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Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal has decided to have a performance contract with ministers by outlining annual objectives.

This contract has already been implemented between ministers and secretaries and department heads. Although a positive approach, the deal has faced several challenges in execution earlier. Basically, it is a failed concept.

A similar initiative introduced during the premiership of KP Oli could not yield anticipated outcomes due to governmental instability. The approach has become ineffective due to frequent replacement of ministers. Additionally, frequent transfer of secretaries, department heads and bureaucrats further impedes their ability to perform.

There is also a lack of coordination between cabinet ministers, ministries and bureaucrats, which also makes this approach difficult to execute. 

For this concept to be effective, a stable government, a consistent cabinet, and steady bureaucratic operations are a must. Without these elements, whether this approach will be effective or not is a moot question.

The author is a former government secretary 

Tobacco use in Nepal poses a significant public health problem with far-reaching consequences. The affordability of tobacco products has contributed to a persistently high prevalence rate (at around 32 percent) among the population. This has led to increased mortality and morbidity from non-communicable diseases, with an estimated 37,529 tobacco-attributable deaths in 2019 alone. 

What could be the role of an individual, family and society in controlling tobacco consumption? A roundtable discussion organized by the Annapurna Media Network on Tuesday highlighted the need to control tobacco consumption and suggested measures to discourage tobacco use among youths. Excerpts: 

Dr Bhakta Bahadur KC, Chief, Health Promotion and Tobacco Control Section, Ministry of Health and Population

It has been challenging for us to implement the Tobacco Products (Control and Regulatory) Act. The government has not been able to strictly implement restrictions on tobacco consumption in public places. Though we have succeeded in restricting smoking in hotels above two stars, we have not been able to restrict tobacco consumption in smaller hotels and restaurants.

The Ministry of Health had proposed amendments to the Act calling for stricter anti-tobacco law, but the Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers returned the amendment proposal. We are planning to ban the sales of all tobacco products for people below the age of 21, raise the fine amount to Rs 500 for tobacco consumption in public places, increase the pictorial health warning on tobacco packages, and ban or regulate e-cigarettes and vapes. 

Raising the tobacco tax is also a good way to discourage youths from picking up habits like smoking and chewing tobacco. 

Dr Jaya Kumar Gurung, Senior research expert, Nepal Development Research Institute

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We have a very weak information system to inform the public about no tobacco consumption. Our Act has clarified about the sales and distribution. As per the Act, the government may, if it deems necessary, make provisions of license for sale and distribution of tobacco products. The government can make the provision immediately if it really wants to control and regulate tobacco consumption. 

The Act also states that no person shall be allowed to or to cause to sell and distribute or provide the tobacco products for free to a person below the age of 18 and to pregnant women. But I doubt that shopkeepers are aware of this law. 

Also, the Act bars selling and distribution of tobacco products within 100 meters of educational and health institutions, child welfare homes, child care centers and elderly care homes. This law too has not been implemented. The Act itself has become old and it needs to be updated. Our regulatory body is weak and as a result, the monitoring process is also dismal. 

If we are serious about the control and regulation of tobacco, there must be a designated team to monitor illegal sales and use of tobacco products. As far as raising the tobacco tax is concerned, the government so far has been reluctant to do so. 

Kumar Prasad Dahal, Head, Youth Development Division, Ministry of Youth and Sports 

Many of our youths are addicted to tobacco products. To help prevent the young population from tobacco addiction as well as tobacco-related diseases like cancer, the government has come up with effective laws and policies. 

The Tobacco Act explains that the manufacturers shall print visible text and pictorial warnings about the hazards of tobacco consumption, covering at least 75 percent of their product packets. Manufacturers have adhered to this stipulation, but it is not enough to discourage people from consuming tobacco.  

The government should launch anti-tobacco campaigns targeting vulnerable groups, including teenagers, wage workers and farmers. It should also conduct counseling sessions to make tobacco consumers break their habit. 

Hari Prasad Mainali, Secretary, Forum for Protection of Consumer-Rights Nepal 

The government has not given a serious thought about banning tobacco in Nepal. How will Nepal be if tobacco is banned? Can we ban it? How much can we regulate and control? How is the situation of tobacco consumption in rural areas in Nepal? There are many aspects that need to be weighed and considered if we are to ban or regulate tobacco use in the country.

Tobacco is sold in weekly markets in rural areas, and our anti-tobacco laws say nothing about this. The question we need to ask is how we can control tobacco sales and consumption using the state mechanisms. Public awareness is also very important. 

Many of our youths use tobacco products these days, and those who are non-users are picking up the habit out either out of peer pressure, or because they feel like it is part of the youth culture.

So, we need to reassess our approach and anti-tobacco laws and come up with an effective solution to discourage youths from using tobacco products. 

In Hinduism, the month of Shrawan which is the fourth month of the Hindu calendar holds special significance as it’s dedicated to Lord Shiva. Devotees observe fasting, offer prayers, and visit temples during this month to seek blessings and show their devotion. It’s believed that prayers and offerings made during Shrawan are especially auspicious and can lead to the fulfillment of one’s wishes. 

The mondays of Shrawan, known as ‘Shrawan Somvar,’ are particularly important for Shiva worship. People often adorn themselves with holy ash and offer water, milk, and other offerings to Lord Shiva during this month.

The Pashupati Arati is a daily ritual that takes place at the Pashupatinath Temple in Kathmandu, Nepal. It’s a significant religious ceremony held in honor of Lord Pashupatinath.

