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The election of March 5 stands as a transformative milestone in Nepal’s democratic evolution, effectively dismantling the long-standing narrative that the Constitution of Nepal 2015 created insurmountable structural barriers to a single-party mandate. For years, the prevailing wisdom among political analysts suggested that the country’s mixed electoral framework, with its heavy emphasis on proportional representation, rendered a decisive majority nearly impossible for any nascent political force. 

However, the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) defied these theoretical constraints by securing an unprecedented number of parliamentary seats and over 5m proportional votes. This massive electoral ‘signature’ served as a powerful public referendum on the leadership of Rabi Lamichhane, functioning as a popular exoneration while he remained in legal custody facing allegations of cooperative finance fraud. This outcome suggests that a significant portion of the electorate viewed these judicial proceedings as politically motivated rather than purely legal, signaling a profound shift in the national psyche toward a collective aspiration for prosperity that transcends traditional partisan arithmetic.

By positioning itself as a disruptor of systemic corruption and administrative lethargy, the RSP has demonstrated that a platform centered on institutional integrity can overcome the perceived limitations of a fragmented multiparty system. Yet, this victory brings with it a complex set of challenges, particularly regarding the intersection of judicial process and political will. 

While the RSP successfully harnessed public frustration to secure power, it must now perform the difficult task of translating populist momentum into stable, rule-of-law-based governance. To satisfy the expectations of a diverse citizenry without further polarizing the nation’s legal and political institutions, the party must convert its immense political capital into a coherent and functional fiscal pathway. The mandate is rooted in a fundamental public trust that the RSP can modernize the economy and restore ethical purity to state institutions; a goal that necessitates a radical departure from a status quo-ist fiscal policy.

A central pillar of this reform agenda involves a comprehensive overhaul of Nepal’s Public Financial Management (PFM) to address deep-seated structural imbalances that have long stunted national economic development and growth. According to data from the Nepal Rastra Bank, the national GDP at current prices has reached Rs 6,107.2bn, but the composition of this figure reveals a concerning reality: the service sector dominates at 62.01 percent, while agriculture and industry contribute a mere 25.16 percent and 12.82 percent, respectively. 

This heavy reliance on services has failed to generate sufficient high-quality employment or significant value-added economic growth, placing immense pressure on the incoming RSP government to pivot toward aggressive industrial expansion. Strengthening the industrial sector is not merely a fiscal preference but a structural necessity for fostering meaningful job creation, setting up an export-oriented economy and achieving long-term, sustainable economic stability.

The existing national revenue architecture, though diverse, remains increasingly strained by its reliance on a complex but inefficient portfolio of instruments, including income taxes, VAT, and specialized levies for health and education. Even as the Inland Revenue Department reports a steady upward trajectory in total revenue from Rs 429.3bn in 2020-21 to Rs 583.82bn in 2024-25, these nominal gains mask significant underlying vulnerabilities. 

Most especially, the Department of Customs highlights a precarious imbalance where import-related revenue reached Rs 478bn in the latest fiscal year, dwarfing export-related revenue of only Rs 277bn. This datapoint underscores a disproportionate and risky dependence on trade-based public revenue, which leaves the national budget highly susceptible to global market fluctuations and external shocks.

Despite rising revenue figures, the Ministry of Finance continues to face formidable challenges in meeting its fiscal targets due to systemic weaknesses within its primary institutions. These institutional bottlenecks include a chronic deficit of skilled human capital, substandard technological infrastructure, and the persistent threat of moral hazard within the PFM administration. Such vulnerabilities ensure that the modernization of PFM entities remains a critical but largely unfulfilled mandate. 

Without addressing these fundamental administrative flaws and diversifying the tax base away from volatile import duties, the government will likely continue to struggle with fiscal shortfalls. Consequently, the RSP must lead a comprehensive PFM reform that simplifies tax structures while broadening the base across all levels of the federal polity, ensuring that the modernization of PFM entities move from a theoretical goal to an operational reality.

Furthermore, a decade into the federal transition, the promise of genuine fiscal federalism remains in a state of perilous limbo. At the subnational government level, revenue mobilization is severely hampered by operational hurdles and an inefficient bureaucracy that prevents provincial and local governments from exercising their constitutional fiscal autonomy. Revitalizing subnational governance is a vital priority and without enhancing the efficacy of the subnational polity, the federal system can neither collect nor strategically mobilize the resources required to address the urgent needs of its citizenry. 

