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The Election Commission (EC) has notified that it will register voters till Nov 21. The date has been extended in response to a request from Prime Minister Sushila Karki in view of the heavy turnout of voters for registration. Despite the two-shift registration of voters, long queues for registration may be due to the apathy of the EC at the time of annual updating of voter list by including eligible voters seriously on the one hand and the apathy among the voters toward registration, on the other. 

It is worth mentioning here that previously for a citizen to get his name registered in the voter list he had to submit only his citizenship certificate, which was provided by the District Administration Office and that was done at the village level itself. The introduction of the new system of giving biometric data at the District Election Office (DEO) for registration has discouraged many eligible voters. A majority of the voters, who are out of their native places for jobs, education and other purposes, do not prefer to visit the DEO to register themselves by visiting the DEO, which means a certain disruption in their daily schedule.  

Sadly, a citizen has to visit the district headquarters three times, first, for obtaining citizenship certificate, then for voter registration and lastly for getting the National Identity Card. Interestingly, if biometric data are obtained at the time of issuing the citizenship certificate, a citizen has no need to visit the district headquarters time and again.  

If the government introduces a law to address this issue, it will reduce the government expenses by at least 66 percent by curtailing unnecessary staff engaged in this task. At the time, the citizens will get some relief as they won’t have to undertake a strenuous journey to the district headquarters, especially in the hilly and high mountain religions. 

Like many other countries, there are two types of migrant voters in Nepal. First, those who are migrant workers working outside the country. Their number is anticipated to be 5-6m leaving apart about 2m voters living in India. The second type of voters are internal migrants whose number is also believed to be about 1-1.5m. 

A significant number of such voters include those who are registered but are unable to vote at the fixed place, date and time. The data show that out of a 30m population only 18.2m voters are registered and with the latest addition it will reach 18.5m. Interestingly, out of 18.2m voters, hardly 12.5m voters cast their votes and about 0.6m of these votes become invalid. Most of the internal migrant voters do not  cast their votes, explaining, in part, the poor turnout of voters. Since the EC has agreed to use biometric data from the National Certificate issuing office for registering the names, there is heavy rush of voters for registration.

Given this context, I humbly suggest some changes for increasing voting participation of GenZ and migrant workers abroad.

The EC has been authorized to hold polling in several phases (as per Clause 6.3 of the HoR  Election Act, 2017). It entails that it can advance partial voting as well, as per practice of several countries. It is called ‘advance voting’, ‘absent voting’and  ‘external voting, etc. If the EC decides, it can keep voting days open from the date symbols are distributed to the candidates, at least two days ahead of voting day (March 5) for those migrant workers who happen to be in the country during these 15 days, i.e, during the campaign period. The migrant workers won’t have to wait for March 5 to cast their votes. Even if it facilitates a few, that will create history for a democratic Nepal.

More significantly, it will facilitate those GenZ, who are in Kathmandu and other places inside the country in thousands, for their studies and all other purposes, together with the general voters who cannot vote in their home constituency being far away for different purposes. They can also cast their votes for their home constituencies. 

Those allowed to vote for the proportional representation (PR) segment have really been reduced to a status of 40 percent voters. If they can vote for their home constituency also, they will be 100 percent voters, as PR is meant for choosing a party and not the individual candidate. 

The PR segment is for ensuring 33 percent representation of women in the House of Representatives. Thus, it has become a women’s representation segment. This will also help those officials and staff engaged in voting management far away from their home constituencies.

This may revolutionize the voting pattern of the country. Of course, the EC has to get the ballot papers printed within a week by not depending solely on the Janak Educational Material Centre but also on other governmental and private printing presses by adhering to usual security measures.

The author is former election commissioner

In today’s world, mobile phones have become more than just a means of talking to one another—they have become an inseparable part of our daily lives. According to the National Census Report of 2022, about 73.2 percent of Nepalis now own a mobile phone, while only 4.5 percent still use a landline. This shift tells an interesting story: nearly three out of every five people in the country have mobile access. It’s a remarkable step toward the vision of a Digital Nepal.

This widespread use of mobile phones has changed how people stay connected. Families, friends and communities can now share information and emotions instantly, bridging physical distances and strengthening social ties. Mobile phones have become tools of connection.

