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Two back-to-back post-monsoon cyclonic rain spells temporarily cleaned Nepal’s air, keeping pollution levels within the healthy range with AQI remaining around 50 for nearly a month—a rare occurrence in a non-monsoon season in the past decade. But with no rainfall expected soon, air quality is once again deteriorating. The persistent La Niña pattern is projected to bring another dry winter in the entire sub-continent, similar to past where 75 percent rainfall decline was observed. These prolonged dry conditions not only allow pollution to accumulate but also heighten the risk of forest fires in late winter and spring that again lead to cascading impacts of pollution. Combined with the influx of transboundary polluted air carried by the westerlies, this pushes air quality to dangerously hazardous levels.

Now, as the clear blue skies and stunning Himalayan views fade—moments cherished by many nature lovers—the seasonal pall of haze will once again settle over the Kathmandu Valley and many other parts of Nepal. More than just a public health crisis, this creeping suffocation is a stark, daily reminder of deep systemic policy failures. Additionally, the Ethiopian volcanic eruption on Nov 23 is feared to deteriorate the air quality of Western Nepal, which may ultimately float to Kathmandu and elsewhere as volcanic ashes have been found in the atmosphere in New Delhi and Uttar Pradesh. 

Nepal consistently ranks among Asia's most polluted nations, with national air pollution levels cutting average life expectancy by approximately 4.6 years according to the Air Quality Life Index. This crisis is particularly concentrated in the capital, where Kathmandu's annual average PM2.5 concentration reached 51.9 μg/m³ in 2023—over ten times the WHO's safe guideline and earning it the position of the 10th most polluted capital city globally. While the recent World Bank ‘Breathing Heavy’ report confirming air pollution as Nepal's leading killer has rightfully caused alarm, the institutional response remains fragmented and lethargic. The science is unequivocal, the economic cost—a staggering 3.5 percent of GDP annually, or over $400m lost each year—is crippling, and the human toll is immense, with over 42,000 premature deaths annually nationwide, worsening the health and shortening the Nepali’s life. Yet, decisive action is hamstrung by jurisdictional ambiguities, chronically weak enforcement, and a critical blind spot in addressing the polluted air that blows across our open borders. The question is no longer about diagnosing the illness, but about treating the paralysis in our governance.

A siloed battle against a unified threat

The primary failure lies in the lack of a unified, empowered command structure. Currently, the responsibility for clean air is scattered across a mosaic of entities with overlapping mandates and insufficient accountability. The Ministry of Forests and Environment (MoFE) sets broad goals, the Department of Environment (DoE) is tasked with monitoring and regulation but lacks adequate human resources for widespread enforcement, the Ministry of Physical Infrastructure and Transport (MoPIT) manages a vehicle fleet it did not design, and local municipalities, chronically under-resourced, handle the Herculean tasks of waste management and construction dust control.

This siloed approach is a recipe for inaction and blame-shifting. For instance, the DoE may set emission standards for brick kilns, but without robust enforcement capacity and direct coordination with local governments, outdated, polluting Fixed Chimney Bull’s Trench Kilns continue to operate with impunity. The National Ambient Air Quality Standards (2012) exist, but they are severely outdated, with PM2.5 limits nearly four times more lenient than the current WHO guidelines, and are not legally enforceable in a way that holds specific agencies accountable for achieving them.

The solution is not another committee, but a powerful, dedicated entity required to ensure the healthy air for all. The urgent need is for a Valley-specific, Integrated Clean Air Authority (ICAA), established through an Act of Parliament. This body must be chaired at the highest level of government and include representation from all key ministries, mayors of the three metropolitan cities and technical experts. Its mandate should be clear: to create and, crucially, to implement a legally binding Clean Air Action Plan with specific, time-bound emission reduction targets, which ensures the country’s constitutional arrangements into action in every sector. The ICAA must have the power to direct line ministries, allocate specific budgets for clean air initiatives and hold underperforming agencies publicly accountable. It would be the single point of failure—or success—for the valley’s air quality.

The transboundary blind spot

A critical and often politicized gap in our national strategy is the formal acknowledgment and quantification of transboundary pollution. Research from the International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD) and others consistently shows that during the winter and pre-monsoon seasons, external sources can contribute between 30 percent to 50 percent of Kathmandu’s particulate pollution. This pollution originates from beyond our borders, primarily from the dense cluster of coal-fired power plants, heavy industries, and widespread post-harvest agricultural burning in the Indo-Gangetic Plain.

