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In Nepal, stress has become so normal that we rarely pause to question it. Students grow up believing pressure is the price of success. Families live with unemployment, rising costs, and years of separation brought on by labor migration. Women quietly hold households together, caring for children and elders, stretching limited resources, and carrying responsibilities that leave little room for rest. When life feels too heavy, we often sigh, “yo ta sabai ko jindagi ho,” as if suffering is simply part of being alive.

Yet this quiet acceptance comes at a cost we seldom notice. When stress lasts for months or years, it does not remain confined to our thoughts or emotions. Gradually, it reshapes the brain itself, altering how we think, feel, and navigate daily life.

To understand this, it helps to know how the body is meant to handle stress. Our brains are built to withstand short periods of pressure. When danger arises, the brain releases cortisol, a hormone that sharpens our alertness and reaction. For a brief time, this response is helpful. Problems begin when worry, uncertainty, and pressure never cease. Cortisol levels stay elevated, and what once helped us starts to harm us.

Research shows that over time, prolonged stress weakens the hippocampus, the brain’s center for memory and learning. This explains why so many people complain of forgetfulness, mental fatigue, and trouble concentrating. They are not careless or lazy; their brains are simply worn down.

As stress continues, it also impairs the prefrontal cortex, which helps us think clearly, plan ahead, and regulate emotions. When this region is under sustained pressure, even simple tasks become difficult—small problems feel overwhelming, patience shortens, self-confidence erodes.

At the same time, stress strengthens the amygdala, the brain’s fear center. The mind remains on high alert, as though danger is ever-present. This makes it hard to relax, to sleep deeply, or to feel safe even at home. Living in this state for years increases the risk of anxiety, depression, substance use, and thoughts of self-harm.

Nepal’s mental health landscape reflects this reality. Millions are believed to be living with mental health conditions, with depression and anxiety among the most common. Many adults report suicidal thoughts. These are not mere statistics; they represent real people enduring long-term pressure, uncertainty, and silent struggle.

Still, we often misinterpret what we see. A student who cannot focus is called undisciplined. A migrant worker’s sadness is dismissed as part of the sacrifice. A woman’s exhaustion is accepted as her duty. Instead of asking what pressures people face, we wonder why they are not stronger.

This perspective is especially damaging in a country where mental health care remains difficult to access and stigma runs deep. Many suffer in silence, believing their pain is a personal failure rather than a natural response to sustained stress. They blame themselves for struggles shaped by social and economic forces far beyond their control.

There is, however, reason for hope. The brain is not fixed; it can heal. Rest, movement, supportive relationships, and feeling understood all help calm the nervous system. Even small moments of safety and connection matter. They signal to the brain that it is finally safe to slow down.

Yet personal coping has its limits. No breathing exercise can replace stable work. No meditation can reunite families after years apart. No positive thinking can undo systemic inequality. If stress is quietly altering our mind, it must be treated as a public health and social issue, and not as a personal shortcoming.

Viewing stress in this way changes how we treat one another. It encourages kindness over judgment. It challenges the notion that silent suffering is strength. And it reminds us that mental health is not a luxury; it is essential for learning, productivity, family well-being, and the future of our society.

The brain responds to the world we build around it. The question is whether we are willing to change that world before the cost grows too great to ignore.

With nominations now complete for both the First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) and Proportional Representation (PR) categories, the prospects of holding the House of Representatives elections for March 5 have improved significantly. 

President Ramchandra Paudel and Prime Minister Sushila Karki have maintained a firm, non-negotiable stance in favor of the polls. Political parties across the spectrum have participated actively, showing organizational readiness and enthusiasm. Except for a fringe group under businessman Durga Prasai, no major force seems capable of disrupting the electoral process at this moment. Earlier, divisions within the Nepali Congress (NC) had raised doubts about whether the elections would take place on time. Those concerns have now largely subsided, clearing the way for the polls. 

The elections are widely seen as essential for restoring political normalcy by fully activating the constitution. Yet, security remains a concern. Morale within the Nepal Police is reportedly low, which could complicate campaigning and voting. The Nepali Army has already been deployed, signaling the state’s commitment to holding the elections as planned. The primary security concern comes from potential clashes between established and emerging parties. A minor clash in the Jhapa-5 constituency on nomination filing day serves as an early warning.

