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Home is a safe space. But not for everyone. It’s often a hostile ground for LGBTIQA+ individuals. Most are harassed and abused when they come out. When violence happens at home, where do you go? When your family doesn’t accept you, who do you turn to?

A little over a year ago, a 15-year-old trans girl died by suicide. According to Pinky Gurung, president of Blue Diamond Society (BDS), Nepal’s oldest queer rights organization, the girl was being harassed at home after disclosing her gender identity. Two years before her death, she had written a letter to BDS mentioning how her family was mistreating her.

“Most cases of violence aren’t reported as people don’t want to complain against their family members,” says Gurung. Sometimes, these individuals reach out to organizations like BDS or those from the community. But, Gurung adds, family counseling and mediation can do only so much in the absence of strict laws.

Nepal, despite its pro-queer global image, struggles with the acceptance of different gender identities. Despite progressive constitutional provisions, members of the community face all kinds of discrimination. This limits their access to proper healthcare, education, employment opportunities, and legal protection. Dignity becomes a dream.

Discrimination, LGBTIQA+ people agree, starts at home. Families try to ‘cure’ them when they finally muster up the courage to open up. Many are taken to see the doctor and prescribed antidepressants. When that doesn’t ‘set them straight’, beating them into submission is considered another option. 

“Discrimination paves the way for domestic and sexual violence,” says Sunita Lama, a transgender rights activist and sex worker. She adds the violence that LGBTIQA+ people experience stems from rigid and hierarchical ideas about sex, gender, and sexuality.

In a study conducted by UN Women, four in five LGBTIQA+ respondents said they had experienced at least one incident of violence. Out of 1,181 respondents, 81 percent reported being victims of violence based on their gender identity or sexual orientation, with 71 percent experiencing emotional violence, 46 percent physical violence, 46 percent sexual violence, and 40 percent economic violence.

The report, titled ‘Evidence to action: Addressing violence against LGBTIQA+ people in Nepal’, further stated that violence was compounded by factors such as socioeconomic status, disability, and caste or ethnicity. The report added that the LGBTIQA+ community, besides battling plenty of stigmas, faces problems related to legal protection, gender recognition, and marriage equality, all of which increase their hardships.

Manisha Dhakal, executive director of BDS, says there isn’t much information, data, or studies on the community. Even in the case of the few studies that have been carried out, there is no follow up. Despite the LGBTIQA+ people regularly facing violence—at home, on the streets, at the workplace—little is being done to tackle it.

Domestic violence largely implies violence against women. The LGBTIQA+ community finds itself sidelined here too. There is no proper mechanism for reporting violence, says Gurung. The police are usually indifferent—refusing to take down their complaints and going as far as to blame the victims.

Lama says the situation is worse for sex workers. There have been times the authorities have refused to believe they could be at the receiving end of violence. The common mindset is that transgenders are aggressive. “The police would rather just lock us up than listen to us,” she says.

There have been a lot of campaigns and programs against violence but most of these have only addressed violence against women, claims the LGBTIQA+ community. The media, rights activists, and the government all have a role to play in this. There is extensive reporting and response to violence against women in comparison to violence against other forms of gender. 

“There’s no denying that our society, at large, is still uncomfortable with queerness,” says Lama. Nepal has recently registered its first same-sex marriage, making it the second country in South Asia to do so. However, heterosexual relationships still enjoy a special status in our society.

ApEx asked 20 random people, in Pulchowk and Khumaltar in Lalitpur, if they were comfortable with different forms of non-heterosexual relationships. Most refused to talk about it, a few expressed their disgust with typical Nepali slang—chhya!—and two had to be explained what it meant. Only one, in her 20s, said ‘love is love’.

Organizations lobbying for LGBTIQA+ rights have been conducting awareness programs but the impact is subdued with no outside help. Gender studies is not a part of our school curriculum and gender stereotyping—think blue rooms, cars, and short hair for boys and pink dresses, dolls, and braids for girls—is still the norm.