However, our official discourse often uses this as an excuse for inaction on local sources, rather than as a catalyst for a sophisticated, two-pronged strategy. The Department of Environment's growing network of real-time air quality monitors is robust enough to detect these pollution inflows, but we lack the formalized data-sharing agreements and joint source-apportionment studies with India that are necessary to move from anecdotal evidence to irrefutable diplomatic fact. The current state of affairs, where we monitor the problem but lack the mechanisms to address its external causes, is an exercise in futility.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) must be formally integrated into the national clean air agenda. Air pollution must be elevated from an environmental concern to a critical, non-negotiable item in bilateral and regional talks, particularly within the frameworks of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and direct Nepal-India dialogues. The goal should be to establish a formal Joint Commission on Transboundary Air Pollution. This commission’s work would include:

Real-time data exchange: Creating a shared platform for air quality and meteorological data.

Coordinated source apportionment: Conducting joint scientific studies to definitively quantify source contributions from both sides of the border.

Early warning systems: Developing alerts for cross-border pollution events, such as large-scale agricultural burning or industrial emissions.

Coordinated policy: Aligning policies on seasonal burning and promoting shared standards for industrial emissions and vehicle fuels across the region.

Loss and damage: Securing justice

The significant contribution of transboundary pollution to our national burden introduces a pivotal and underutilized concept in climate and environmental justice: Loss and Damage. This principle, now operationalized through a dedicated fund at the UN level, acknowledges that polluters should bear the costs of the harm they cause to others. When a substantial portion of our health burden, economic losses and environmental degradation is driven by cross-border emissions, the question of compensation and support becomes not just rhetorical, but a matter of national interest and justice.

Nepal’s diplomatic and environmental corps must pivot from a passive to an active stance. We must task our research institutions, the National Planning Commission (NPC) and the Ministry of Health, with meticulously documenting the health and economic impacts directly attributable to transboundary pollution spikes. This involves sophisticated epidemiological studies that link hospital admission rates for asthma and cardiovascular diseases to specific cross-border haze events, and economic modeling that quantifies the lost tourism revenue and agricultural yields.

This robust, evidence-based national dossier must then be used to actively engage in global forums, such as the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), to advocate for the operationalization of Loss and Damage funding arrangements to address harms caused by transboundary anthropogenic pollution. This is not about fostering conflict, but about applying established principles of justice to secure the financial resources needed to build national resilience. These funds could be directly allocated to:

- Strengthen our public health system to treat pollution-related illnesses.

- Install air filtration systems in every school and hospital in the valley.

- Subsidize the transition to Zig-Zag technology for brick kilns and clean energy for SMEs.

- Invest in a modern, zero-emission public transit system.

From inaction to action

The way forward requires moving from plans to legally-mandated, adequately-funded actions:

Legislate and empower: The federal government must pass a Comprehensive Clean Air Act within the next parliamentary session. This Act should formally establish the Integrated Clean Air Authority, mandate the adoption of WHO-aligned air quality standards and provide the DoE and other agencies with true enforcement power, including meaningful, deterrent-level financial penalties for non-compliance.

Diplomatize the issue: The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in close consultation with MoFE, must launch a formal, high-level diplomatic initiative with India within the next year to establish the joint commission on transboundary air pollution. The first step could be a bilateral technical workshop, leading to a memorandum of understanding.

Quantify, claim and invest: The NPC, within two years, must complete and publish a national assessment on the economic loss and damage from transboundary air pollution. Concurrently, the MoFE must develop a pipeline of bankable projects focused on air quality improvement, ready to be funded by both domestic budgets and international climate finance, including the Loss and Damage Fund.

The haze over Kathmandu is a veil obscuring not just our mountains, but our political will and institutional courage. We have the data, we understand the sources and we know the devastating cost. The gaps are no longer in knowledge, but in governance, diplomacy and accountability. 

By empowering a single authority with a clear mandate, making transboundary pollution a non-negotiable core of our foreign policy and championing the principle of loss and damage with evidence and resolve, we can finally clear the air. The health of millions, the vitality of our economy and the integrity of our shared environment depend on this decisive break from the paralysis of the past.