Why the vote matters

The March 5 elections are crucial for the country. First, the lower house election will formally transfer governing authority to a legitimate parliamentary body, restoring democratic credibility. The current unelected government will be replaced by one chosen by the people. Second, the polls will also address constitutional breaches and ambiguities that emerged after the Sept 8-9 unrest through a renewed popular mandate. Third, the elections will reduce the risk of a deepening constitutional crisis by re-establishing fully functional state institutions. 

Furthermore, the elections are expected to safeguard the current constitution and political system. Newer forces, like the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) and leaders such as Balen Shah—whose earlier positions on the political system were ambiguous—have publicly reaffirmed their commitment to republicanism and secularism. This has eased fears of a rollback of the post-2008 political order. Major parties are also making visible efforts to bring fresh faces into Parliament. While limited, this reflects growing public dissatisfaction with entrenched elites. 

Failure to hold elections on schedule will seriously undermine the legitimacy of both the president and the prime minister, potentially plunging the country into renewed political conflict.

Will it bring stability and reform?

Despite these positive aspects, a critical question remains: will the elections bring political stability? The answer is far from reassuring. Current realities suggest that no single party is likely to win a clear majority. Major parties—including the NC, CPN-UML, the Nepali Communist Party, and the RSP—have fielded candidates in nearly all constituencies. Under the PR system, the balance of power among these parties is also expected to remain largely unchanged.

This points to a hung parliament. A stable majority government appears unlikely in the present context, making fragile coalitions almost inevitable. Coalition politics will dominate governance once again, limiting the government’s ability to pursue bold or long-term reforms. Sweeping changes, especially institutional and constitutional reforms, are unlikely to materialize. Constitutional amendments require a two-thirds parliamentary majority—a threshold nearly impossible under current conditions. Historically, even powerful parties such as the NC and UML have shown little appetite for serious reform. 

Corruption and governance reforms will also be difficult to pursue. A hung parliament will likely become a battleground for party politics, with indecision and obstruction dominating parliamentary work.

Foreign policy post-vote

Political fragmentation will affect Nepal’s foreign policy. Instability creates space for foreign influence. Managing balanced and cordial relations with major powers will be more difficult, as old and new parties bring divergent, and at times contradicting, worldviews. Even when Parliament was dominated by three major parties, building a unified foreign policy had proved difficult. A more fragmented legislature will make consensus even harder. Differences on issues like the MCC of the US and BRI of China are already apparent.

Some traditional political parties have accused newer parties of being backed by foreign interests, particularly regarding the Sept 8-9 protest. Nepal’s engagement with major powers has slowed since the GenZ unrest. Meanwhile, major powers are waiting for a new government before adjusting their strategies. Managing the competing interests of major powers will be especially challenging for a coalition government. China seems to favor traditional, particularly communist, parties. New Delhi is open to working with any government. Western countries appear more supportive of newer parties. Conflicting agendas among these powers will place additional pressure on a coalition government. 

Conclusion

The March 5 elections are necessary and constitutionally indispensable. They offer a chance to restore democratic processes, correct past deviations, and prevent a constitutional crisis. However, while the elections may restore procedural normalcy, they are unlikely to bring political stability or transformative change. A fragmented mandate, coalition politics, and external pressures will continue shaping Nepal’s trajectory long after the vote. 

Elections, therefore, should be seen not as a solution, but as the start of another challenging phase in Nepal’s ongoing democratic transition.

Introduction

India’s relations with countries of the Global South have deep roots in shared histories, common struggles, and mutual aspirations for development and self-reliance. Over the years India’s role has evolved from being a leader in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) to becoming a pivotal player in contemporary South-South cooperation. 

India’s partnership with the Global South was propelled to a new level by Prime Minister Narendra Modi when he organized the first Voice of the Global South Summit (VOGSS) on 12-13th January, 2023 within a few weeks of India taking over the Presidency of the G20. This Summit was followed by another later during the year and a third one in 2024. 

In addition to articulating the interests, priorities and aspirations of the Global South through several VOGSSs and raising these issues at all relevant fora, India also ‘’Walks the Talk’’ and extends all possible assistance to countries of the Global South. 

