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Ever since I started using Facebook in 2015, I’ve realized how deeply social media shapes our narratives and reflects society, often more than we notice. Recently, the government called for a social media ban, requiring platforms to register under the Directive on Regulating the Use of Social Media, 2080, issued by the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology (MoCIT). The directive was heavily criticized for its perceived risk of censorship. With 16.5m Facebook users in Nepal as of Aug 2024 (51.6 percent of the population), questions arise about what exactly we are consuming.

The concept of GenZ has often been misunderstood in Nepal, as seen this past week. GenZ refers to those born between 1997 and 2012. What began as a peaceful movement demanding the restoration of social media and accountability for corruption quickly escalated into unprecedented violence. Government buildings, including Singha Durbar, the Supreme Court, the Federal Parliament, provincial and local offices, along with the homes of politicians and commercial properties, were vandalized and set ablaze. The protests were not limited to GenZ; older generations linked to political parties also joined in.

Tensions intensified after KP Sharma Oli, then Prime Minister, issued a press release, and large sums of Nepali and foreign currency were discovered in the home of Sher Bahadur Deuba, Chairperson of the Nepali Congress, and his wife, Arzu Rana Deuba, then serving as Foreign Minister.

The aftermath left Nepalis grappling with both shock and guilt, sparking intense debate across the country. Young people from diverse backgrounds discussed legal, economic, and political issues, prompting me to reflect on Nepal’s education system. Ironically, many who were previously disengaged from politics now gave passionate lectures. The GenZ movement soon shifted focus toward leadership. Sudan Gurung, head of the NGO Hami Nepal, led negotiations with the Nepali Army and the President, representing GenZ’s call for former Chief Justice Sushila Karki to lead the interim government, along with the dissolution of parliament. However, the NGO’s links with controversial partners and possible political affiliations raised questions about the movement’s legitimacy and long-term sustainability. Though partially successful, the government has been slow to act against corrupt politicians or restore damaged public property, including police stations.

Social media content fueled much of last week’s discussions. Civil society and media figures largely blamed GenZ without offering constructive guidance. Observing these intergenerational exchanges made me reflect on how different age groups consume content. Where older generations once relied on television and radio, today nearly everyone with a smartphone receives content from across the globe.

Contents consumed by the GenZ and younger generations 

GenZ and younger groups spend more time on Instagram, TikTok, and other social apps than older generations. Having grown up with Google and social media, they differ significantly in how they learn and interact. Urban youth engage with reels, influencer content, gaming, and sports, alongside a growing wave of cultural revival. Rural youth follow viral local trends on TikTok, Instagram, and Facebook. Businesses and social organizations actively target them with content for outreach and sales, explaining why marketing investment has shifted online. Social media is also a tool for job hunting, especially in IT, marketing, business, and the social sector, through platforms like LinkedIn, Instagram, and Facebook.

Young Nepalis abroad, many of them GenZ, also shape the flow of ideas, political debates, and transnational activism. Some creators from legal, political, and business backgrounds produce educational content, though much of it is based on assumptions or incomplete analysis. Political discourse often takes the form of short videos, memes, or sensational claims, which spread rapidly and challenge traditional norms. Platforms like Reddit provide space for anonymous debates. As digital natives, young people absorb and share ideas quickly, though not always with careful fact-checking.

Contents consumed by Millennials and Gen Y

Millennials and GenY share some overlap with GenZ but generally gravitate toward different content. Their feeds are filled with news, interviews, political analysis, celebrity gossip, clickbait, and shopping-related posts. Professionally, they track sector-specific updates. Many engage with TikTok trends, actively express opinions, and play significant roles in government, civil society, and mid-sized businesses.

This generation is also strongly represented among Nepalis abroad, many of whom participate in policy debates, election campaigns, and social issues online. On Twitter, they openly discuss politics and governance.

Millennials are often seen as both cautious and naive online. They balance traditional and digital media, approach content critically, and are influenced by news, articles, peers, and the broader political context. Depending on their needs, they consume both national and international news.

Contents consumed by older generations

Older generations, generally less tech-savvy, rely mostly on YouTube, Messenger, and Facebook. They prefer content in local languages, particularly religious programs, bhajans, folk songs, and television-style reality shows. However, they are more vulnerable to clickbait and misinformation, as fact-checking is difficult on local YouTube channels.

Although the recent social media ban mainly targeted younger generations, it inevitably affected all age groups. People increasingly depend on these platforms not just for information, but also for business promotion and communication with family abroad. Many older users, not fully comfortable with technology, are especially vulnerable to misinformation.

