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Chaite Dashain is celebrated every year on Chaitra Shukla Ashtami, the eighth day of the bright fortnight in the month of Chaitra. The Navratri that falls in this month is commonly known as Chaite Dashain. The festival is observed on Ashtami because that day is traditionally dedicated to the sacrifice of animals to Lord Bhagwati, drawing large crowds of devotees to her temples.

Chaite Dashain is, in essence, a smaller form of Bada Dashain, which is celebrated in the month of Asoj/Kartik. According to legend, Bada Dashain was originally celebrated in Chaitra, but due to the dry weather and drought typical of that month, it was shifted to Asoj/Kartik. Chaite Dashain has since continued to be observed in Chaitra in its place.

Since Chaite Dashain is primarily a festival of non-Newars, the Newars of Dolakha do not celebrate it in a significant way. People from outside Dolakha town, however, celebrate it with great enthusiasm, and so it is largely outside devotees, rather than locals, who come to worship Lord Bhimeshwar during this period. Although it shares the name ‘Dashain’, there is no custom in Dolakha of marking the occasion with feasts or special meals as there is during Bada Dashain. As a child, I was always puzzled: it’s called Dashain, so why don’t parents buy meat or prepare a feast? At the Bhimeshwar shrine, however, a large crowd of non-Dolakhali devotees would gather to worship and offer animal sacrifices. This brought a lively and entertaining fair to Dolakha town. Beyond Dolakha, I also witnessed a grand Chaite Dashain fair in Baglung Bazaar in the west, in 2031 BS.

In 2021 BS, the Cottage Industry Office in Dolakha had set up product stalls around the pond in the lower tole. Around that time (2020/21 BS) Dolakha would see a large influx of devotees coming to worship Bhimeshwar and sacrifice buffaloes, goats, ducks, roosters, and sheep at the fair. Pilgrims came especially from Bhojpur, Okhaldhunga, Khotang, Sindhuli, Ramechhap, and Sindhupalchowk districts, filling the homes of Dolakha town. Those who had no guests arriving for Bhakal puja felt somewhat left out, and so some residents would wait at the town's entrance and invite travelers in. Since our father had worked in Khotang and Okhaldhunga, our home always received guests during Chaite Dashain without fail. Brahmin and Chhetri devotees who sacrificed buffaloes would not eat the meat themselves, and since there were no means to transport it home, they would leave it all with their hosts.

Some devotees stayed with old acquaintances, while others requested lodging from local families. The houses in the upper tole, closest to the Bhimeshwar temple and the main market, were especially full of pilgrims. There was much to enjoy. Through the night, the Bahun/Chhetri community sang Juhari songs in the market area, while Tamang people sang Juhari in their own language. The whole city of Dolakha reverberated with singing until dawn. Juhari is a form of competitive singing between groups of boys and girls. One of its more intriguing rules: if a boy wins the Juhari contest against a girl, he may take her home as his bride.

Though Chaite Dashain is not celebrated at a community-wide level in Dolakha, the Guthiyars do observe it in a simple, traditional way through the Guthi system. As in Bada Dashain, Phulpati is carried from Rajkuleshwar to the Bhimeshwar Temple on the day of Maha Ashtami. Sacrifices are offered and Durga Puja is performed. There is a tradition of sacrificing buffaloes at both the Bhimeshwar Temple and Tripurasundari. The rituals begin at the Ganesh temple, where the Guthiyars perform the invocation puja according to traditional custom. Afterward, the group proceeds to Rajkuleshwar and then to the Bhimeshwar temple with all the puja materials, before returning to Rajkuleshwar. As with Bada Dashain, Chaite Dashain puja is performed in rotation by four Guthiyars of Dolakha each year.

The day of Navami is Ram Navami, the birth anniversary of Lord Rama, on which animal slaughter is forbidden. In keeping with this tradition, worship continues at the Bhimeshwar temple on that day, but without sacrifice. According to scripture, Lord Ramachandra of the Treta Yuga was born on the ninth day of the bright fortnight, and so Navami is observed in his honor. In Dolakha, devotees fast on this day and light lamps at the Bhimeshwar temple in the evening.