Establishing transparency in budgeting, auditing, and fiscal reporting is essential to fostering public trust and enhancing the scientific application of federal transfers. Additionally, the government must adopt strategic debt management, strictly limiting sovereign borrowing to productive, high-yield investments to close the financing gap for high-priority projects without jeopardizing long-term solvency.

The budget (for the fiscal year 2026-27) of the RSP must also prioritize inclusive microeconomic integration to uplift rural and marginalized communities who have placed their faith in the RSP. The objective is to move beyond mere subsistence, fostering an environment where marginalized populations are integrated into national economic value chains by stimulating local entrepreneurship and increasing productive capacity. This requires a dual-track approach to youth engagement and industrialization that balances short-term job creation with long-term structural transformation. Rather than maintaining a narrow focus on traditional microfinance, which often leads to high-interest debt cycles without capital growth, the budget should emphasize comprehensive rural finance programs designed to facilitate capital formation and technical scaling. 

By providing affordable, long-term credit and strengthening SME financing policies, the RSP can ensure that capital is directed toward productive investments rather than just consumption, making the youth stakeholders in a decentralized, inclusive economy.

To catalyze this broader transformation, the RSP must prioritize a strategic pivot toward energy and infrastructure, investing in new generation projects to lower electricity costs and modernizing the grid to support industrial demand. Rather than exporting raw energy at a discount, the goal must be the cultivation of an energy-intensive domestic economy at every river basin level supported by robust logistics hubs. Parallel to this, the ICT sector offers immense potential for economic diversification. By spearheading a digital economy initiative and providing tax incentives for startups, the state can leverage domestic energy to fuel technology services. A national digital training program for youth, coupled with the full digitization of government business, would absorb the trained labor force and reduce administrative costs, mirroring successful models of youth mobilization seen in advanced economies.

Ultimately, the RSP’s success will be measured by its ability to drive agrarian transformation and industrial revitalization. The budget must emphasize ‘smart farming’, integrated agro-processing, and robust rural infrastructure to minimize post-harvest losses. Simultaneously, the strategic revival of distressed or ‘sick’ industries such as jute, rubber, paper, and textiles; offers a ‘triple benefit’ of employment generation, import substitution, and enhanced national competitiveness. 

By modernizing social services through digital classrooms and Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) curricula, the RSP can ensure long-term human development and capability lead to function. Shifting national priorities away from a reliance on remittances and toward high-growth sectors like tourism and sustainable farming will build a truly inclusive macroeconomic framework. These reforms serve as a tangible reward for the mandate granted by the citizenry, translating the political support for leaders like Rabi Lamichhane and Balendra Shah into a resilient, self-sufficient national economy that finally fulfills the public trust. 

There could hardly be a more compelling time to write and reflect on the world order, as nations remain deeply engaged in an ongoing contest of power and influence. Writing this feels more of a relatable environment of world order rather than a distant view and it also shapes the way we comprehend our own outlook of the world and human nature. If there’s one thing that’s unchanging attributes of humans, it’s their consciousness for power that drives them restless and impulsive. For power takes the shape of their desires, molding ambitions, igniting conflicts and competitions. This isn’t the end here, as it rather scales up in a larger frame from individuals to states; and then the urge to gain power grows as a continuum; it manifests. Regardless of whether one believes it or not, there’s a significant reality difference between being in actual power to being in proximity to that power.

In light of this idea comes Jo Inge Bekkevold’s article “No, the World Is Not Multipolar” that provides a striking rebuttal and yet convincing critique to the increasingly popular narrative to one of the widely spread beliefs that the International system is an emerging multipolar. The term ‘multipolar’ has been repeatedly invoked in academic debates, by diplomats, policy analysts and media commentators. Global leaders like Antonio Guterres, Olaf Scholz, Emmanuel Macron, Lula da Silva, and Vladimir Putin present multipolarity as an imminent reality every now and then. Bakkevild argues that the narrative rests falsely on the concept of what an actual multipolarity is all about. In response, Bekkevold presents a carefully assembled series of empirical evidence that unfolds how great-power capabilities are distributed clarifying, what truly constitutes the great-power standing

Bekkevold’s idea of multipolar means having at least three state variables as an imperative element such as enough military capacity, economic weight and global influence to shape international outcomes. In this scenario, according to him, only two countries at present fulfills this criteria: The United States and China. At its baseline, this essay roots with Neorealism theory where the diffusion of power is prominently present. Reviewing the commonly contested countries such as Russia, Brazil and India, he claims that each one of them does not meet the criteria. India, for instance, has been an emerging power in the last few years but possesses only a fraction of its economic budget in comparison to China’s economic budget. Similarly, the European Union too, cannot function as a single unified pole because other European countries have very different national interests and their own approaches to foreign policy. 