The rigid notions of sex leave no room for deviation. And any deviation is feared, mocked, and shunned. This mindset in itself is a form of violence, says the community. It is what makes them vulnerable to other, more visible, forms of abuse.

According to a study by the Williams Institute at UCLA School of Law, LGBTIQA+ people are about six times more likely to experience violence by someone they know well and about 2.5 times more likely to be at the receiving end of it at the hands of a stranger, compared to non-LGBTIQA+ people.

LGBTIQA+ people are at increased risk of domestic violence from their partners as they often have nowhere to go. Most have been disowned by their parents and legal recourse is often difficult to pursue. Lama says the partners know this and often take advantage of it. “Prior experiences of physical or psychological trauma, such as bullying and hate crime, also make LGBTIQA+ victims of domestic violence less likely to seek help,” she says.

Sarita KC, executive director of Mitini Nepal, which has been working for queer rights in Nepal since 2002, says violence against the community isn’t addressed because of authorities’ underlying biases and lack of laws. Apart from the lack of family and societal acceptance, there is little to no representation at the policy level.

“There is less participation of LGBTIQA+ people in politics and in places where our voices could be heard,” she says. Queerphobia runs deep even when it isn’t immediately obvious. This makes change difficult, and a socio-cultural shift even more so.

Worse, violence against the community is justified by those who actually have the power to do something about it. Families use it to try to fix them. The police blame their queerness. Surely, by flaunting their over-the-top personalities, they were asking for it. Lama says the police have told many of her friends who have been abused that they must have done something to instigate fights. 

Violence in the LGBTIQA+ community takes many forms, from slurs and intimidation to abuse and even murder. In March 2019, Junu Gurung, a transwoman, was brutally beaten. She died from her injuries two days later. In January 2020, Ajita Bhujel, a transwoman, was strangled to death in Hetauda by a group of youths.

Gurung says it’s going to take a lot more than just awareness programs to curb violence in the LGBTIQA+ community. Nepal must have a proper mechanism to address violence. It must also ensure that victims get justice, despite their gender identity or sexual orientation. She says many community people hesitate to file complaints as they know nothing will be done. Their cases, registered after much pleading and palm-greasing, will be another paper in a dusty file somewhere. 

Violence, KC adds, is a daily reality for the LGBTIQA+ community—in buses, public spaces, schools and colleges, hospitals, and other service providers. There is online harassment as well. KC says their posts on Facebook elicit a lot of hateful and hurtful comments. “Our rights and space are constantly being violated but without public support, we can’t do much about it,” she says.

“Whenever Nepalis go out to eat at a restaurant, they go through the entire menu for 15 to 20 minutes and then order either momo or chowmein,” is a famous Nepali saying that encapsulates Nepalis’ dining out experience. This saying underlines the popularity of chowmein, standing proudly as the second most loved dish in Nepal. You can find the raw noodles, neatly packed in plastic bags, at the vegetable stalls in the bustling Kathmandu market, adding a touch of authenticity to the local food experience.

Beyond the common stir-fried noodles, Nepal offers a delightful twist to the chowmein saga with the renowned chowmein soup, known as thukpa. In the town of Dharan, situated in the east, thukpa is even a breakfast delight. It’s a hot and tangy noodle soup that helps you kickstart your day with a burst of energy.

The origin of chowmein in Nepal is a tale of cultural exchange and migration, where influences from Chinese, Tibetan, and Nepali culinary traditions come together. The term ‘chǎo-miàn,’ meaning ‘stir-fried noodles’ in Chinese, dates back to over 4000 years. However, it wasn’t until the 1960s, with the arrival of Tibetan refugees, that chowmein found its way into the hearts and taste buds of Nepalis.

The Tibetan diaspora not only brought momo and thukpa but also ignited a culture of street food and small eateries across Nepal. The infusion of Chinese sauces, including green chili, chili garlic, and hot garlic from Calcutta, added a local twist to the flavor palette. The culinary landscape of Nepal further evolved with the return of the Nepali diaspora from the United States and the Burmese Nepalis, who contributed their noodle variations to the mix.