Upadhyay is environment and atmospheric science expert, Uprety is climate and disaster risk reduction expert

Natural ecosystems play a vital role, even if we often take them for granted. We continue to exploit them without realizing that the consequences will eventually come due. As a highly climate-vulnerable country, Nepal should pay particular attention to its natural habitats. Those who dedicate themselves to protecting and safeguarding these ecosystems deserve deep respect, for their work is often dangerous and their lives can be at risk. Political institutions at all levels—from local governments to the federal state—carry clear responsibilities that cannot be avoided or ignored. The state must do everything in its power to protect natural ecosystems and ensure that no infrastructure project or industrial undertaking is allowed to violate or destroy them.

Procedures enshrined in the constitution and laws must be followed to the letter. At the same time, the state and its elected representatives have a duty to ensure the safety of citizens who stand at the frontlines of the fight against environmental degradation.

This is not what happened on the night of 10 January 2020, when an unsung hero, someone who deeply valued the rule of law and the sacrosanct environmental rights codified in Nepal’s legislation, was brutally murdered.

Dilip Mahato was a young, promising engineering graduate who had just completed his final semester in India. Back home with his family in Dhanusa’s Mithila Municipality, he remained active in environmental work. Without hesitation, he left home in the middle of the night to stop illegal sand extraction from the local Aurahi River.

For his courage, Mahato paid the ultimate price. Not only was he killed, but his family’s entire existence changed for the worse, beginning an odyssey that continues to this day. He tried to stop an illegal activity that, tragically, remains widespread across Madhes and the broader Tarai.

The perpetrators and masterminds behind the assassination were arrested and brought to trial. Yet the process has been marked by several unfortunate twists, and the current status of the case is unclear. No news outlet has recently covered the issue, and this silence is deeply troubling.

At the end of last year, I wrote an opinion piece urging that commemorative actions be taken to honor Mahato and celebrate his life. Among other proposals, I suggested establishing an award in his name for national and local environmental human rights defenders.

This year, I attempted to advance this idea, but I failed. I hoped to collaborate with promising local youths active in environmental work. While our discussions were warm and encouraging, nothing concrete materialized. The September uprising further derailed momentum, and my attempt to build a small “coalition of the willing” gradually lost focus. I regret losing the moment when I could have pushed a bit harder and been bolder, even though the initiative was never meant to be about me; my goal was for locals to lead the process.

As I write this column, the anniversary of Mahato’s death approaches once again. I had nearly given up on doing something meaningful to commemorate him, but the truth is that it is never too late. We still have enough time, even at a modest level, to act. Mahato’s sacrifice deserves a national award in his name. The federal government should take the lead, ideally in partnership with the Madhes provincial government, and work with civil society and the legal community.

Nepal has several prominent lawyers deeply engaged in protecting environmental human rights. Deepak Adhikari, the journalist behind Nepal Check, recently wrote an insightful piece for Mongabay profiling some of these legal trailblazers, including Prakash Mani Sharma Bhusal, whom he described as a pioneer in advancing environmental law in Nepal. Other distinguished lawyers include Dilraj Khanal, who along with Senior Advocate Bhusal successfully fought back a law permitting infrastructure projects in protected areas in 2024. The article also highlighted senior advocate Padam Bahadur Shrestha, who has represented Mahato’s family.

With advocates of this caliber, it is not impossible to imagine a civil-society–led “Dilip Mahato National Award for Environmental Human Rights Defenders.” With imagination and goodwill, such an initiative could even become an internationally recognized distinction honoring defenders from Nepal and the broader Asia-Pacific region. I acknowledge that these proposals may seem ambitious, even grand. But we can always start small, with a simple commemoration to honor Mahato.

Law campuses across the country could host seminars on environmental human rights and the broader field of business and human rights. What matters is doing something—anything—in Mahato’s name. Even a modest action involving his family would mark a meaningful beginning.

As Nepal strives to build a prosperous, sustainable, and equitable economy, it has a chance to lead in promoting environmental human rights. This field of law is neither financially lucrative nor safe; the risks for those who practice it are real. Recognizing Mahato’s sacrifice, and sharing the stories of other unsung heroes who continue to defend their fragile local ecosystems, could become a defining moment in Nepal’s recent history, and a step toward the just, resilient future the country aspires to build.

The Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) is preparing to hold its general convention on Dec 13–15 to elect a new leadership. The CPN-UML’s  internal dynamics are especially tense this year, as incumbent Chairperson KP Sharma Oli, who has been politically shaken by the recent GenZ movement, is seeking a third consecutive term. Though Oli had signaled before Sept 8–9 protests that he would lead the party for another five years, the large-scale demonstrations and the killing of 19 youths has severely dented his standing both inside and outside the party.