These dynamics have deepened polarization across age, region, ideology, and education. Generational divides even appear within households, as narratives shaped by different online spaces clash. In one tragic case, a young boy livestreamed his suicide on Facebook after being harassed as a “GenZ” by political party affiliates.

While social media has amplified activism around the environment, mental health, and women’s rights, it has also fueled political tensions and misunderstandings.

Nepal’s reported average IQ score of 42.99, the lowest globally, has sparked debate and skepticism. While such figures may not accurately capture intellectual capacity, they underscore the urgent need for accessible, fact-checked, and unbiased content across platforms.

Beyond regulation, civic education and digital literacy are essential. Social media can be a space for informed discussion, but it also risks becoming a source of division. Promoting critical thinking, responsible sharing, and awareness of credible sources can help Nepalis of all generations navigate the complex digital landscape more responsibly.

Perhaps it was not just outrage against corruption and nepotism but something that goes much deeper to the unequal structure of the system that led to the recent spate of destruction and violence in Nepal. Now youths will have a unique window to shape the future of politics of the country. Will they remain united? Will they be able to offer pragmatic proposals to change the ways politics work?

In trying to make sense of what unfolded in the past few days, I cannot help but think if corruption, nepotism and the greed driving them are the only factors to take into account in order to understand the rage that unfolded in the streets. Certainly, violence that can never be condoned nor justified was driven by a sense of revenge toward all those youths who were murdered on the streets.

While the trigger of the destruction is clear, is it worthy to reflect on the deeper causes that might have unleashed the fury and outrage we witness. Here I am not specifically focusing on the manifest acts of vandalism and looting from which the vast majority of the so-called Generation Z (Gen Z) have correctly dissociated themselves from.

I am rather focusing on the hatred toward politicians that was so intentionally violent and aggressive. It would not be incorrect to define these feelings as hatred. Yet it is one thing to profoundly despise corrupted politicians and their family members but it is a different thing altogether to use violence against them.

This is unacceptable no matter the levels of disgust felt against them. That’s why it is important to reflect if corruption and nepotism are the only elements to take into consideration while trying to comprehend the factors that led to such brutal violence. Is it perhaps that the dirtiness of politics is just the tip of the iceberg rather than the foundational elements that can explain what happened?

By watching online videos and pictures of the incidents that occurred, I feel that many young people involved in them were feeling, for the first time ever, a sense of empowerment. Perennially alienated by an elitarian political system, with their voice suppressed and without any channel through which they could express their grievances and frustrations, youths of this nation felt powerless.

Perhaps a vast majority of them also felt disrespected and completely ignored and systematically discriminated against. The youths of this nation who belong to historically marginalized groups have been shrugging off their frustrations, unable to fully speak up also because their problems and issues were never truly embraced by some of their peers.

Could also a lack of recognition together with a want of more equity and fairness have led to the outrage that suddenly materialized itself through brutal violence? Could it be that the time of reckoning for truly helping build an inclusive and equitable nation has arrived? The country has a unique window of opportunity to really press for change through unity and inclusiveness.

It is a rare occasion to try to build a new country where all the youths, including those from marginalized and historically discriminated communities, have a voice. In order to do so, unity is a must but it is also equally important to harness people’s listening skills. It is almost ironic that in an era of massive use of social media, whose defense was what brought thousands of members of Gen Z to the streets on Sept 8, people stop attempting to understand each other.

And listening carefully is a paramount skill that must be strengthened because while there are many good things in having platforms where everyone can talk and express their opinion, there is also a need to slow down, listen, analyze and reason. But what will happen onward? 

Will the youths of this nation resist the comeback attempts from the political elites? We know that it is impossible to completely sideline the traditional parties, something that would be probably unwise because it is hard to conceive a completely “tabula rasa” from which rebuilding the country, brick by brick, would be possible. But the young generations have at least the power of bargaining with the entrenched political interests and they have a considerable amount of assertive authority at the moment and this for the first time ever in their lives.

Whatever propositions they express, they will count and be taken into consideration. But will they be able to come up with a coherent plan and ideas? This is an incredible opportunity to re-write the playbook of politics, making the whole system more inclusive and just.

Let’s not forget that the violence that we saw in the streets is a symptom of a wider and much more complex condition afflicting the nation. The greed that has turbocharged the corrupted political system that, apparently, has fallen, must be contextualized and understood from the perspective of the oppressed. Only engagement, participation and unity among youths transcending their different backgrounds will offer the most effective tools for real empowerment.

Their political emancipation and freedoms will arise from there.