The deep-rooted political acculturation may be a stance to the youth-led GenZ movement of Sept 8-9, 2025. Timed for twenty-four hours only, the movement broke out the existing frames of government bodies, leading to the elevation of opposition-less party system in Nepal. Even the Supreme Court was not spared. A rush of hot-blooded youth march broke out the history in the quest of a corruption-less society sweeping the existing political scenario. An echo is burst symbolizing the challenge for status quo-ist political parties of Nepal with reform and change, like Barack Obama’s slogan of ‘Change We Can Believe in’, in his second presidential tenure.

Alarmed by the recent happenings, GenZ forces seek the rooms to debut the recent Nepali politics, but the uneven polarization between them was heavily entertained by the existing parties. A beacon of hope was ended in no time effortlessly. Still an echo of youth on dignity-based politics predominantly appears. Many of the carriers of this GenZ movement are scattered now, many more are part of RSP and other existing parties. Standing straight, the alternative political forces i.e. Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) along with Ujjyalo Nepal and others appear ready to bring in young leaders in the political arena. Reformist Nepali Congress 2.0, along with CPN-UML, and NCP, is seeking for the inclusive political ground for the GenZers by providing candidacy but their effort has gone in vain, at least temporarily, as the result of March 5 elections has shown.  

State itself is not a factor to change or reform, but the political forces being the drivers need to change. But they seem derailing. Here, political forces are a fiasco, not the state. Respective manifestoes of the political parties are liable to carry the solid developmental amalgamation but this carries the same outline as earlier. Being on the optimistic ground, the manifesto must carry rational and behavioral grounds of reformation but are on the same page. The alternative new political force in Nepal, Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) is debuting in the parliament with a majority, with its commitment paper. 

Crack the fact

Schools of thought based on democracy seem diverse in nature, but the core value carries the equal line of freedom, justice, and equality. The democratic scale for election is a landmark for building a rational state. The fact and figures of democracy sometimes cow down the people in the name of democratic institutionalization, this seems more absurd and unsound. A real democracy provides the rule of law maintained through election as Norway got in 1884—142 years before Nepal. This hard fact of rationality and dignity in political culture is easy to express but hard to execute. The political parties of Nepal would do well to think over a democratic culture maintained through people's mandate and voters’ verdict.

Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt’s ‘How Democracies Die’ carries a solid insight of how democracy is being killed by elected political leaders in the name of their power exercise and power play. Military takeover is likely to end democracy by which social institutions are weakened due to frequent interventions of elected leaders. Social institutions may be judiciary, mass media, civil service, intelligence agencies and more. We can relate to similar examples in South Asian least developed countries like Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Nepal. In the case of Nepal, a GenZ movement broke out recently leading to significant changes and propelling the Rastriya Swatantra Party to power through a popular vote.

On cracking the fact, utopia-based political culture developed through assurance and reassurance is graphically in line to tumble due to the hiked literacy rate of Nepalese citizens.  This may be also due to the sustained instability, social media spark, vicious gap seen between the leader and the citizen. This is all due to the vanished civic faith of the past invited by leaders themselves. In order to rebuild trust, the people need political and economic assurance that the state’s processes would restore their security and execute the law. Still now the people of Nepal are ripe for change and progress.

Stardom of masses

Mass in democracy is not only a matter, but the mass leading to change is a factor to feel. This mass-based absurdity developed in the state is not more than an underdog activity. In other words, democracy is a factor of rule based on mass and it holds the spirit of decision-making under the public sphere where citizens hold the authority for debate, defenestration and acceptance. This is likely to make democratic process more reliable, dynamic and public-focused. Western democracies are strong due to increased public participation, high ideals, and wide literacy rate. Such types of contemporary issues are mandatory to institutionalize democracy in Nepal. 

The democracy of Nepal nowadays carries the idea of recognition, fame and influence. The idea of democracy based on these tendencies are a simultaneous result of existing leadership in the past affiliated with old schools of thought. Now the old school of thought is in line to substitute for the new ideals. So the fame level is expected to extend from trivial to the comprehensive level. The scale of change and speed are minimizing the barrier to the large level of aware audience. This may create the state of unhealthy competition in the political streamline. And as a result the politician again tries to move for stardom.