Japan and Germany might be wealthy but they still lack the global reach. Russia has nuclear weapons but its economy too, falls short. In that sense, the conclusion he draws in true sense, is that none of these countries can become as close as the United States and China are. His explanations are backed by concrete measurable data as he refers to SIPRI defense statistics, IMF GDP rankings, and naval deployment figures. These data gives an empirical weight to his argument which is based on political aspiration rather than a structural set of realities. The fact that the United States and China together account for half of global military expenditure, and that China’s GDP counters the combined economies of countries in the world marks a significant scale of unmatched domination.

The most interesting part of the essay is when he mentions three reasons that challenge the popular beliefs of the multipolar world. The first reason being the idea of multipolarity as widely accepted because it is a normative concept which invites a fair international system where the fear of one power gaining momentum and outweighing the other do not exist. The second reason being, that the sense of multipolarity serves as a way of intellectual avoidance as it hints on the intention of such people who want to avoid the new form of Cold war. The third reason is that these things used in common, so as not to leave out the space for the USA to place their leverage. 

Part of why these reasons come out is from the influence of political desire rather than an empirical reality. In such a scenario, the author’s explanation showcases a gap between people’s perspective and the functioning of the world order. While the author claims the fact confidently, he bases it around the idea of failed global power distribution and making policies rests around it, which can create serious strategic mistakes. The author’s key point to be noted is around how countries’ failed attempts to understand multipolarity in real sense leads to failed strategic mistakes. 

Strategic systems motivate policymaking and when policies are made according to multipolarity, and it leads to policy failures. For instance, his example of Macron claiming Europe as a “third superpower” demonstrates how simple rhetoric confuses allies and creates unrealistic expectations, including Beijing. Similarly, investors who misread the global system risk making costly strategic errors. 

In that sense, the author’s perspective fits perfectly with a neo-realistic theory offering explanations about material power like military strength and economic size where every other 4 country goes competitive to gain power. And nowhere does the author mention explicitly about soft power which makes it even more clearer as to the significance of struggle for power gain. The treatment of global power therefore, is relatively static, however the arguments put forward are persuasive enough to improvise the misled narratives. Illustrating the position of the USA and China and the world as a Bipolarity, the author’s motivation holds truth about struggle for power. 

The analysis in a nutshell, mirrors the persistent enduring human impulse for power as highlighted earlier, where proximity to power dictates false perceptions, false narratives and false strategic led behavior. Therefore, whether or not the world order is multipolar or bipolar becomes secondary when the desire for power becomes a full fledged influencing factor in the International System. So, in arguing that the world is bipolar is Author’s own conformity that power gravitates towards the strongest–that today’s world order is constantly shaped not by aspirational rhetoric alone but by the hard realities of material capabilities, demanding strategic clarity rather than comforting imaginations.

Chaite Dashain is celebrated every year on Chaitra Shukla Ashtami, the eighth day of the bright fortnight in the month of Chaitra. The Navratri that falls in this month is commonly known as Chaite Dashain. The festival is observed on Ashtami because that day is traditionally dedicated to the sacrifice of animals to Lord Bhagwati, drawing large crowds of devotees to her temples.

Chaite Dashain is, in essence, a smaller form of Bada Dashain, which is celebrated in the month of Asoj/Kartik. According to legend, Bada Dashain was originally celebrated in Chaitra, but due to the dry weather and drought typical of that month, it was shifted to Asoj/Kartik. Chaite Dashain has since continued to be observed in Chaitra in its place.

Since Chaite Dashain is primarily a festival of non-Newars, the Newars of Dolakha do not celebrate it in a significant way. People from outside Dolakha town, however, celebrate it with great enthusiasm, and so it is largely outside devotees, rather than locals, who come to worship Lord Bhimeshwar during this period. Although it shares the name ‘Dashain’, there is no custom in Dolakha of marking the occasion with feasts or special meals as there is during Bada Dashain. As a child, I was always puzzled: it’s called Dashain, so why don’t parents buy meat or prepare a feast? At the Bhimeshwar shrine, however, a large crowd of non-Dolakhali devotees would gather to worship and offer animal sacrifices. This brought a lively and entertaining fair to Dolakha town. Beyond Dolakha, I also witnessed a grand Chaite Dashain fair in Baglung Bazaar in the west, in 2031 BS.