Consequent to the Gen Z movement, former Chief Justice Sushila Karki (74) has become the interim Prime Minister of Nepal, making history as the nation’s first female PM. Karki had already set a precedent by becoming the first woman to serve as Chief Justice of Nepal. In this sense, she has achieved a double milestone—being the first woman to hold two of the country’s top five constitutional positions. Her impartial judgments and bold leadership undoubtedly paved the way for this achievement, though she is not without shortcomings.

As the chief executive, she committed two notable mistakes. First, she projected herself as the Prime Minister and made this public through foreign media, despite only being proposed by certain sections of the Gen Z movement. Second, during a hospital visit to the injured, she reacted emotionally and told one young victim that he had to “remove the ridge” of the policeman responsible for his injuries. Furthermore, in yesterday’s cabinet meeting, the government made a biased decision regarding the treatment of the families of policemen who succumbed to death. Her interpretation of the constitution on the issue of dissolving parliament has also come under question, as she had earlier denounced dissolution as unconstitutional, yet now she has done the same.

Nevertheless, this is not the right time to scrutinize the weaknesses of this cabinet. It deserves the benefit of the doubt. On Sept 15, Prime Minister Karki formed a small cabinet with three ministers—two retired government officials and one lawyer, who had previously served as legal advisor to the mayor of Kathmandu metropolis, Balen Shah. The mayor is widely regarded as an opponent of political parties. 

Interestingly, no members of the Gen Z movement have been included in the cabinet. Symbolically, the inclusion of at least one Gen Z representative would have strengthened the message of this transition. There is still room for her to make such an adjustment. This article reviews the unfolding political situation in Nepal and offers some suggestions for Prime Minister Karki’s interim government.

Questions and concerns

First, why did the Gen Z movement begin? It remains unclear who the real leaders are, as multiple groups have claimed ownership. Videos and images suggest that some genuine Gen Z activists have been sidelined, while others with questionable legitimacy have taken control. One can observe the presence of youth influenced by Balen Shah, Harka Sampang, Durga Prasain, Sudan Gurung, and several others—at least a dozen figures in total. These characters are anarchic. 

Among them, Miraj Dhungana publicly announced a two-point agenda—political stability and transparency. Recently, however, he has disappeared from public notice and has claimed he is under threat. This is unfortunate, as his agenda reflected the true aspirations of the movement. Contrary to popular belief, a ban on social media was not the central cause of the protests, though it may have acted as a trigger. The core issue was corruption. My humble request to the Gen Z generation is to remain focused on that declared agenda—fighting corruption—with sincerity and consistency.

Second, the GenZ leaders must publicly condemn the criminal acts carried out during the protests. There is little doubt that genuine youth activists were not behind the arson and vandalism that destroyed public institutions such as the Supreme Court, Parliament building, and other government offices, nor the violent attacks on the homes of political leaders. Evidence indicates that criminal elements infiltrated the protests to destabilize Nepal. Visuals suggest involvement by individuals linked to several parties—including the RPP, RSP, the Maoists and some Madhes-based groups. The parties have denounced the violence and made it clear that they will take action against those involved in the riots.  Such violence must be unequivocally condemned, and perpetrators brought to justice. Likewise, the killing of peaceful protestors seeking reform and accountability deserves the strongest condemnation.

Third, conspiracy theories have begun to circulate. Some western media reports allege that the United States has encouraged violent uprisings in South Asia, citing Bangladesh and now Nepal, with the aim of countering China or creating a Christian-dominated state that could host US military bases. While such reports remain unverified, Nepal must remain vigilant against its territory being used by external powers. Claims that KP Sharma Oli’s government was “too close to China” and therefore had to be removed are baseless. Oli has consistently prioritized Nepal’s national interest.

Suggestions

As an interim government, Karki’s cabinet has a limited mandate—primarily to restore stability and prepare for elections within six months. And, of course, to eliminate corruption.  

Organizing credible elections within such a short period is undoubtedly the toughest challenge, especially after serious damage to government institutions. Yet it is not impossible if pursued with determination. Failure, however, would create dangerous consequences, including political vacuum and instability.

As a legal expert and former Chief Justice, Karki must remain firmly committed to protecting the constitution and democracy. If elections are delayed, foreign interference, criminal infiltration or authoritarian ambitions could emerge. Nepal cannot afford to join the list of failed states like Afghanistan, Syria or Libya. The Nepali Army has shown commendable restraint and loyalty to civilian authority; its timely intervention within constitutional limits could prevent greater damage. Still, why didn’t the army take control of the situation in the afternoon and waited till 10 pm? 

Corruption remains Nepal’s most deep-rooted problem. Karki’s government should investigate the wealth of both political leaders and bureaucrats. All major scandals should be investigated without bias, and legal action must be taken regardless of party affiliation. You have risen with the slogans of taking action against the corrupt people. You should immediately take action. Start investing the cases and files them. 

