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Iran and Israel are both located in the Middle East. Iran lies on the coast of the Persian Gulf, while Israel is situated on the coast of the Mediterranean Sea. Iran shares borders with Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iraq, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, and Turkey. Israel shares borders with Lebanon, Jordan, Egypt, and Syria. The distance between the two countries is at least a thousand kilometers. Before the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Iran severed diplomatic relations with Israel. Israel is a democratic country with an executive Prime Minister, whereas Iran is a limited democracy with a religious Supreme Leader and an elected President. In terms of area, population, and defense spending, Iran has its larger shares. Israel possesses atomic weapons, while Iran, supposedly, is on the same path.  

Israel is the only Jewish-majority country in the world, and Iran is a Shia-majority Islamic country. Iran is a major producer of petroleum products. Strategically important in the Middle East and rest of the world, these two nations have been enemies since 1979.

Following an Israeli attack on Iran on February 28, 2026, which led to the death of Iran's Supreme Leader, Defense Minister, and other high-ranking officials, both countries have been attacking each other using missiles and drones and it continues to these days. Neighboring countries such as Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait and Iraq have suffered directly. Iran has attacked them using missiles targeting airports and oil refineries. The United States is supporting Israel, while Russia is helping Iran.

Due to this war, Iran has blocked a major maritime pathway, the Strait of Hormuz, leading to a limited supply of major petroleum products and causing price hikes in the global market. 

Iranian regime and Israel

Iran has two heads of state: an elected president and a Supreme Leader. The Supreme Leader is the highest authority, selected by a body of clerics for eight years, while the president is elected directly by citizens for a four-year term. However, the Guardian Council, headed by the Supreme Leader, supervises the qualifications of candidates for president and parliament. The Supreme Leader, who is the actual head of the country, is the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. He controls the judiciary and appoints the heads of key state bodies, including the Guardian Council, a hardline-dominated watchdog that vets all candidates for public office.

Before the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was the Shah (King). During that period, Iranian society was open to the world and had close ties with the US and Western countries based on mutual trust and cooperation. At that time, Western countries had huge influence and investment in Iranian petroleum and other sectors. A law passed in 1950 protected and encouraged foreign investors, leading to massive growth. However, many Iranians felt foreign companies exploited Iran’s resources. Economic inequality and foreign influence contributed to public anger, which led to the Islamic Revolution.

After the revolution, Iran moved toward an autocratic regime under the leadership of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Relations with the United States and Western countries deteriorated, many foreign companies left, and industries were nationalized. As a result, Iran became isolated and suffered economic blockade from Western powers that continues to this day.After the revolution, Iran has adopted conservative policies and values. There has been mass suppression of opponents and the general public after the revolution, and women’s position in society has been undermined.

Israel was established in 1948 after World War II. The USA and the UK played important roles in its formation. At the time, Israel faced war from Arab countries but succeeded in protecting its sovereignty. Iran has been attacking Israel either directly or indirectly. Hamas is a proxy organization funded by Iran and active in Palestine, and another proxy militia organization is active in Lebanon. Iran uses these proxies for indirect attacks on Israel. Iran sees Israel as its enemy and calls it the ‘Little Satan’.

The Israel lobby in the US

The diplomatic ties between the USA and Israel are strong. Jewish society holds strong positions in politics, science and technology and economic development like banking, trade, and industry. Scientists from Albert Einstein to Oppenheimer were Jewish. The Israeli diaspora in the US also exerts strong weight on the US government to act in Israel’s favor. The formation of Israel was carried out tactically with the help of the US and the UK after World War II. Many congressmen in the US also lobby in favor of Israel. The US is a Christian-majority country, and Jerusalem is the birthplace of Jesus Christ, making Israel a holy place for US citizens. All of this indicates that the US has a strong relationship with Israel, and the US government has always supported Israel. The American-Israeli relationship finds a special bond based on shared strategic interests and diplomatic relations also provide advanced military technology, and security aid for defense.

Iran-Israel crisis

The Iranian Islamic Revolution brought Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and his revolutionaries in power. Iran scrapped all previous agreements with Israel. Khomeini began fierce criticism of Israel for its occupation of Palestinian territories. Gradually, Iran adopted increasingly harsh rhetoric toward Israel, aiming to win the favor of regional Arab states and their citizens or at least to expand its regional influences.

When Israel sent troops into South Lebanon in 1982 to intervene in the country’s civil war, Khomeini also dispatched Iranian Revolutionary Guards to Beirut to support local Shia militias. Khomeini and the entire Iranian leadership have repeatedly questioned and denied the Holocaust.