However, the same technology that keeps us connected also plays a key role in crime investigation. With mobile phones nearly in every hand, police and other law enforcement agencies have found new ways to track down suspects and gather evidence of crime.

The Call Detail Records (CDRs) provide a wealth of information—numbers dialed, call duration and timestamps—that help investigators to find the accused or the victim’s movement, communication patterns and even possible intentions. In many cases, these records become crucial in identifying the sequence of events, the intent, planning and execution of a crime/offense.

Constitutional scenario 

The Constitution of Nepal prohibits the enactment of any law or order that undermines fundamental freedoms and constitutional values. Article 19(3) stipulates that the means of communication cannot be obstructed except by law. Article 28 guarantees the right to privacy concerning one’s body, residence, property, documents and communications. The Individuals’ Right to Privacy Act, 2018, under Section 11 and 25, empowers investigating agencies to collect personal information during the investigation of an offense with authorization from a court or some other appropriate authority. This Act seeks to strengthen the right to privacy; however, its provisions clarify that privacy is not absolute and may be restricted during criminal investigations by the police. 

Article 20 further provides that no defendant shall be compelled to testify against themselves and that they have the right to be informed of the actions taken against them.

Criminal laws 

Though Nepal lacks an independent law specifically governing CDRs, multiple laws—including the Right to Privacy Act, 2075; Narcotic Drugs Act; Telecommunication Act, 2053; and the Electronic Transaction Act, 2063—have provided the legal basis for collecting individuals’ data during criminal investigations. 

The Nepal Telecommunications Authority (NTA) directs telecommunication service providers to archive call records for at least one year. The NTA also instructs service providers to furnish CDRs to investigating authorities upon a court order.

Section 10A of the Narcotic Drug (Control) Act, 2033 authorizes investigating agencies to collect phone records and other communication details of any person under investigation. A similar legal provision is found in Section 18 of the Organized Crime (Prevention) Act, 2070, which empowers investigators to obtain communication data for crime control purposes.

The Telecommunications Act, 2053, under Section 19, empowers the government to tap telephones or obtain call details of any individual when deemed necessary under the law.

Further, the Guidelines Relating to Access to Justice (Procedure), 2074, adopted by the Supreme Court of Nepal, entrusts district courts with the authority to regulate the procedure for obtaining call details. Section 4 of the guidelines requires the investigating officer to submit copies of the First Information Report (FIR) or Police Report, along with other relevant documents, when seeking court permission to access a person’s call details. Section 7 provides that the police or any other investigating authority may request the court for access to information such as location, SMS, CDRs, user details, SIM user and location, call-wise location, IP address and internet activity logs, among other details. Section 11 stipulates that the district judge’s decision in this regard shall be final.

In Advocate Baburam Aryal v Government of Nepal (NKP 2074, Part 59, Decision No. 9740), the Supreme Court held that obtaining call or SMS details without legal authorization is unlawful. The court emphasized that while criminal investigations may rely on CDRs, such actions must strictly adhere to the procedures prescribed by law and order.

Section 297 of the National Criminal Code, 2017 prohibits the interception or recording of another person’s telephone conversation without proper authorization or consent. Violation of this provision is punishable by up to two years’ imprisonment or a fine of up to NPR 20,000 or both. Section 299 prohibits deceitful telephone calls or transmitting messages. It provides that a person who commits such an offense shall be liable to a sentence of imprisonment for a term not exceeding two years or a fine not exceeding twenty thousand rupees or both. 

Global precedent 

In India, Section 63 of the Bharatiya Sakshya Adhiniyam, 2023 [Indian Evidence Act, 2023] provides that magistrates have the authority to permit or deny the collection of CDR information.

In China, there is no requirement for a judicial order to obtain CDR information. The legal framework does not recognize the concept of a warrant, and security personnel have the authority to detain individuals or demand CDRs directly.

In Japan, CDRs are obtained by investigating agencies only upon the order of judicial officials, ensuring judicial oversight in the process.

