierarchies, new political figures channel voter frustration more directly. Balendra Shah (Balen) employs a blunt, anti-elite style, appealing strongly to urban youth with calls for transparency and technocratic efficiency. His tone is disruptive and unapologetically critical of entrenched political culture. Balen Shah is highlighting the failure of the traditional political parties. He does not seem ideological but is trying to play on the failure of the traditional political parties.

Similarly, Rabi Lamichhane of the Rastriya Swatantra Party frames his campaign around injustice, accountability, and systemic reform. His rhetoric is often confrontational and personally charged, shaped in part by legal controversies that he presents as examples of political persecution. His appeal lies in grievance-driven populism and demands for structural overhaul. At the same time, Lamichhane’s tone is vindictive. He has publicly said that as traditional political parties registered politically motivated cases against him, he will take revenge.

Taken together, the campaign reveals a fundamental tension in Nepali politics. On one side stand leaders like Oli and, in a different register, Dahal—arguing that experienced hands are essential to preserve sovereignty, stability, and constitutional order. On the other side are reformist and anti-establishment figures who insist that generational change, accountability, and structural reform are necessary to move the country forward.

The debate is therefore less about stated goals—since nearly all claim to support stability and development—and more about political trust: whether Nepal’s future lies in consolidating the system built since 2006, or in reshaping it through new leadership and disruptive reform.