Before chowmein took center stage, Nepal had a tradition of noodle soup influenced by Tibetan culinary practices. However, the 1980s saw the emergence of instant noodles and dried egg noodles, solidifying chowmein’s status as an integral part of Nepali street food culture.

The noodle narrative expands beyond Nepal’s borders, seamlessly blending into India’s culinary heritage. Northern India’s introduction to noodles, through ‘sevai’ or vermicelli, traces back to trade along the Silk Route with Persia and Arabia. Chowmein, with its humble beginnings and inspiration from Hakka-style stir-fried noodles, embodies resourcefulness and adaptability.

Today, chowmein stands as a symbol of cross-cultural fusion, reflecting Nepal’s history of migration, trade, and shared culinary legacies. From bustling cities to remote villages, the presence of chowmein on menus across the country symbolizes the integration of diverse flavors, celebrating the harmonious blending of traditions into a beloved culinary delight for both Nepalis and visitors.

Following are a few variations of the versatile chowmein:

The stir-fried edition

Variations such as chow mein, Shanghai fried style, and Singaporean style are essentially Chinese in nature. Stir-fried with an extra kick of spices is particularly popular in Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, Thailand, Vietnam, and Burma, featuring diverse styles like Ribbon noodles, Pad Thai, Khao Swe, and Yakisoba.

Keema noodles

This is the new hit in town. The ingredients are boiled noodles, bok choy, garlic, ginger, soy sauce, chili oil, spring onions, salt, minced meat (keema), and onions. First, let’s make the chili oil/sauce. In a bowl, combine chili flakes, crushed Sichuan pepper, and salt. Heat mustard oil, and then pour the hot oil into the chili flakes mixture.

Next, let’s prepare the minced meat. Heat oil in a pan and add onions, ginger, and chopped garlic. Once the onions are see-through, add minced meat and tomatoes. Stir-fry continuously until the meat changes color. Add spices, salt, and soy sauce. Mix everything well and cook until the water evaporates.

Now, boil water for the noodles. Add a little oil and salt to the boiling water. Boil Chinese egg noodles, and when they’re done, add bok choy. Finally, mix all the prepared items and serve.

Soup it up

Thukpa in Tibet and Nepal offers a spice-infused broth with meat and vegetables, flavored with Sichuan pepper.

China and Hong Kong present various dumplings, roast duck, and fish balls with egg noodles soup. Japan has miso, while Vietnam boasts pho.

Noteworthy mentions include the tom yum soup noodles from Thailand and curry laksa from Malaysia.

Noodles glazed with sauces

This style involves stir-frying noodles and finishing them with rich sauces, meats, vegetables, and fish.

Indo-Chinese versions like Hakka, garlic chili noodles, and Ma Yi Shang Shu (Ant Climbing a Tree) from China, along with curry udon from Japan, Mie Ayam from Indonesia, and kimchi from Korea showcase a diverse array of flavors.

Special ingredients and flavors vary by region, with Nepalis incorporating Sichuan peppers, Malaysians adding lemongrass, curry leaves, and lime leaves, and Vietnamese using cardamom, mint, and coriander.

Noodles with salad

The fundamental noodle remains constant, with variations in the type of noodles used and the serving temperature, whether hot or cold.

Examples include the refreshing ramen salad from Japan and the spicy Noodle Salad Yum Woon Sen from Thailand.

Noodles as stuffing or wrapping

Noodles find versatile uses, serving as stuffing in Vietnamese-style spring rolls or Japanese-style omelets. Notable Nepali mentions include the colorful and deep-fried homemade snack jhilinga, a staple at festivals, weddings, and special ceremonies. Additionally, the Indian subcontinent boasts sevai dessert, especially popular among Muslim communities, along with sev, a spicy savory snack, and the well-known Anglo snack, Bombay mix.

The story of Nepali chowmein is a captivating journey through time and culture, showcasing the resilience of Nepali culinary traditions in the face of evolving influences. From its modest beginnings to its current status as a culinary icon, chowmein is a testament to Nepal’s ability to embrace and transform its rich gastronomic heritage.