Before the 1979 revolution, Iran and Israel had close diplomatic relations, and there were daily flights from Tehran to Tel Aviv. It is believed that the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) had connections with various anti-Shah opposition groups before 1979 and Iranian revolutionary militias trained in PLO camps in places like Lebanon. After the revolution, Khomeini became a strong supporter of Palestine and ‘handed over’ the Israeli embassy in Tehran to the PLO. Over time, Iran’s support shifted more toward Islamist Palestinian groups like Hamas rather than the largely secular PLO leadership. Indeed, as an Islamic Republic, Iran officially rejects Israel’s existence and has completely broken diplomatic ties. Iran backs proxy groups like Hamas and Hezbollah, providing them with resources and these groups have attacked Israeli territory.

Iran wants to expand its influence in the Middle East, while Israel tries to halt that. It reflects that both countries are competing for regional power. Israel is attacking to destroy Iran’s nuclear programs and plants. After Feb 28, Iran has attacked countries in West Asia such as Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE. However, these countries have not provided their territories to the US and Israel against Iran. Iran has blocked and halted the Strait of Hormuz, the gateway for West Asia to supply petroleum products. Approximately 20 percent of the world’s supply passes through this chokepoint located between Iran and Oman. 

Consequences of a war

Due to Iran’s threat to close the Strait of Hormuz and the drone and missile attacks on the chain of petroleum product and supply by both countries, the supply of petroleum products has been adversely affected. As a result, the prices of petroleum products are skyrocketing. The price linkage with other commodities is also gradually increasing. South and East Asian countries are facing an energy crisis.

Another impact of this war has been massive humanitarian damage and destruction of physical infrastructure and development. There has been intense aerial bombardment, damaging nuclear facilities, power plants, fuel refineries, and sanitation systems.

Iranian proxies such as the Houthis, Hamas, and Hezbollah are likely engaging directly, drawing neighboring countries into the conflict, and the region is becoming highly unstable. West Asia is a region of employment for South and East Asian people; due to this war, many people face the threat of losing their jobs and security situation. Iran’s Supreme Leader, high-level leaders, and security officials have been killed in this war. Innocent school students and people in Iran, Israel, and other countries have also been killed. The conflict is accompanied or preceded by massive cyberattacks and government-imposed internet blackouts to control information.

Due to the impact of this war, a weakened Iran could lead to a shift in regional power dynamics in favor of Israel and its neighbors, which may lead to the collapse of the current Iranian regime.

Nepal is also facing several impacts from this war. Around two million people working in the Gulf region and Israel are facing threats of losing jobs and security. Nepal has suspended work permits for countries like Iran, Israel, Bahrain, and Kuwait. Nepal’s economy is based on tourism, but due to this war, the number of tourists coming to Nepal is declining, and direct flights to West Asia are disrupted. The price of petroleum products is rising, leading to higher levels of inflation in every economic sector. Foreign employment is the main source of remittances, so the inflow of remittances has also been adversely affected. If the situation in West Asia deteriorates continuously, we may have to rescue our citizens, which would be a major challenge for us. All of this shows that Nepal and the Nepali people are facing huge challenges.

Conclusion

Israel and Iran became enemies after the Islamic Revolution. Iran officially denies the existence of Israel. Iran supports proxy organizations like Hamas and Hezbollah by providing financial and other resources. The counter attack by Hamas in 2022 in Israel, and Israel’s reactive attack, were disastrous resulting in the loss of huge numbers of human lives, including Nepali students, and massive destruction of physical infrastructure.

Nepal was the first country in South Asia to officially recognize Israel in 1960. The Israeli government has been providing scholarships to Nepali students for higher education. Israel is a decent employer for Nepali citizens. 

Iran has isolated itself from the rest of the region and the world. Due to a decades-long economic blockade, Iran’s economy is suffering from inflation, unemployment, and mass dissatisfaction. Israel is at a turning point in its history; this war is seen as a war of existence. Therefore, due to its adverse internal situation, Israel started this war and wants it to reach a logical end.

A protracted war comes with huge economic, physical and humanitarian costs attached. So, countries like India, China, Egypt, Turkey, Germany, and France must take the initiative to stop the war and call for an immediate ceasefire. Iran must also compromise and come to the dialogue table with the United States and Israel, either indirectly or directly. Only multilateral and bilateral dialogue can solve these problems peacefully. Iran must change its stance of non-recognition of Israel, a country located far from Iran and also review its regime. Only an elected civilian government can solve the country’s problems. Iran must be ready to correct its wrong policies and stances, including stopping funding to proxy organizations.