In 2021 BS, the Cottage Industry Office in Dolakha had set up product stalls around the pond in the lower tole. Around that time (2020/21 BS) Dolakha would see a large influx of devotees coming to worship Bhimeshwar and sacrifice buffaloes, goats, ducks, roosters, and sheep at the fair. Pilgrims came especially from Bhojpur, Okhaldhunga, Khotang, Sindhuli, Ramechhap, and Sindhupalchowk districts, filling the homes of Dolakha town. Those who had no guests arriving for Bhakal puja felt somewhat left out, and so some residents would wait at the town's entrance and invite travelers in. Since our father had worked in Khotang and Okhaldhunga, our home always received guests during Chaite Dashain without fail. Brahmin and Chhetri devotees who sacrificed buffaloes would not eat the meat themselves, and since there were no means to transport it home, they would leave it all with their hosts.

Some devotees stayed with old acquaintances, while others requested lodging from local families. The houses in the upper tole, closest to the Bhimeshwar temple and the main market, were especially full of pilgrims. There was much to enjoy. Through the night, the Bahun/Chhetri community sang Juhari songs in the market area, while Tamang people sang Juhari in their own language. The whole city of Dolakha reverberated with singing until dawn. Juhari is a form of competitive singing between groups of boys and girls. One of its more intriguing rules: if a boy wins the Juhari contest against a girl, he may take her home as his bride.

Though Chaite Dashain is not celebrated at a community-wide level in Dolakha, the Guthiyars do observe it in a simple, traditional way through the Guthi system. As in Bada Dashain, Phulpati is carried from Rajkuleshwar to the Bhimeshwar Temple on the day of Maha Ashtami. Sacrifices are offered and Durga Puja is performed. There is a tradition of sacrificing buffaloes at both the Bhimeshwar Temple and Tripurasundari. The rituals begin at the Ganesh temple, where the Guthiyars perform the invocation puja according to traditional custom. Afterward, the group proceeds to Rajkuleshwar and then to the Bhimeshwar temple with all the puja materials, before returning to Rajkuleshwar. As with Bada Dashain, Chaite Dashain puja is performed in rotation by four Guthiyars of Dolakha each year.

The day of Navami is Ram Navami, the birth anniversary of Lord Rama, on which animal slaughter is forbidden. In keeping with this tradition, worship continues at the Bhimeshwar temple on that day, but without sacrifice. According to scripture, Lord Ramachandra of the Treta Yuga was born on the ninth day of the bright fortnight, and so Navami is observed in his honor. In Dolakha, devotees fast on this day and light lamps at the Bhimeshwar temple in the evening.

The deep-rooted political acculturation may be a stance to the youth-led GenZ movement of Sept 8-9, 2025. Timed for twenty-four hours only, the movement broke out the existing frames of government bodies, leading to the elevation of opposition-less party system in Nepal. Even the Supreme Court was not spared. A rush of hot-blooded youth march broke out the history in the quest of a corruption-less society sweeping the existing political scenario. An echo is burst symbolizing the challenge for status quo-ist political parties of Nepal with reform and change, like Barack Obama’s slogan of ‘Change We Can Believe in’, in his second presidential tenure.

Alarmed by the recent happenings, GenZ forces seek the rooms to debut the recent Nepali politics, but the uneven polarization between them was heavily entertained by the existing parties. A beacon of hope was ended in no time effortlessly. Still an echo of youth on dignity-based politics predominantly appears. Many of the carriers of this GenZ movement are scattered now, many more are part of RSP and other existing parties. Standing straight, the alternative political forces i.e. Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) along with Ujjyalo Nepal and others appear ready to bring in young leaders in the political arena. Reformist Nepali Congress 2.0, along with CPN-UML, and NCP, is seeking for the inclusive political ground for the GenZers by providing candidacy but their effort has gone in vain, at least temporarily, as the result of March 5 elections has shown.  