The author is a UK-based R&D chef

Dubai: In a significant development, the COP28 climate conference formally launched on Thursday a ‘loss and damage’ fund long sought by vulnerable countries highly affected  by disasters caused by global warming. Mainly, Least Developed Countries (LDCs) were demanding to operate the fund as soon as possible. 

“We have delivered history today,” the UAE’s COP28 president Sultan Al Jaber told delegates. He also pledged $100m to the fund. Germany also committed $100m to the loss and damage fund. After years of dithering, wealthy nations finally backed the fund in a landmark agreement at the COP27 summit held in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, last year. “This sends a positive signal of momentum to the world and to our work,” Jaber said.

He said it was “the first time a decision has been adopted on day one of any COP and the speed in which we have done so is also unique, phenomenal and historic.” “This is evidence that we can deliver. COP28 can and will deliver,” he added. The two-week-long climate conference is being held at a pivotal moment, with emissions still climbing, and the UN warning that this year is likely to be the hottest in human history. 

Nepal’s Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal has already arrived in Dubai and is scheduled to address the conference on Dec 2. Dahal is expected to urge the international community to pay serious attention to fast-melting snows in the Himalayas and early opernationazation of loss and damage fund. 

Scientists say the world is off-track, and the nearly 200 nations gathering for COP28 must commit to accelerating climate action or risk the worst impacts of a warming planet.  UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said leaders should aim for a complete ‘phaseout’ of fossil fuels, a proposal opposed by some powerful nations that has dogged past negotiations.

Before flying to Dubai, the UN boss told AFP that he was “strongly in favor of language that includes (a) phaseout, even with a reasonable time framework.” A central focus of the climate conference will be a stocktake of the world’s limited progress on curbing global warming, which requires an official response at these talks.

During the conference’s inaugural session, Simon Stiell, the executive secretary of COP28, expressed that humanity’s actions towards climate change have been incremental. “We are progressing too slowly from an unstable world lacking resilience towards formulating optimal responses to the complex challenges we are encountering,” he said. 

Stiell stressed the urgency: “We must hasten climate action; this year stands as the hottest ever for humanity.”

This year has witnessed several alarming records being shattered. From April to October, the oceans experienced record-high monthly temperatures, while July likely marked the hottest month on land in the last 120,000 years, as reported by the World Meteorological Organization (WMO).

The WMO, in its latest announcement, deemed it ‘virtually certain’ that 2023 will be recorded as the hottest year globally. Secretary-General Prof Petteri Taalas highlighted an array of broken records associated with extreme weather events, characterizing the situation as a ‘cacophony of broken records’.

The release of the provisional findings by the global agency has been timed to inform discussions at COP28. The report urgently calls upon global leaders to take immediate action to curb fossil fuel emissions, the primary contributor to the escalating climate crisis.

According to data available until Oct 2023, global temperature has surpassed the pre-industrial average by 1.4°C, exceeding the previous hottest years of 2020 and 2016. The WMO stated that the final two months are unlikely to alter this outcome.

Secretary Stiell reiterated, “Failure to signify the conclusive decline of the fossil fuel era would equate to welcoming our own decline. This is a cost we choose to pay with people’s lives.”

A recent report by the United Nations estimates that up to $387bn will be needed annually if developing countries are to adapt to climate-driven changes. The fund will be hosted by the World Bank for the next four years and the plan is to launch it by 2024. A developing country representative will get a seat on its board.

Next 2-year vision of COP

• In 2024, nations are expected to submit their initial Biennial Transparency Reports.
• COP29 aims to reach an agreement on financing this substantial transition, establishing the new Finance Goal.
• At the outset of 2025, countries are mandated to present updated Nationally Determined Contributions.
• By the start of COP30, all commitments regarding finance, adaptation, and mitigation must align with the target of limiting global warming to a 1.5-degree Celsius world.

When a powerful 6.4 magnitude earthquake struck Jajarkot and Rukum West on November 3, Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal rushed to the impacted zones, armed with food and medicines. Dahal's rapid response earned him a chorus of applause for his leadership in orchestrating swift search and rescue operations.