Honourable Prime Minister, continuity of citizenship by descent may come in time if a constitutional amendment is possible. But what can be done right now, without amending the constitution, is the full implementation of the non-resident Nepali (NRN) citizenship provisions already guaranteed within it. Please do that. That alone would mean a great deal. What non-resident Nepalis need at present is not a big reform, but a small, practical step.

Just as Nepalis at home contributed to bringing the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) to power, Nepalis abroad contributed equally. In the early days in particular, they generated the momentum for the party in the digital sphere. Families back home changed not only their sentiments but also their votes. The bell did not merely tinkle—it rang loud and clear. As a result, with an unprecedented mandate, the Balen government was formed.

During the election, the RSP did not only make 100 promises to the public; it also entered into a five-point agreement. If one revisits both these documents today, one can clearly see, under point 99 of the manifesto and point 5 of the agreement, the commitments made to non-resident Nepalis.

For the record, let us quote them here.

Promise

Respecting the emotional bond of non-resident Nepalis expressed in the phrase “Once a Nepali, always a Nepali”, we will, barring certain specific exceptions, stand in principle for dual citizenship and immediately remove administrative hurdles related to property rights.

Agreement

Current situation—weak implementation of NRN citizenship. Our goal—continuity of citizenship by descent. Whether in the manifesto or the agreement, both clearly mention continuity of citizenship by descent for non-resident Nepalis. In simple terms, this means dual citizenship. It was said that these promises and conditions would be fulfilled upon securing a majority. But now, not only has a majority been secured, but there is also nearly a two-thirds mandate.

Another point worth recalling is the background of RSP’s leader, Rabi Lamichhane. He himself was once a non-resident Nepali who lost both his parliamentary seat and his position as deputy prime minister due to the lack of continuity in citizenship by descent.

That was the past—the promises, agreements, and the personal background of the leadership in relation to non-resident Nepalis.

Now let us turn to the present. Ten days have already passed since the government was formed. The government has carried out what could be described as surgical strikes in areas such as arrests and disciplinary actions. But when it comes to the promises and agreements made with non-resident Nepalis, nothing has been done.

Those who must remind have begun doing their part. Officials of the Non-Resident Nepali Association have already visited the concerned ministers with delegations. Advocates have spoken out. Even on social media platforms of non-resident Nepalis, signs of disappointment are beginning to emerge.

Yet, despite all this, the government appears largely unmoved. It may have said, “We will do it.” But saying “we will do it” is an old habit. This government stands on the grave of that very habit. The public expects not assurances, but implementation. Not a big promise, but a small action. Overall, it expects delivery—and that too on time. But in the case of NRN citizenship, expecting on-time delivery is like hoping for the impossible. The process of obtaining it is so complicated and painful that it exhausts anyone.

Such is the ordeal of the process: To obtain this citizenship, one must first go to the district where one originally received citizenship. Most non-resident Nepalis have long since migrated elsewhere from that district. They may not have any relatives left there. Even reaching the district headquarters is not enough. To obtain a police clearance certificate and a ward recommendation, one must travel to remote villages. In hill districts especially, such villages may be miles away and require two to three days of travel. Some wards may not even have a police office, requiring officials to be brought from another municipality for verification.

Even obtaining a ward recommendation alone can cost up to Rs10,000. This is excessively high. In some wards, there may be no one who recognizes the applicant; in others, records may show that the entire family has already migrated. In such cases, ward chairs may refuse to recommend, and police may refuse verification. The resulting complications are deeply distressing.

Moreover, anyone arriving from abroad to obtain NRN citizenship is often treated as a source of extraction by local wards and police offices. The compulsion to “please” officials in order to get work done quickly and smoothly is even more disheartening. After completing all this, one must again return to the district office, where witnesses are required—something that is also difficult to arrange.

After completing all these steps, the office of the Chief District Officer that originally issued citizenship by descent provides a certificate confirming its renunciation. With that, one must then go to the district office that issued the most recent copy of the citizenship certificate. Only then does the process of obtaining NRN citizenship begin. Even this involves numerous complicated procedures—moving from one office to another, being told something is missing, and being compelled to pay extra. “Come tomorrow,” is often said—and to turn that tomorrow into today, additional payment becomes necessary. Only after completing this entire marathon of procedures does one finally obtain NRN citizenship.