Way forward 

The CDRs are a valuable tool for understanding networks, as they reveal who called whom, how frequently and for how long. They help uncover criminal networks and associates, playing a crucial role in tracking the whereabouts of suspects, defendants and their accomplices.

Despite their importance, an independent legislation dealing with CDRs is still due in Nepal. There is scope for amending the National Criminal Procedure Code to formally incorporate a mechanism for the lawful collection and use of CDRs in investigations.

In most classrooms across Nepal, you won’t see children with diverse learning needs, not because they don’t exist, but because they’ve been made invisible. Undiagnosed, unsupported, and excluded, these children are left behind long before the first lesson begins.

I first glimpsed this invisibility as a child myself. At around ten years old, I was once waiting for results at an inter-school dance competition when a group of children from a school for the intellectually challenged performed. One of the girls left the stage and walked directly up to me, her face just inches from mine, and asked my name.

I wasn’t wary of her. I was scared of doing the wrong thing. Of saying something hurtful. Of not knowing how to respond. No one had ever talked to me about intellectual disability. No one had prepared me for what to do or how to simply be with someone who moved, spoke, or behaved differently. So I stood there, paralyzed.

Today, as a school leader trying to build inclusive classrooms in a deeply non-inclusive system, I understand that moment differently. It wasn’t just my discomfort, it was society’s silence. Our schools, our homes, and our media had never acknowledged children like her. That silence has hardened into systemic neglect.

More and more children with diverse learning needs are entering our classrooms. But they are still misunderstood, often mislabeled as lazy, disruptive, or incapable. The lucky few who are identified are either nudged out of mainstream schools or left unsupported within them, trapped in a system never designed to recognize their potential.

Globally, around 10-15 percent of children are estimated to have specific learning disabilities such as dyslexia, dysgraphia, or dyscalculia. Neurodevelopmental conditions like ADHD and autism affect an additional 4-10 percent. UNICEF reports that 12.5 percent of children aged 5-17 worldwide have moderate to severe disabilities that impact their access to learning. In Nepal, the numbers are even more stark. A national study found that over 35 percent of children aged 3-4 showed signs of developmental delay, particularly in areas of literacy and social-emotional development. While official disability data remains limited and often under-reported (ranging from 1.6 percent to 14 percent depending on the source), these figures highlight the widespread and urgent need for support systems that go far beyond current efforts.

Nepal’s Constitution, in Article 31, guarantees every citizen the right to education, explicitly committing to equitable access. It calls for education to be brought “within reach of all” and to create “equal opportunities for all.” Building on this, the Inclusive Education Policy of 2016 affirms that every child has the right to study in an inclusive, dignified environment. The policy assigns clear responsibilities to national bodies like the Curriculum Development Center and the National Examination Board, mandating the development of accessible curricula, resources, and assessment systems.

These are commendable commitments. But for educators on the ground, these policies often feel disconnected from reality. Ambiguity persists: Which needs are officially recognized? How are schools operationalizing inclusive education? Who ensures that teachers, counselors, and systems are ready to support this transformation?

Among the most visible barriers is Nepal’s standardized examination system. The Basic Level Examination (BLE) in Grade 8, the Secondary Education Examination (SEE) in Grade 10, and the School Leaving Certificate (SLC) in Grade 12 are all high-stakes assessments with rigid structures. Crucially, passing these exams is mandatory to move forward in the education system. But what about students who cannot pass, not due to lack of effort, but because of intellectual disabilities, neurodevelopmental conditions, or specific learning needs? These students are left without an option. The system treats academic performance as the sole indicator of worth and readiness, erasing the potential of those who learn differently.

The rigidity of these exams sits atop a shaky foundation. Schools lack access to trained professionals who can assess students, provide formal diagnoses, and participate in Individualized Education Plan (IEP) teams. In the absence of such expertise, educators are forced to make judgment calls they are neither trained nor authorized to make. To move forward, Nepal must invest in long-term solutions: teacher training programs focused on inclusive education, specialized university degrees in diverse learning needs and counseling, and ongoing parent education initiatives. 

There is also an urgent need for both national and local support systems staffed with experts in assessment, therapy, teacher and parent support, and school-based implementation to guide and empower schools.These systems must also include financial support for schools and families to access essential therapies, hire specialized teachers, and sustain meaningful inclusion. Without this comprehensive backing, inclusion remains aspirational rather than actionable.