In Shrawan, every evening, the temple complex comes alive with the mesmerizing Pashupati Arati. Thousands of devotees gather to witness the sacred ritual where oil lamps are lit, accompanied by chanting, prayers, and the ringing of bells. The Arati is performed by the temple priests, and it’s believed that participating in or witnessing this ritual during Shrawan is especially auspicious. 

There are many legends and myths associated with the significance of the month of Shrawan. One of the popular myths is that the daughter of Dakch, Sati Devi sacrificed her life and was reborn as Parvati, the daughter of the Himalayan king. She wanted to marry Lord Shiva and went through tough fasting for the whole month. Pleased by the devotion of Parvati, Shiva fulfilled her wish. This is why women wear green clothes and fast in this month believing they will get a husband like Shiva. 

Another mythological story is the churning of the ocean (Samudra Manthan) by the Devas (gods) and Asuras (demons) to obtain the nectar of immortality (Amrit). During this churning, various divine gifts emerged from the ocean, including poison. To prevent the poison from spreading and harming the universe, Lord Shiva drank the poison. As a result, his throat turned blue, earning him the name ‘Neelkantha’ (the blue-throated one). In commemoration of this event, devotees offer prayers to Lord Shiva during the month of Shrawan.

Nilanthi Samaranayake is a visiting expert at the US Institute of Peace and an adjunct fellow at the East-West Center in Washington. She has 25 years of experience in the nonprofit research sector. Most recently, she served as director of the strategy and policy analysis program at CNA, where she led a team conducting multidisciplinary research and analysis for civilian and military leaders. Before joining CNA, Samaranayake analyzed public opinion at the Pew Research Center and completed a fellowship at the National Bureau of Asian Research.

Her work focuses on regional security in the Indian Ocean, smaller South Asian countries, non-traditional security issues, and US alliances and partnerships. Kamal Dev Bhattarai  of ApEx spoke with her on China-US contestation and implications for the South Asian Countries like Nepal. The views expressed are solely hers and not of any organization that she is affiliated with.

How do you see the US-China contest in South Asia?

Smaller South Asian countries are increasingly expressing concerns about maintaining their sovereignty and independence amid strategic tensions between large powers. Nepal, for example, was caught in this situation as a smaller state during the debate over the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC). What should be a straight-forward effort to help meet development needs can quickly become politicized due to the backdrop of strategic competition. This pattern was seen in Sri Lanka with the MCC as well, but with a different outcome. The US withdrew its $480m offer.

It has been more than one year since the Biden administration came up with an Indo-pacific strategy, how are South Asian countries responding to it?

To understand how Smaller South Asian countries are responding to the Indo-Pacific Strategy, I recommend reading a recent East-West Center series with experts from Nepal, Bangladesh, Bhutan, the Maldives, and Sri Lanka directly commenting on their own country’s responses. I served as a guest editor for the series.

The United States’ Indo-Pacific Strategy identifies India as a major defense partner and discusses how the US will support India’s regional leadership. The strategy, however, does not mention any of the Smaller South Asian countries. This is an oversight that US officials may want to address in a future update because it represents a disconnect between US strategy and policy. In fact, a review of US policy in the region shows that Washington has clear interests and engagements with Nepal, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and the Maldives along multiple lines, such as economics, development, security, and democratic governance. It even has common interests with Bhutan despite their lack of formal diplomatic relations.

How do you see India’s engagement with South Asian countries in the backdrop of growing US-China competition?

Regarding US-China competition, India is a major actor on its own terms due to its border conflict with China, which has included fatalities. As a result, India has sought to strengthen its relationships with the Smaller South Asian countries as tensions with China have increased in the past few years and as China has developed more active ties with these countries. 

India has conceptual frameworks for organizing its regional engagements such as Neighbourhood First and SAGAR (Security And Growth for All in the Region) in the Indian Ocean. As the US and India are deepening their relationship, underscored by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visit to the US, we also see the US supporting India’s security concerns about China in the Smaller South Asian countries. For example, US officials reportedly met with Sri Lankan leaders after India expressed its objections to Sri Lanka permitting a Chinese ship to visit the controversial Hambantota port last summer.

How do you see the position of South Asian countries in the Russia-Ukraine War?

This is a good question because Russia remains an important actor for Smaller South Asian countries, despite all the attention given to China’s role in South Asia. In March 2022, the UN General Assembly resolution on Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka abstained along with India and Pakistan. Bangladesh, in particular, has found itself caught up in the debate over sanctions as it tries to pursue a power plant project with Russia. 

Meanwhile, Sri Lanka tried to enforce the sanctions, but had to back down after Russia suspended passenger flights for four months and affected tourism earnings during the worst of the country’s economic crisis. However, Nepal, Bhutan, and the Maldives have voted at the UN in Ukraine’s favor. This is a strong stance for smaller states to take.

What are your suggestions for a country like Nepal in the conduct of foreign policy in the shifting geopolitical environment?

Nepal is navigating major power rivalry in ways that are similar to other Smaller South Asian countries. Yet its relationship with India is unique in terms of trade, people-to-people ties, and military cooperation. Nepal has arguably the most considerations to make as it manages its foreign policy with large powers.

I think the challenge for Nepal and other Smaller South Asian countries will be to maintain their focus on meeting national-level economic development needs and hitting targets like graduating from least developed country (LDC) status, while minimizing partisan and personality-based infighting in domestic politics to the extent possible.