What should the process be like?

NRN citizenship should be made into a dignified, almost sacred link between the state and its diaspora—a gift that keeps former Nepalis connected to their roots. Its value should reflect the meaning of belonging to one’s birthplace. It should inspire both enthusiasm to obtain it and pride in holding it. It should be accessible through a simple, single-window system. For that, the following steps are practical and achievable:

• Allow issuance through Nepali diplomatic missions abroad.
• Establish a dedicated mechanism within the Ministry of Home Affairs for applicants in Kathmandu.
• Introduce a “one appointment, one desk” system at the district level.
• Issue it immediately upon submission of original Nepali citizenship and passport, along with the foreign citizenship or passport.
• Enable a single online appointment system for the entire process.
• Fix a reasonable one-time fee, transparently administered.

What does one receive after obtaining it?

The constitution guarantees economic, social and cultural rights, excluding political rights. In practice, social and cultural integration is rarely an issue. The real need, however, is economic rights. Yet, paradoxically, this citizenship still lacks full recognition in government offices and courts, especially in matters of land and property. Outdated laws and regulations continue to obstruct it. In some cases, connections or informal payments may help—but that is neither reliable nor just.

One modest step was taken during the tenure of Chief Justice Sushila Karki: NRNs entering Nepal on a visa can obtain a free two-year multiple-entry visa. But this is hardly transformative. Those who paid $500 for an NRN identity card receive a 10-year facility. The disparity is difficult to justify.

What should be ensured?

Former Nepalis who have acquired foreign citizenship should not seek privileges beyond what is reasonable. But the rights guaranteed by the constitution must be delivered in full—without dilution. In practice, the only restriction should be political rights: contesting elections, nominating candidates, representing them, and voting. Beyond these, all other rights must be freely exercisable. This includes:

• The right to enter and reside in Nepal without a passport, similar to citizens by descent or naturalized citizens.
• The ability to enter Nepal using NRN citizenship itself—or, if not feasible, provision of a special travel document.
• Full legal recognition in all institutions and courts concerning economic, social and cultural rights.

Continuity of citizenship is not immediately possible

Despite political commitments, continuity of citizenship by descent cannot be implemented immediately. Nepal’s Constitution (2015) does not allow it. In fact, the current process begins only after renouncing citizenship by descent. In theory, the only difference between the two forms of citizenship is political rights. In practice, however, NRN citizenship fails to deliver even the rights it promises. Legal barriers remain, reforms have not been enacted, and even executive-level decisions have not been utilized.

As a result, obtaining it is difficult—and even after obtaining it, it often feels ineffective. Many describe it as little more than a piece of paper, acquired at the cost of emotional loss.

What can the government do now?

While political intent may exist, bureaucratic resistance remains the central obstacle. It is the bureaucracy that complicates procedures and restricts rights. The government must address this directly by simplifying processes, enforcing accountability, and ensuring that rights are actually delivered. Above all, NRN citizenship must be recognized for what it is: a legitimate form of Nepali citizenship enshrined in the constitution. It must carry dignity. The current absurdity—where its holders still require visas to enter Nepal—must end.

This is what can and must be done immediately. The promise of dual citizenship, or continuity of citizenship by descent, will require constitutional amendment, time, and a two-thirds parliamentary majority. That process cannot be rushed. But the political consensus— “Once a Nepali, always a Nepali”—suggests that such a future is possible.

Hope in Balen

The electorate did not merely vote for a party; it voted for a promise of change embodied in leadership. In many constituencies, voters chose the symbol to deliver that leadership. This mandate is not for incremental reform, but for meaningful delivery. It is not unconditional—it carries expectations.

Non-resident Nepalis may not vote directly, but their influence—on families, on public opinion, and on international perception—has been decisive. The government must now honor that contribution by acting—swiftly and concretely. Ensure that NRN citizenship is easy to obtain. Ensure that it works in practice. Ensure that rights are not just written but lived.

That is what a credible beginning looks like.

Good morning, Honourable Prime Minister.

Continuity of citizenship by descent may come in time through constitutional amendment. But what can be done now—without amending the constitution—is the full implementation of NRN citizenship provisions already in place. Please do that. That alone would mean everything. What non-resident Nepalis need today is not a big reform, but a small, decisive action.

In the last six months, Gorkhapatra Corporation has accomplished important tasks with a far-reaching impact on the institution and its employees. The Corporation has approved an O&M for the first time in its history. The total workforce has been downsized to 442 from 547 earlier.