Prime Minister Karki should not overburden her interim administration with unrealistic goals. She must concentrate on two essential tasks: holding elections on time and combating corruption. She should also remain committed to the constitution, resist external pressures, and not be swayed by voices hostile to political parties. In the end, political parties remain the only foundation for democratic governance—not partyless systems or mob-led movements. Madam Prime Minister, history has placed a unique responsibility upon you. Fulfill your mandate with courage, integrity, and focus.

In Nepal, there is a general tendency to blame the constitution for every political failure. Many voices hold it responsible for rising corruption and political instability. However, no matter how perfect a constitution may be, it becomes nothing more than a piece of paper unless it is implemented in both letter and spirit.

The constitution of Nepal, which came into effect on September 20, 2015, marked the country's transition from a long-stayed unitary system to a federal structure. Federalism was introduced as an alternative to the long-standing constitutional monarchy, which had failed to deliver. Today, however, some youths blame the federal constitution, arguing that provincial governments are an expensive burden for a country with limited resources. Yet, the constitution--with its strong provisions for inclusivity, republicanism, devolution of powers, progressive fundamental rights and federalism—cannot itself be held responsible for the failures of nation's political course.

Need for Moral and Civic Education 

If we revisit the unfortunate incidents witnessed during the Gen-Z protest, the burning of government documents and assets,along with vandalism and looting of both private and publicproperty, conveys the message that a section of society lacks civic sense and is ready to loot at any given opportunity. 

This reflects that the concepts of morality and civic responsibility are yet to be deeply rooted among a section of Nepalis. If our democracy produces youths who can burn government assets and documents, or vandalize private business and property, we can conclude that civic values have been seriously compromised. 

The viral videos reveal the unfortunate reality of some youthswho, while protesting against the incumbent government, also aligned themselves with those looting government offices and private enterprises such as Bhatbhateni Mall. 

This exposes our unchecked greed for money and material possessions. Its high time for the state to introduce subjects, like that of Moral and Civic Studies as mandatory courses at every level of education.  

Blame the politics

In Nepal, none of the governments formed after 1990 have completed a full five-year term. The state has witnessed the greedy dance of political parties in their pursuit of power and positions. We saw communist parties forging alliances with the democratic forces, and even conflicts breaking out within communist alliance governments. These incidents prove that our political parties neither stood firmly with their ideology, nor practiced politics in line with constitutional mandates. 

Perhaps we are the only democracy in world where leaders resort to forgery in Bills passed by the House. We saw that in case of Federal Civil Service Bill this year. 

We might also be the only country where top leaders publicly hurl thorny comments against the opposition. A former education Minister once remarked that KP Oli is like the "Pele of Football" who cannot be defeated or overthrown by any earthly power. KP Oli himself has an inherent habit of passing sharp comments and making fun of others. 

The governments formed after the promulgation of the current constitution have failed to deliver. This is a well-known fact. The state has witnessed massive corruption, limited initiatives for employment creation, and an almost negligible role of the government in ensuring good governance. 

The constitution does not allow for the corrupt practices. However, the document itself, like a ghost, cannot punish the abusers. It’s the government and constitutional mechanisms that must demonstrate a strong commitment to upholding the rule of law. 

We have seen appointments to the constitutional posts made for individuals with clear political affiliations. At times, their power-hungry nature has challenged the principle of separation of powers. A person of high moral stature would ordinarily refrain from accepting positions they believe compromise this principle. Yet, in Nepal, such individuals are rarely found. Should constitution be blamed for this?   We reiterate that moral education and civic sense must be imparted not only to our youths but also to our professionals. 

Way forward

As a matter of fact, no constitutional or legal document is so perfect that it can provide a solution to every given problem of every generation. That’s why, laws and constitutions are regarded as living documents, capable of being amended to ensuring broader ownership and necessary reforms. 

In India, the 1949 Constitution has been amended 106 times so far, and the US constitution has witnessed 27 amendments. In the similar vein, we can introduce amendments in our constitution to make it more progressive. We are already operating our democracy under our seventh constitution. Frequent changes to it every decade would create wrong impression in world and could invite political instability. 

The failure of our leaders cannot be seen as the failure of the constitution. If those at the helm take pledge to practice genuine politics—free from corruption and unlawful elements-- then our democracy would possess everything required for a sustainable future. Our constitution envisions for a welfare state grounded in the firm foundations of the rule of law and good governance. Its high time we translate the mandates of the constitution into reality for advancing the cause of rule of law and a vibrant democracy.