Even when students are identified and supported in school, challenges remain in securing examination accommodations. The current policy requires requests to be submitted two months before the exam, yet in practice, schools often receive approval (or even information about the option) only a week before. This last-minute uncertainty discourages innovation and risks putting students in pedagogically unsound positions. Instead, the government should allow accommodations and modifications to be formally registered and approved as soon as a student’s needs are identified. This would allow schools to support the student throughout the year, not just in exams but in daily learning. Inclusion cannot be reactionary. It must be sustained and authentic.

Inclusion also requires flexibility in curriculum structure and certification. Some students could thrive with reduced subject loads. I currently work with a student with a language-based learning difficulty, for whom taking one language instead of multiple would make a world of difference. Yet the system doesn’t allow for this. We need an alternative School Leaving Certificate for such students that maintains the integrity of the curriculum but allows reduced subject requirements. Additionally, there must be a second type of certificate for students who require modified content entirely, for those whose cognitive development differs significantly from their biological age.

Crucially, these alternative certificates must carry the same procedural and social value as traditional ones. They must lead to further education and employment opportunities. Without this equivalency, these students remain excluded, their achievements undermined, and their futures jeopardized.

Beyond Grade 10, there must be guaranteed continuity of accommodations through Grade 12 and higher. And for those unable to pursue academic pathways, vocational programs must be introduced, not as a last resort, but as a dignified, valuable alternative. Every student must have a path to self-reliance and social inclusion.

Inclusion is not charity. It is not a favor. It is a right. If Nepal is sincere about its promise of equitable education, it must recognize that inclusive education is not about bringing children into the system as it exists but about reshaping the system itself. This means rethinking policies, retraining professionals, redesigning exams, funding resources, and most of all, re-framing our understanding of human potential.

The invisible students of our nation are not invisible by nature; they are made invisible by our inaction. And how we choose to respond today will define the kind of nation we become tomorrow.

Nepal stands at a critical juncture—demographically and economically. For years, remittances have propped up the numbers. Behind the GDP figures lies a more fragile reality—an economy that consumes more than it produces and depends on forces it cannot control.

For too long, Nepal sought the easy route to prosperity. It neglected to consider economic resilience, which allows economic growth to be enduring. The result is a brittle economy that is also vulnerable to external factors. A vulnerable economy cannot inspire confidence; it deters the very investment needed to strengthen it.

The path to resilience lies in turning inward, not in isolation but in foundation-building. By strengthening food and energy security, improving the quality of local production, and fostering trust-based growth in sectors like tourism and healthcare, Nepal can create an economy that grows from within—steady, self-reinforcing, and less vulnerable to global tides.

Limitations of conventional economic thinking

While economists play a vital role in guiding national policy, their models—useful as they are—often miss systemwide effects. Nowhere is this more evident than in the treatment of remittances. A presentation on the multiplier effect of remittance inflows can be seductive, yet models rarely capture how dependence on remittances weakens domestic supply chains, discourages entrepreneurship, and hollows out local talent pools.

In the short run, remittances may inflate GDP via consumption. In the long run, they heighten vulnerability to external shocks—such as a fall in global oil prices that cuts remittance inflows, even though lower prices should, in principle, benefit an oil-importing nation like Nepal. The result is an economy that appears to grow while losing internal dynamism and self-sufficiency. A sober reading of the last two decades suggests heavy remittance dependence has been one factor in Nepal’s underperformance relative to some South Asian peers.

Imagine a self-sufficient village becoming remittance-dependent: shops survive, but farmers and value-adding businesses suffer; mechanics, millers, and transporters find less work; employment shrinks; production and labour systems unravel. When external conditions worsen and remittances fall, the village is left with little productive base to fall back on.

Policy implication: Treat remittances as a cushion, not a growth model; prioritize policies that rebuild domestic production and capability.

Economic priorities: Resilience before global integration

Exports and foreign direct investment (FDI) can support development, but for a landlocked country facing scale disadvantages and tough competitors, they should follow—not precede—domestic resilience. The first priority is ensuring Nepal can sustain basic wellbeing regardless of global volatility or political pressure.