This has paved the way for career growth of the employees working with the Corporation. After eight years, 280 employees have been promoted, generating hope and enthusiasm, and 91 vacancies have been opened to recruit fresh talent.

A total of 178 employees and journalists working on contract and wage-labour basis have been brought under the aegis of Social Security Fund to be compensated through their personal contribution. Similarly, the Working Journalist Act has been enforced with a guarantee of minimum wage to journalists as prescribed by the Act. It also applies to other employees working on contract and wage-labour basis.

Another notable achievement is the establishment of Gorkhapatra Academy,whose main goals are research, innovation, and capacity-building for journalists and employees through training and outreach. It has already started working to enhance the quality of the entire journalism sector and augment media literacy. Recently, it has also published a notice with an offer of fellowships to eligible candidates.

On 18 Dec 2025, the Corporation organized Gorkhapatra Discourse on Recovery and Resilience, offering a platform for interaction between the government and the private sector and generating hope among the concerned stakeholders. This not only generated income for the Corporation but also promoted its publications among the public.

Gorkhapatra Welfare Fund Directive 2025 has been enforced and the work procedure thereof has been prepared. It has ended uncertainty among those whose savings had been blocked for long and paved the way to release the fund of retired employees and give continuity to the scheme in case of working employees.

Lately, the Corporation has introduced the AI policy, embracing the use of AI in view of its ubiquity and using it systematically.

Gidde Press has been returned to the Corporation, which will have a positive impact on the operation of the press and publication museum.

The Corporation has initiated the process to integrate the newsroom by building a network of reporters and editors from the Gorkhapatra and The Rising Nepal. It will have a long-term positive impact on production and dissemination of news and exchange of materials between the two dailies.

The Corporation has also started disseminating news and public-service related content through WhatsApp, Viber and Messenger. This has widened readers’ access to news and begun circulating audio-visual content though social media targeting youth preparing for Public Service Commission examinations.

The Corporation has also launched a campaign to connect with the broader public. Under this initiative, the Gorkhapatra Literary Festival was organized by the Sailung Rural Municipality on 21-22 Nov 2025 with the slogan ‘Literature for Tourism. Under the policy of inclusive publication, it began publishing matters in Kulung language from 2 Nov 2025 and launched the page amid the community. Similarly, Sudurpaschim region-specific Madhupark was released from Dhangadi.

All these initiatives have been guided by the principle of ‘citizens’ voice first’ in Gorkhapatra publications. The editors enjoy clarity in editorial policy and full autonomy in their work. The Corporation has been constantly working to improve the layout and design of its publications.

As an example, all the pages of The Rising Nepal have been colored coinciding with its 61st anniversary on 1 Dec 2025 which has enhanced the quality of the newspaper.

Meanwhile the business of the Corporation has doubled in the last couple of years while the profits have gradually increased as demonstrated by the Public Enterprises Evaluation report published by the Ministry of Finance. This has been possible through direct MoUs, mostly in the G2G model, including with the Supreme Court and Public Service Commission.

The leadership plays a crucial role in steering an institution successfully and it’s no exception in case of Gorkhapatra Corporation. General Manager Lal Bahadur Airi deserves appreciation for executing these tasks successfully and leading the Corporation on the path of change and progress. Appointed to the position through an open competition in 2022, Airi is the youngest person to have reached the high post in the history of the Corporation. As the executive chief of the Corporation, he has practiced a policy to reform the state-owned publication house and make its publications citizen friendly.

Airi completed his four-year term on March 30 this year.

When bitter melon (also called bitter gourd) is mentioned, most people grimace at its acute bitterness. Many try to make it palatable by allaying its acrid taste, but its deep-rooted bitterness always remains. Bitter melon has many aliases, including balsam pear, balsam apple, bitter gourd, bitter squash, and karela in India and Nepal. Its scientific name is Momordica charantia.

Despite its pronounced taste, bitter melon is enjoyed across a wide range of regions, including Asia, East Africa, India, China, the Caribbean, South America, and Africa. In these cultures, the fruit features in various dishes—most notably in Chinese cuisine, where it appears in stir-fries, pork-and-douchi soups, dim sum, and herbal tea.