In Nepal now, growing influence of political leaders toward fame-based politics seems unhealthier, but other influential factors catalyze a leader’s strength as ‘you can do it’ attitude adding a possible feature. So, narratives are anchored based on democratic mismatch.

Is it the end?

Democracy is not only a landmark to achieve something in spite of another. The regressive school of democracy is not a credibility of leadership. Instead, they are liable to gain echo and yield powerful touch in the public mindset. But touches are feeble and heinous, as rolling stones that do not catch the mosses. The conduct of ancient and modern democracy is maintained through voter’s verdict as Lincoln addressed Gettysburg in 1863. Rousseau also claimed this as ‘Peoples’ general will’.

This is not the end of an era, but in the long run the democratic conduct will carry a realpolitik phenomenon consisting of rule based politics, accountable leaders, socio-economic inclusion, liable democratic institutions and more. A good ground for democratic process starts when elections are held in a free and fair manner. It directly or indirectly or on a periodic basis provides a subtle platform for political instability. This is the optimum value of democratic conduct.

The value and spirit chain of democracy believes in give and take. It too seeks for majority-based rule and minority to stand as a strong criticizer on wrong doing of the majority. Under this sequence the state itself moves on the developmental periphery. The state of democracy remains clear and trusty.

A perfect example of effective democratic practice is Switzerland. Switzerland has achieved notable success in both democracy and federalism, demonstrating how inclusive governance and strong institutions can function together harmoniously. There are many valuable lessons to be learnt from its model. As a country that has also adopted a democratic and federal system, Nepal can benefit greatly by studying and adopting relevant aspects of Switzerland’s experience to strengthen its own political and federal structures.

The new government, soon to be inaugurated, must seize the opportunity to revive declining agriculture, marked by years of neglect, mismanagement, and corruption, and prioritize its development to guard national food security.

Despite 65 percent of Nepal’s population being engaged in farming, food production has stagnated for years, with rising food imports reaching 1.7m–2m tons per year. These problems are mainly attributed to irregular and limited supplies of key agricultural inputs, climate threats, inadequate irrigation, lack of technical know-how, rising acreage of fallow lands, among others, and inadequate proactive government responses. 

Nepal’s neighbours, both India and China, have made remarkable progress in agricultural development and food production, with multifold increases in productivity and acreage to improve food self-reliance. India is now producing 330m tons of cereals, compared to 50–60m tons some 65–70 years ago, along with 120m tons of reserve stocks and 40 percent global market share of rice, as well as the provision of food rations to 800m people at a subsidized rate.

Our experience in farming in Nawalpur for the last three years has shed some light on the multiple troubling experiences faced by farmers. There are climate threats, difficulties in obtaining improved varieties of seeds, high costs of production, and forced selling of produce at below production costs. Mechanisms to access government support are too complicated for an ordinary farmer. Agricultural cooperatives in the neighbourhood play some positive role in supplying fertilizer, seeds, and tools. But what is missing is proper guidance for higher productivity and maximizing returns with the right variety of crops to make agriculture a profitable enterprise.

Over the years, Nepal has made good progress in addressing malnutrition, and people are consuming more nutritious food, mainly because of increased remittances supporting families through migration and foreign employment. Yet, an estimated 25 percent of children under five face chronic malnutrition (stunting), with significantly higher levels (including micronutrient deficiencies) in the Far West and Tarai regions; and moderate to chronic food insecurity affects 4m–5m people in the country.

As part of its international commitments, Nepal signed on to the agenda for the Sustainable Development Goals, with a promise for improvements in 17 goals related to poverty, education, health, good governance, and the environment, including Zero Hunger by 2030. It is likely that most of the goals will not be achieved. In the context of the goal, Zero Hunger, the country must make efforts towards:

• Ending hunger and ensuring access to safe, nutritious food for all, particularly the poor, all year round;
• Ending all forms of malnutrition, including internationally agreed targets of stunting and wasting in children under five, and addressing the nutritional needs of girls, pregnant women, and the elderly;
• Doubling the agricultural productivity of small-scale food producers and family farmers, and giving them access to market opportunities, value addition, and non-farm employment; and
• Improving resilient agricultural practices to adapt to climate change (extreme weather, drought, and flooding) to increase production.