Resilience begins with self-sufficiency in essentials—especially food and energy—supported by shorter supply chains that are easier to maintain and less exposed to external shocks. Strengthening local production and internal trade does not reject international exchange; it creates the stability needed to engage global markets meaningfully. This insulation from volatility is a hallmark of successful economies. Since food and energy represent some of the largest leakages in Nepal’s economy, and both can be produced domestically, the effort to strengthen internal circulation should begin with these sectors.

A strategy grounded in resilience makes the economy not smaller but stronger. Reduced vulnerability at home prepares Nepal for global integration on its own terms.

Policy implication: Prioritize reforms to improve the reliability of domestic food and energy production and distribution, and only then focus on exposure to external markets and capital.

Domestic retention of value

Concept: The more times a rupee circulates within Nepal before leaking abroad (through imports, foreign tuition, and so on), the more jobs and income it supports.

Why it matters: Domestic spending sustains farmers, workers, transporters, shopkeepers, and technicians—who then hire and buy from one another. Import-heavy consumption, by contrast, lets value escape and weakens resilience.

Illustration:

Imported path: Rs 1,000 spent on imported LPG exits the economy quickly, leaving only trade margins behind.

Domestic path: Rs 1,000 spent on locally generated electricity stays in circulation and can, in turn, be spent on food from Nepali farmers, supporting truckers and retailers along the way. They, in turn, increase the demand for local electricity.

By expanding the use of domestic products and reducing avoidable imports, Nepal can raise GDP through a stronger internal multiplier. Economists understand this mechanism well, but it remains underused in Nepal’s development strategy. 

Policy implication: Focus first on the biggest leakages—food and energy—so each rupee circulates longer at home.

Organic growth over inorganic

Growth driven by foreign aid, advertising, subsidies, or one-off events is inorganic: it spikes, then fades. Nepal should instead prioritize organic growth—steady, self-reinforcing expansion built on quality, reliability, and reputation.

Tourism example: Rather than relying on ad campaigns, build repeat visits and word-of-mouth through a continuous cycle of improvement. The process is simple but powerful: listen → improve → convey, then repeat. Gather feedback from visitors, fix what matters most, and make those improvements visible. Each cycle strengthens trust, enhances reputation, and draws more satisfied visitors.

A tourist who feels fairly treated—who is not overcharged, stays healthy, receives genuine hospitality, and gets more than expected—is likely to return. Such experiences build trust, which is the most enduring form of promotion.

Fund the public infrastructure and services that sustain this process: clean trails, reliable rescue services, clear sign boards, public toilets, digital payment systems, and fair, transparent pricing at tourist nodes. Reduce friction through e-visas, predictable permits, transparent fees, and bundled passes. Measure success by depth of engagement—repeat visits, longer stays, and higher local spending—not just arrival counts.

Policy implication: Institutionalize continuous feedback and visible improvement in tourism services; treat satisfaction and repeat behavior as the true measures of success.

Taking advantage of our strengths

Building on organic growth, Nepal should leverage its existing strengths, beginning with tourism. Every visitor should leave satisfied and informed about Nepal’s broader possibilities—especially reliable, affordable medical and wellness services such as dentistry, eye care, physiotherapy, and hair restoration. A trekker today can be a medical tourist tomorrow—or an ambassador who sends a friend.

In many advanced economies, medical care is prohibitively expensive or slow to access. In the United States, even routine procedures cost several times more than in Nepal. In countries with universal healthcare, waiting lists for non-urgent treatments are long. For such visitors, Nepal’s combination of affordability, competence, and hospitality can be genuinely appealing. Unlike much of what passes for “medical tourism” elsewhere, Nepal can offer the real thing: treatment followed by recovery and travel in the same journey.

Candour about both strengths and weaknesses is essential. Tourist feedback must feed directly into service improvements, infrastructure upgrades, and staff training. This cycle—celebrating what works and fixing what doesn’t—turns visitors into repeat customers and advocates.