In Indian cuisine, bitter melon, or karela, is a staple for its distinct taste and health benefits. In Nepal, too, they (called tite karela) are served simply fried or made into a spicy chutney after being steamed, forming a perfect blend for our staple dal-bhat. Bitter melons can be juiced, too. All you need is a blender or juicer and fresh bitter melons.  Bitter melon juice pairs well with apple, watermelon, or carrot juices, letting you personalize your healthy drink.  

Before discussing juicing methods in detail, it’s helpful to understand what bitter melon is and why it’s become a favorite worldwide. As a tropical vine fruit in the Cucurbitaceae family—which includes squash, pumpkin, cucumber, and zucchini—it features prominently in many international cuisines and is especially popular in India and Nepal.

Beyond culinary value, bitter melon is esteemed in Indian and Chinese medicine. Its seeds and extracts, rich in nutrients, have traditionally been used to treat ailments such as diabetes, skin issues, asthma, and stomach disorders. Juice may offer similar benefits as part of a balanced diet, though further research is needed.

Recent studies support these traditional uses and show that bitter melon may help control blood sugar, lower cholesterol, and possibly fight cancer. The fruit is also high in Vitamin C, folate, Vitamin A, potassium, iron, and calcium.

Thanks to its strong nutrient profile, bitter melon juice (without added sugar) is a low-calorie, low-carb beverage suitable for a variety of balanced diets. These attributes might encourage you to integrate it into your routine.

100 grams of raw bitter melon provides:

• Calories: 21
• Carbs: 4 grams
• Fiber: 2 grams
• Vitamin C: 99 percent of the Daily Value (DV)
• Vitamin A: 44 percent of the DV
• Folate: 17 percent of the DV
• Potassium: Eight percent of the DV
• Zinc: Five percent of the DV
• Iron: Four percent of the DV

The USDA highlights bitter melon as a strong source of calcium, magnesium, potassium, Vitamin A, Vitamin C, and zinc. With these facts in mind, let's explore the health benefits of bitter melon.

May prevent cancer

According to NIH, a part of the US Department of Health and Human Services, “other than its potential antibacterial and antiviral activities, bitter melon extracts are also being investigated for their effects on cancer and have been studied in relation to ulcers, malaria, pain and inflammation, psoriasis, dyslipidemia, and hypertension.” 

Lab studies show that bitter melon’s antioxidants and beta-carotene may help fight certain cancer cells. However, more research is needed to see if these effects happen in people.

Diabetes-friendly

Bitter melon helps lower blood sugar levels, supporting people with diabetes. Studies show its bioactive compounds mimic insulin, promoting glucose uptake, storage, and release.

Could lower cholesterol

Research suggests that bitter melon or its extract may help treat high cholesterol, which is linked to type 2 diabetes, atherosclerosis, cardiovascular disease, and liver disease.

Regular consumption provides compounds such as flavonoids, phenolic acids, glycosides, and alkaloids, which help lower high cholesterol and reduce the risk of heart disease.

May prevent inflammation

Bitter gourd, rich in polyphenols, acts as an anti-inflammatory and antibacterial, supporting metabolism and protecting your cells from oxidative stress and metabolic syndrome.

No matter the preparation method—raw, steamed, stir-fried, or cooked into curries, stews, or chutneys—managing the bitterness of bitter gourd is key to enjoying its flavor.

Bitter melon juice

• For juicing, choose small, light green, and firm bitter melons for freshness. Larger, older melons are more bitter.
• Slice the gourd lengthwise, remove the seeds, and chop to your preferred size.
• Rub salt on each piece, let rest 20–30 minutes, then rinse thoroughly. Or soak in boiling salted water for a few minutes. These methods significantly reduce bitterness.
• Blend chopped melons, adding water as needed. To dilute further, use more water. Season with salt and lemon juice (or black salt, if you prefer).
• Blend until the mixture is smooth. Strain into a glass. Optionally, add a hint of honey to reduce bitterness. Drink on an empty stomach for best results. This simple process makes homemade bitter melon juice accessible.

Caveat

Adding bitter melon or its juice to your diet may improve health, but moderation is key. Excess intake may cause stomach pain and diarrhea. If adverse reactions occur, stop and consult a healthcare provider.

Large amounts of bitter melon may cause digestive issues or gastric ulcers and could harm the kidneys. Only take supplements after consulting your doctor.

Diabetics should consult their doctor. Bitter melon can boost diabetic medication effects and risk hypoglycemia and complications.  

Expectant and breastfeeding mothers should avoid bitter melon and its juice.

Disclaimer: This text is research-based and not medical advice. Please use your discretion and seek advice from a healthcare professional for validation.

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