State itself is not a factor to change or reform, but the political forces being the drivers need to change. But they seem derailing. Here, political forces are a fiasco, not the state. Respective manifestoes of the political parties are liable to carry the solid developmental amalgamation but this carries the same outline as earlier. Being on the optimistic ground, the manifesto must carry rational and behavioral grounds of reformation but are on the same page. The alternative new political force in Nepal, Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) is debuting in the parliament with a majority, with its commitment paper. 

Crack the fact

Schools of thought based on democracy seem diverse in nature, but the core value carries the equal line of freedom, justice, and equality. The democratic scale for election is a landmark for building a rational state. The fact and figures of democracy sometimes cow down the people in the name of democratic institutionalization, this seems more absurd and unsound. A real democracy provides the rule of law maintained through election as Norway got in 1884—142 years before Nepal. This hard fact of rationality and dignity in political culture is easy to express but hard to execute. The political parties of Nepal would do well to think over a democratic culture maintained through people's mandate and voters’ verdict.

Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt’s ‘How Democracies Die’ carries a solid insight of how democracy is being killed by elected political leaders in the name of their power exercise and power play. Military takeover is likely to end democracy by which social institutions are weakened due to frequent interventions of elected leaders. Social institutions may be judiciary, mass media, civil service, intelligence agencies and more. We can relate to similar examples in South Asian least developed countries like Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Nepal. In the case of Nepal, a GenZ movement broke out recently leading to significant changes and propelling the Rastriya Swatantra Party to power through a popular vote.

On cracking the fact, utopia-based political culture developed through assurance and reassurance is graphically in line to tumble due to the hiked literacy rate of Nepalese citizens.  This may be also due to the sustained instability, social media spark, vicious gap seen between the leader and the citizen. This is all due to the vanished civic faith of the past invited by leaders themselves. In order to rebuild trust, the people need political and economic assurance that the state’s processes would restore their security and execute the law. Still now the people of Nepal are ripe for change and progress.

Stardom of masses

Mass in democracy is not only a matter, but the mass leading to change is a factor to feel. This mass-based absurdity developed in the state is not more than an underdog activity. In other words, democracy is a factor of rule based on mass and it holds the spirit of decision-making under the public sphere where citizens hold the authority for debate, defenestration and acceptance. This is likely to make democratic process more reliable, dynamic and public-focused. Western democracies are strong due to increased public participation, high ideals, and wide literacy rate. Such types of contemporary issues are mandatory to institutionalize democracy in Nepal. 

The democracy of Nepal nowadays carries the idea of recognition, fame and influence. The idea of democracy based on these tendencies are a simultaneous result of existing leadership in the past affiliated with old schools of thought. Now the old school of thought is in line to substitute for the new ideals. So the fame level is expected to extend from trivial to the comprehensive level. The scale of change and speed are minimizing the barrier to the large level of aware audience. This may create the state of unhealthy competition in the political streamline. And as a result the politician again tries to move for stardom.

In Nepal now, growing influence of political leaders toward fame-based politics seems unhealthier, but other influential factors catalyze a leader’s strength as ‘you can do it’ attitude adding a possible feature. So, narratives are anchored based on democratic mismatch.

Is it the end?

Democracy is not only a landmark to achieve something in spite of another. The regressive school of democracy is not a credibility of leadership. Instead, they are liable to gain echo and yield powerful touch in the public mindset. But touches are feeble and heinous, as rolling stones that do not catch the mosses. The conduct of ancient and modern democracy is maintained through voter’s verdict as Lincoln addressed Gettysburg in 1863. Rousseau also claimed this as ‘Peoples’ general will’.

This is not the end of an era, but in the long run the democratic conduct will carry a realpolitik phenomenon consisting of rule based politics, accountable leaders, socio-economic inclusion, liable democratic institutions and more. A good ground for democratic process starts when elections are held in a free and fair manner. It directly or indirectly or on a periodic basis provides a subtle platform for political instability. This is the optimum value of democratic conduct.

The value and spirit chain of democracy believes in give and take. It too seeks for majority-based rule and minority to stand as a strong criticizer on wrong doing of the majority. Under this sequence the state itself moves on the developmental periphery. The state of democracy remains clear and trusty.

A perfect example of effective democratic practice is Switzerland. Switzerland has achieved notable success in both democracy and federalism, demonstrating how inclusive governance and strong institutions can function together harmoniously. There are many valuable lessons to be learnt from its model. As a country that has also adopted a democratic and federal system, Nepal can benefit greatly by studying and adopting relevant aspects of Switzerland’s experience to strengthen its own political and federal structures.