A number of senior UML leaders have urged Oli to retire from the party chairmanship, arguing that he should take moral responsibility for the deaths that occurred under his premiership. Yet, Oli remains defiant. He insists that he was removed from government not because of his governance failures, but because of his uncompromising “nationalist stance.” This claim once again reveals a familiar pattern: Oli’s consistent use of nationalism as a political tool to consolidate his power, deflect criticism and project himself as a defender of Nepal’s sovereignty. Inside the communist party, there is a tendency to create real, perceived or even fabricated enemies in order to convince cadres that they should focus on fighting these threats rather than questioning or changing the leadership. This is exactly what KP Oli is doing right now.

Oli’s nationalism card

‘Nationalism’ has long been a potent currency in Nepali politics, especially within communist parties, which frequently frame internal dissent as externally manipulated. After joining mainstream politics, it was Maoist Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal successfully weaponized ‘nationalism.’ When challenged by senior leader Baburam Bhattarai, Dahal often accused him of being influenced by foreign actors, particularly India. After losing power in 2008, Dahal blamed India for orchestrating his downfall and launched a political campaign centered on “national independence.” This narrative helped him maintain his grip on the Maoist party at a time when his leadership was under pressure.

Oli has followed a similar path since coming to power after 2015. He rose to national prominence during the 2015 Indian blockade, portraying himself as a staunch nationalist resisting external interference. His government’s issuance of a new political map of Nepal in 2020 further cemented his image as a leader willing to challenge powerful neighbors.

Internal challenge

For this year’s General Convention, Oli faces a more organized challenger than in previous conventions. His deputy, Ishwar Pokhrel, backed strongly by former President Bidya Devi Bhandari, has announced his candidacy for party chairman. Pokhrel’s camp is significantly stronger than in the 2021 convention, making him the first genuinely competitive candidate against Oli in years. Predictably, Oli’s supporters have begun portraying Pokhrel’s challenge as influenced by external forces. Such accusations are not new: within Nepal’s communist parties, labeling rivals as “foreign agents” is practically a political tradition.  A Facebook post by Shankar Pokhrel on Nov 29, for example, stated: “The country is in crisis, and attacks on nationalist forces continue. In such a situation, firmness in policy and unity in leadership are essential. Let’s move forward—it is possible.”The subtext of the statement is clear: in the name of national unity, Ishwar Pokhrel should withdraw and support Oli. This framing aligns perfectly with the longstanding internal communist practice of marginalizing opponents by presenting them as threats to national interests.

GenZ protests and ‘foreign ploy’

The GenZ protests shook Nepal’s political establishment as thousands of young took to the streets against corruption, unemployment and political stagnation. Instead of acknowledging the domestic roots of the unrest, Oli and his loyalists characterized the protests as foreign-orchestrated, drawing parallels with color revolutions in Eastern Europe and Central Asia. Oli has repeatedly argued that his government was targeted by foreign powers because of his policies in favor of nationalism, such as signing the BRI with China. This narrative implies that the protests were an attempt on the part of Western powers ‘to punish him and destabilize the UML.’

Oli’s belief that the GenZ uprising was externally orchestrated rests mostly on rumors and unverified reports. Most Nepalis view the movement as a spontaneous expression of frustration with political instability, chronic corruption and the failure of leaders to deliver meaningful reforms. The attempt to reduce a youth-led domestic uprising to foreign interference seems increasingly detached from public sentiment.

Social media ban and nationalism

One of the major triggers of the GenZ movement was the Oli government’s decision to ban several social media platforms for not registering in Nepal. Oli attempted to justify the move by claiming that these platforms violated Nepal’s sovereignty and refused to comply with national laws. This explanation, framed once again through the lens of nationalism, did little to placate widespread anger. 

Oli’s public defense of controversial businessman Durga Prasai, arrested for inflammatory remarks, further underscored his reliance on the nationalism narrative. Prasai had released a video claiming that Western-funded NGOs were behind the GenZ protests, echoing Oli’s larger narrative of foreign interference. By siding with Prasai, Oli signaled once again that he sees political advantage in promoting the idea of a foreign conspiracy.

Will ‘nationalism’ work again?