Unfortunately, none of the issues listed here have received significant attention, and these targets will not be met by 2030.

Transforming agriculture will contribute to achieving self-reliance, ensuring national security, generating employment, and helping improve the country’s economy. For a country like Nepal, agricultural programs could differ based on climate zones to include cereal crops, horticulture, vegetables, and others, as well as focus on animal husbandry, poultry, and fishery. Such diversification will help adapt to diverse climate conditions and create new opportunities for youth employment in the country. The Government should be able to generate adequate regional and international support to take this agenda forward.

In conclusion, going forward, here is a five-point agenda for action:

• Engage people with strong, proven leadership, expertise, experience, and vision in agricultural development to lead the agricultural sector.
• Take stock and review the challenges facing the agricultural sector and develop new strategies, policies, programs, and action plans with adequate financial support.
• Establish a logistics system and supply chain mechanism to provide access to improved varieties of seeds, fertilizer, and other inputs, as well as access to markets, and ensure minimum prices and guaranteed procurement of cereals.
• Create incentives for youth engagement in the agricultural sector by establishing mechanisms for access to land, finance, irrigation water, and modern agricultural practices. Also establish mechanisms for the involvement of agricultural cooperatives, agricultural universities, and the private sector, and the use of digital technology in supporting agriculture.
• Support vulnerable communities with specific food and nutrition programs and promote nutrition-oriented farming to address malnutrition and achieve zero hunger.

The author is former UN Resident Coordinator/UNDP Resident Representative and WFP Representative, with four decades of experience within the UN system in development and humanitarian leadership roles in several countries and WFP HQ, Italy

Nepal’s banking system is once again at an inflection point. As Nepal Rastra Bank signals a possible relaxation of blacklisting provisions, a broader debate has quietly emerged within the financial sector. The issue is not merely about easing rules or providing relief to borrowers. It is about preserving the delicate balance between credit discipline and financial stability at a time when both are under strain.

Recent data from the Credit Information Bureau paints a stark picture. Over the past seven fiscal years, the number of blacklisted individuals has surged dramatically, reaching nearly 170,000 by FY 2024-25. The increase has been particularly sharp in the last three years, reflecting deeper structural stress in the economy. Check bounce cases account for a significant portion of this rise, while loan defaults have also accelerated, especially in retail segments such as credit cards, phone loans, and personal borrowing.

This trend cannot be dismissed as a mere statistical anomaly. It reflects underlying vulnerabilities in household finances, business cash flows, and credit underwriting practices. The post-pandemic recovery has been uneven, and many borrowers continue to operate in a constrained economic environment. At the same time, credit expansion in earlier years, particularly in unsecured and consumption-driven lending, is now translating into higher defaults.

Against this backdrop, the central bank’s concern is understandable. A rapidly expanding blacklist can limit access to formal finance and potentially shrink the pool of eligible borrowers. In an economy that relies heavily on small and medium enterprises, such exclusion can have broader implications for growth and employment. The question of whether the current system is overly restrictive is therefore a legitimate one.

However, the issue becomes more complex when viewed from the perspective of financial stability.

Blacklisting in Nepal has evolved into more than just a regulatory mechanism. It serves as a critical tool for enforcing credit discipline. The reputational cost associated with being blacklisted has historically played a significant role in encouraging timely repayment. In a system where formal enforcement mechanisms can be slow and costly, such behavioral incentives are particularly important.

Any move to dilute this signal must therefore be approached with caution.

One of the key concerns raised by the banking sector relates to the composition of blacklisted cases. Not all entries in the blacklist represent the same type of risk. Check bounce cases, for instance, are fundamentally transactional issues between private parties. They do not necessarily reflect systemic credit risk in the banking system whereas loan defaults directly involve public deposits and the integrity of financial intermediation.