Nepal’s comparative advantages are clear: natural beauty, genuine hospitality, cost-effective professional care, and relatively low labour costs. The task is to strengthen these advantages through consistency and quality, so that every visitor departs satisfied and aware of what Nepal can offer them and their networks.

Beyond tourism, Nepal can build on similar principles of value and trust in other niche opportunities—from hosting retirees seeking affordable, comfortable living to offering high-quality personalized tailoring and craft services. Such ventures may seem unconventional, but they draw on the same strengths that make Nepal competitive: warmth, skill, and value for money. Each represents a genuine win-win, expanding Nepal’s reach while reinforcing its domestic capabilities.

Policy implication: Position tourism as an entry point to Nepal’s wider offerings in health, wellness, and craftsmanship, while strengthening quality and reliability across the service chain.

Integrated approach to development

Nepal must manage its resources frugally. It has neither the luxury of time nor the abundance to spend inefficiently. Government expenditures should therefore advance multiple goals at once, creating compounding benefits rather than isolated outcomes.

Example 1: Hetauda–Kathmandu cargo and transport cable car

Consider a cable car system linking Hetauda with Kathmandu. Private enterprises have already built several cable car networks for tourism. Drawing on their experience, Nepal could develop a low-cost, energy-efficient system to transport both goods and people between the two cities.

It should be cheaper to move goods by cable car than by diesel trucks that often weigh several times more than their cargo—diesel that must be mined in the Middle East, refined in India, and trucked across Nepal’s steep terrain. If the cable car system cannot achieve this, there is a flaw in its design or an issue of excessive profit-seeking.

During construction, the Ministry of Agriculture could establish a procurement hub near Hetauda to purchase produce from domestic farmers at fair market prices, with the intent to expand the program nationwide.

The system should be financially self-sufficient—operating without government subsidy—but guided by a public-service mandate to provide reliable and affordable transport. Such an initiative could boost agricultural output, lower food prices in Kathmandu, reduce economic leakage through lower food and energy imports, expand employment, cut emissions, decrease road accidents, and stimulate innovation.

Example 2: Narrow pathways to link rural communities

Many of the rural roads built across Nepal have yielded little lasting benefit and, in some cases, have harmed local communities. Overly wide roads have consumed arable land, worsened erosion, and increased landslides. Designed for large vehicles, they have proven costly to maintain and ill-suited to sparsely populated areas.

Nepal should instead prioritize narrow, well-engineered pathways that connect villages at similar elevations, minimizing steep gradients and annual monsoon damage. Built properly, such paths would require little maintenance and could support affordable, low-emission transport such as bicycles and small electric vehicles.

A network of such pathways would strengthen rural connectivity, preserve farmland, reduce erosion, lower infrastructure costs, and encourage innovation. It would also offer a distinctive model of rural mobility—one that promotes tourism while reflecting Nepal’s ingenuity and respect for its landscape.

Policy implication: Prioritize integrated projects that advance multiple goals—for example, efficiency, connectivity, resilience—within a single investment.

Population decline and student migration

A growing challenge is population decline in many areas, driven by the outward migration of youth for education and work. As destination countries tighten immigration rules, many students spend thousands abroad only to return with depleted savings and limited prospects. This drains foreign reserves, reduces demand for local producers, and accelerates the decline of the working-age population.

A family spending several lakhs per year on tuition and housing abroad removes equivalent purchasing power from local farmers, schools, housing, and services. If permanent residency abroad does not materialize, the household returns financially weaker, and Nepal loses both years of potential contribution and the chance for a young person to build a career at home. Nepal would be wise to reduce outward student migration, especially immediately after Grade 12.

Policy implication: Tighten quality controls and consumer protections around student outflows while building attractive domestic pathways for learning and work.

Proposed policy directions

1. Reduce remittance dependence

Introduce moderate exit controls for low-return, high-risk placements abroad while offering skill-bridging programs and small grants for returnees to start or join local enterprises.

Impact: Rebuilds domestic capability, strengthens local employment, and reduces vulnerability to external shocks.

2. Reform the temporary foreign worker system

Negotiate bilateral agreements that guarantee fair wages, insurance, and safe working conditions for Nepali workers abroad. Shift focus from volume to value—fewer departures, better protection, and stronger oversight of recruitment practices. Implement measures such as exit clearances for high-risk destinations.