UML leaders often boast that their party alone does not compromise on matters of national interest. In previous elections, this rhetoric helped Oli galvanize public support. But this time, the situation appears different. Oli has been raising the issue of foreign intervention behind the GenZ movement for more than two months, yet the narrative has gained little traction. Public sentiment has shifted. Nepalis today are more concerned about corruption, unemployment, inflation and the failure of political leaders to govern effectively. The idea that Nepal’s problems stem from foreign meddling, rather than deep-rooted internal dysfunction, no longer convinces many.  Inside the UML, too, Oli’s nationalist rhetoric appears to be losing its persuasive power. The party rank-and-file recognizes that nationalism has become a convenient cover for resisting internal reforms and maintaining control. With rising dissatisfaction in the organization and the emergence of stronger rival factions, Oli’s grip on the party is not as secure as it once was.

Conclusion

KP Sharma Oli’s use of the term ‘nationalism’ has been a key part of his political identity for nearly a decade. It helped him rise to power, survive internal challenges and present himself as the champion of Nepali sovereignty. But political landscapes evolve, and public patience has limits. Today, with a frustrated younger generation, intensifying intra-party competition, and declining faith in political theatrics, Oli’s nationalism card appears increasingly exhausted. Whether it will still work at the upcoming General Convention remains uncertain, but all signs suggest that its effectiveness is rapidly waning.

It is my pleasure to welcome you today as we celebrate the 54^th anniversary of the founding and establishment of the United Arab Emirates, under this year’s theme “United”. This theme reflects the unity of our society, the strength of our bonds, and the spirit of cooperation and teamwork on which our nation was built since its foundation.

On this day, we remember the journey of an exceptional nation that began with a wise vision and strong will. A journey that made our Union a unique model of progress, development, and advancement. It shaped our present and laid firm foundations for the future, guided by leadership that placed the human being at the center of development and made the prosperity of the nation its constant goal.

This year, we celebrate the Union Day of the UAE under the theme “United,” which also comes at a special moment marked by the announcement of His Highness Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, President of the UAE declaring 2025 as the Year of Community. This reflects our leadership’s deep belief in the ability of citizens and residents to contribute positively to our path of growth, and in strengthening the values of unity and cooperation that have been the foundations of our Union since its establishment.

Over the past decades, the UAE has witnessed major transformations across many sectors—from the economy and sustainable development to space exploration, and from clean energy to artificial intelligence (AI). The UAE has become one of the leading nations that shapes the future immediately without any delay.

These achievements were not just a coincidence. They are the outcome of a clear national vision built on excellence, the wise use of resources, and investment in people and knowledge—making the UAE a global center for innovation, growth, and creativity in many sectors.​​​​​​​

The United Arab Emirates adopts a foreign policy that is balanced, open, and based on dialogue and understanding as key principles in its relations with all countries. The UAE continues its path of building bridges of cooperation and promoting dialogue—values and principles that have guided its foreign policy since the Union was formed, together with respect for good relations, the sovereignty of states, and international law.​​​​​​​

The UAE believes that peace and development are two connected paths toward a better future for all peoples. Through its many initiatives, the UAE works to support humanitarian efforts, strengthen international cooperation, and promote global peace, security, and stability.

On this national occasion, the United Arab Emirates reaffirms its commitment to its steady approach, based on cooperation, openness, and constructive work with various countries and communities, in support of peace, stability, and sustainable development.​​​​​​

The distinguished relations between the UAE and Nepal reflect a deep and strong friendship, built on goodwill, mutual respect, and shared interests. As members of the United Nations, both countries share common perspectives on many global issues, such as climate change, world peace, and combating terrorism.

The UAE always stands with Nepal in difficult situations and constantly seeks to cooperate with and assist the government and people of Nepal during critical situation and natural disasters, such as the 2015 earthquake, the COVID-19 pandemic, and previous floods and landslides.

A large number of Nepalese communities live in the UAE, enjoying life alongside different cultures and peoples in a safe environment. They contribute to the economic growth of both Nepal and the United Arab Emirates.

We look forward to continuing joint efforts to open wider horizons for cooperation in various fields, including renewable energy, tourism, infrastructure, human resource development, and other areas of shared interest.

We would like to express our sincere thanks and appreciation to the government of Nepal for their mutual contribution to strengthening relations between the UAE and Nepal. We also value their continuous efforts to develop the country and graduate from the list of the least developed countries (LDC) by year 2026.​​​​​​​

The speech delivered by Abdulla Alshamsi, Ambassador of UAE to Nepal, at a reception organized to mark UAE’s 54^th Eid Ai Ethad.