Treating these categories uniformly can lead to policy distortions. It risks overestimating the extent of genuine credit stress while underestimating the importance of maintaining discipline in bank lending. A more nuanced approach is needed, one that distinguishes between different types of defaults and tailors regulatory responses accordingly.

Another important dimension is the recent removal of the threshold that previously exempted small borrowers from blacklisting. While this change may have been intended to standardize the framework, it has also contributed to a surge in the number of blacklisted individuals. Defaults on relatively small amounts, including credit card dues and short-term consumer loans, are now being captured alongside larger and more complex cases.

This raises questions about proportionality. A system that imposes identical consequences for vastly different levels of default may end up being both inefficient and inequitable. It can discourage risk-taking among small entrepreneurs while doing little to address larger structural risks.

At the same time, there is a genuine concern within banks that any relaxation of blacklisting provisions could encourage a culture of non-payment. Credit discipline, once weakened, is difficult to restore. Even a perception that enforcement is becoming lenient can alter borrower behavior. This is particularly relevant in the current environment, where recovery efforts are already challenging and non-performing loans remain a concern. The policy challenge, therefore, is not whether to relax or maintain the current system in its entirety. It is about how to recalibrate the framework in a way that preserves its core strengths while addressing emerging weaknesses.

A starting point would be to introduce greater differentiation within the blacklisting system. Separating transactional defaults, such as check bounce cases, from credit-related defaults would improve clarity and allow for more targeted policy interventions. This would ensure that measures aimed at easing business constraints do not inadvertently weaken the enforcement of loan repayment.

Another important step would be the introduction of a structured rehabilitation mechanism. Instead of treating blacklisting as a binary status, the system could allow for graduated re-entry based on demonstrated improvement in repayment behavior. Borrowers who make partial repayments, comply with restructuring agreements, or show consistent financial discipline over time could be moved to a monitored category. This would create incentives for recovery without compromising accountability. The suggestion from the banking sector to allow limited account operations for blacklisted individuals also merits consideration. Maintaining restricted access to banking services would enable better tracking of financial transactions and improve the prospects of loan recovery. At the same time, it would allow businesses to continue basic operations, reducing the likelihood of complete financial exclusion.

Revisiting thresholds and proportionality is equally important. Reintroducing differentiated treatment for small-value defaults could help prevent over-penalization while maintaining strict enforcement for larger exposures. Such an approach would align regulatory outcomes more closely with the scale of risk involved.

Beyond regulatory adjustments, there is also a need to strengthen credit information systems. More granular and real-time data on borrower behavior would enhance risk assessment and reduce reliance on blunt instruments such as blacklisting. A more sophisticated information ecosystem would allow both banks and regulators to identify emerging risks earlier and respond more effectively. The timing of these discussions adds another layer of significance. With key leadership positions at the central bank currently vacant and a new government in the process of formation, the policy direction adopted in the coming months will have lasting implications. This is a period that calls for careful calibration rather than abrupt shifts.

Ultimately, the objective must remain clear. The stability of the financial system depends on a delicate balance. Depositors must have confidence that their savings are secured. Banks must be able to extend credit with reasonable assurance of repayment. The regulator must ensure that this relationship is maintained through credible and consistent policies.

At the same time, the system must remain responsive to changing economic realities. Excessive rigidity can be as damaging as excessive leniency. The goal is not to choose between the two, but to find a balance that supports both discipline and inclusion. A rising number of blacklisted individuals should be seen as an early warning signal. It highlights underlying stress in the economy and points to areas where policy refinement is needed. Addressing this challenge requires a measured approach, one that combines regulatory clarity with practical flexibility.

Nepal’s financial system has made significant progress in recent years in strengthening governance, improving supervision, and enhancing transparency. Preserving these gains is essential. Any reforms in the blacklisting framework must build on this foundation, not undermine it. In the end, the question is not whether the system should be strict or lenient. The question is whether the system is effective. A well-calibrated framework can enforce discipline, support recovery, and promote inclusion at the same time. Achieving this balance will be key to safeguarding financial stability in the years ahead.

The opinions expressed here are personal views