Impact: Protects workers from exploitation, preserves Nepal’s labour strength, and restores confidence for domestic investment and entrepreneurship.

3. Regulate outward student migration

Approve study permits only for recognized institutions, license and supervise recruitment agencies with enforceable welfare guarantees, and expand domestic options such as vocational programs, cooperative degrees, and scholarships tied to national needs.

Impact: Protects families from exploitation, slows youth drain, and sustains demand for local education and services.

4. Encourage domestic circulation of wealth

Focus national effort where it matters most—on food and energy, the two sectors where value leaks abroad the fastest but can also be most easily retained. Support domestic food production through fair procurement, storage, and transport programs; promote agro-processing clusters near urban markets; and ensure reliable, affordable energy through stable hydropower, wider use of induction stoves, and ropeways or cable systems to reduce diesel transport.

Impact: Reduces dependence on imports, stabilizes prices, strengthens rural incomes, and keeps more of every rupee circulating within Nepal’s economy.

5. Build from within

Prioritize reliability in food systems, domestic energy, and logistics before courting large-scale foreign investment. When inviting investment, reward projects that strengthen domestic supply chains—for example, those that source materials locally, contract Nepali service providers, or transfer production know-how to local firms. Require foreign investors to partner with domestic suppliers and to train Nepali workers, ensuring technology and skills stay in the country.

Impact: Aligns foreign participation with national capacity-building so that Nepal can engage with the world on its own terms.

6. Promote organic growth in tourism

Develop a permanent mechanism for continuous quality improvement across the tourism chain. Focus public investment on essentials such as safety, sign boards, sanitation, digital payments, and fair pricing for tourists. Measure progress through visitor satisfaction, repeat visits, and longer stays.

Impact: Builds trust and reputation through steady enhancement of quality instead of short-term campaigns.

7. Expand tourism’s scope: Health, wellness, and care

Provide reliable information at airports, hotels, and major trails on accredited clinics with transparent pricing. Offer fixed-price care packages and simplified medical-visitor visas for patients and companions. Establish a feedback mechanism to uphold the integrity of partner organizations and ensure consistently high service standards.

Impact: Extends the value of existing visitor flows, generates high-trust, high-value services, and diversifies Nepal’s economic base.

8. Integrate development efforts for compounding impact

Design public investments to achieve multiple objectives—economic, social, and environmental—within a single initiative. Each project should create compounding benefits rather than isolated gains. For example, transport projects can also advance energy efficiency, local procurement, and rural employment; agricultural initiatives can simultaneously improve food security, logistics, and trade balance.

Impact: Delivers higher returns on public spending, strengthens linkages across sectors, and embeds resilience into the fabric of development.

9. Institutionalize feedback and data infrastructure

Create a national feedback loop—listen → improve → convey—using tools such as QR surveys at key touchpoints, public reporting of results, and visible follow-up actions. This infrastructure need not be limited to tourism, though that would be a natural place to begin.

Impact: Builds transparency, strengthens accountability, and makes improvement a continuous, self-reinforcing process.

Conclusion

Nepal’s first task in the coming year is to make resilience visible and measurable. That begins with cutting the largest leakages—keeping more of every rupee circulating at home through local food procurement, electrification of cooking, and domestic energy reliability. Strengthening these foundations should precede any push for global expansion, so that foreign investment builds upon Nepal’s own productive capacity rather than substituting for it. The projects that the government takes on must solve multiple problems at once. In tourism, the goal should be to turn first-time visitors into repeat guests and advocates, using transparent feedback loops and the expansion of high-trust and high-value offerings such as medical and wellness travel. At the same time, families and youth must be protected from exploitative education and labour pipelines abroad through credible domestic opportunities that make staying an equally rational choice.

Nepal will be strongest when it is resilient first and globally integrated second—organic before inorganic, strengths before stretch. By focusing on leakage reduction, service reliability, and the conversion of visitors into lasting partners, the country can create a cycle of improvement that feeds on itself. Small, practical steps, applied with discipline, will compound into stability, dignity, and durable prosperity.