The commendable efforts didn't stop there; ministers, politicians and party cadres visited the quake-ravaged regions, signaling a collective commitment to stand by those affected. President Ram Chandra Poudel canceled his Europe trip to pay attention to the plight of the earthquake victims. At first it appeared that these ministers and political leaders were flocking to the scene, not merely for a photo op but to offer genuine sympathy and the promise of timely relief.

But the road to recovery has proven agonizingly slow. Despite weeks since the earthquake, the quest for proper shelter remains a distant dream for many. The government's relief measures, once hailed for their immediacy, now seem to fall short—leaving earthquake victims shivering, desperately awaiting warm clothes to shield them from the unforgiving cold. While major political parties, including Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, CPN (Maoist Center), and Rastriya Swatantra Party, are competing to assist locals in erecting temporary shelters, their efforts smack of political grandstanding in trying to make them look like they are there to help. 

Government agencies boast of providing adequate relief materials, including blankets, to combat the chill. However, the reality on the ground tells a different story. The distributed low-quality tents prove ineffective against the biting cold, leading to tragic consequences. Disturbing reports trickle in from Jajarkot and Rukum West, painting a grim picture of lives lost due to cold-related illnesses in the lack of sufficient clothes to protect them. The Accountability Watch Committee has recorded 11 deaths due to the cold-related illness, including that of a 25-year-old new mother. 

Rajendra Karki, ApEx correspondent in Jajarkot, reports that new mothers, senior citizens, and children, exposed to the elements in flimsy tarpaulin shelters, grapple with multiple health issues as the bitter cold intensifies. They need immediate help, but the help is not forthcoming—neither from the government, nor from political parties. 

The number of people visiting local health institutions has increased after the earthquake. According to the data provided by the Jajarkot District Health Service Office, a total of 674 pregnant women, 282 new mothers, and 4,115 children under the age five are vulnerable. Similarly, 2,836 senior citizens, 1,065 chronic patients and 408 physically challenged people are at risk. But the government has not yet come to their aid. 

In Jajarkot’s Kushe Rural Municipality alone, 515 pregnant women and 230 new mothers are living under makeshift shelters. Officials say a similar situation exists in Nalgad Municipality, where 331 pregnant women and 374 new mothers are in dire straits.  

As lives hang in the balance, political parties have mobilized volunteers to construct temporary shelters, each vying for credit in a race against time. Our Jajarkot correspondent Karki says a volunteer team of CPN-UML has cleared the debris of around 500 houses but managed to build only a handful of temporary shelters for the victims. The UML has deployed more than 1,000 cadres to the affected regions under the leadership of its youth leader Kiran Poudel.

Not to be outdone, the Nepali Congress has also mobilized its own set of volunteers. The party’s general secretary duo, Gagan Kumar Thapa and Bishwa Prakash Sharma, and central working committee member, Pradeep Poudel, also recently visited the quake-hit areas to lend their hands in the rehabilitation efforts. 

Till now volunteers of political parties and other organizations have built approximately 700 temporary shelters. Various governmental and non-government organizations are also providing support to the Prime Minister’s Relief Fund. But as the spotlight remains fixed on political posturing, the grim reality of the earthquake victims persist. 

With 34,501 houses in Jajarkot and 16,909 in Rukum West completely ravaged, the urgency cannot be overstated. The issue of shelter and sustenance persists for the earthquake victims. Although the federal government dispatched funds to district offices, the trickle-down effect remains slow. Many rural municipalities falter in compiling a final list of victims and its verification—a prerequisite for the crucial Rs 25,000 cash meant for building temporary shelters.

Nearly a month after the disaster, the government has realized its lapses in the rehabilitation process. A Cabinet meeting on Wednesday decided to deploy Nepal Army, Armed Police Force and Nepal Police personnel for the construction of temporary shelters for the earthquake victims.

Experts say the government should already have efficient rehabilitation strategies in place, while noting that the decision to deploy security agencies to construct temporary shelters did not come soon enough. This belated response shows that the government and its relevant agencies have failed to take lessons from the 2015 earthquake.