Background

India’s role within the Global South is pivotal, leveraging its growing economic power, democratic framework, and strategic geopolitical positioning to advocate for equitable global governance. 

India’s development assistance programs to members of the Global South underscore its role as a partner in progress. Through the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) program, India has provided training, capacity building, and technical assistance to over 160 countries. This program covers a wide range of areas, including healthcare, education, agriculture, and information technology, thereby contributing to human resource development in the Global South.

The Policy of ‘’Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam’’ (The World is One Family)

The spirit of ‘’Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam’’ has served as the guiding philosophy of India’s foreign policy for the last more than a decade. This policy witnessed its fullest expression during India’s Chairmanship of the G20 in 2023 when it adopted the motto of ‘’One Earth, One Family, One Future’’ for its Presidency, and made sure that all decisions emanating from the deliberations fully reflected this commitment. 

Current Status

In recent years, India’s "Global South" partnership has matured into a core pillar of its foreign policy. One of the most consequential achievements of India in its G20 Presidency was the inclusion of African Union, a body comprising 54 African countries, as a full-fledged member of the G20. This issue had been hanging fire for many years and it fell to India, with its commitment to the interests of the Global South, to bring it to fruition by evolving the requisite consensus on this important subject.

India has been able to significantly enhance its engagement with the Global South because its economy has grown significantly in recent years. When PM Modi assumed power in 2014, India’s economy was the 10th largest in the world. Today it is the 4th largest with prognosis to emerge as the third largest by 2027. Today India is the fastest growing major economy with its GDP growth registering an impressive 8.2% in the last quarter. India is expected to grow from a US$4 trillion economy today to more than US$10 trillion by 2035. 

India’s increased economic strength has inter alia enhanced its capacity to play a much more active role in global affairs and lend a helping hand in times of need to those in difficulty. During the Covid-19 pandemic, India supplied medicines and vaccines, most of them gratis, to several partners, particularly from the Global South. India provided medicines to more than 150 countries, and more than 300 million vaccine doses under its Vaccine Maitri (Vaccine Friendship) initiative to more than 100 countries. Because of its economic heft, India could come to the assistance of Sri Lanka to the tune of US$4.5 billion when the latter’s coffers were empty in 2022 and to the support of Afghanistan, Maldives etc. with financial support, food supplies and medicines when these countries had their backs to the wall. This has also enabled India to emerge as the First Responder in times of need and when calamities like earthquakes, floods etc. have struck in its neighbourhood and beyond.

Key Pillars of Engagement

India’s "Global South Partnership" today is defined by four distinct areas of cooperation:

A. Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI) & "The India Stack"

India has moved from domestic achievements to global outreach.

● Fintech Diplomacy: UPI (Unified Payments Interface) is now operational or in pilot stages across several Global South nations, including Namibia, Sri Lanka, and parts of Southeast Asia.

● Social Impact Fund: India’s $25 million commitment to a Social Impact Fund helps smaller nations build their own digital identity (Aadhaar-like) and payment systems to promote financial inclusion.

B. Health & Pharmaceutical Leadership

Reaffirming its title as the "Pharmacy of the World," India has evolved from providing medicines and vaccines in the aftermath of the Covid-19 pandemic to building Health Resilience.

● Generic Medicines: Providing affordable, high-quality generic drugs to nations in Africa and the Caribbean.

● Regulatory Capacity: India is now actively training drug regulators in Global South countries to help them establish their own pharmaceutical safety standards.

C. The Global Development Compact

Proposed by Prime Minister Modi in late 2024, this compact focuses on:

● Trade for Development: Reducing barriers for Least Developed Countries (LDCs).

● Concessional Finance: Offering project-specific grants rather than the "debt-trap" loans often associated with some other major powers.

D. Climate Justice  & Energy Transition

India champions the principle of "Common but Differentiated Responsibilities" (CBDR).

● International Solar Alliance (ISA): With 121 member countries, many of which are from the Global South, the ISA underscores India’s commitment to addressing climate change and promoting renewable energy.

● Mission LiFE (Lifestyle for Environment): India encourages a shift toward sustainable consumption, a narrative that resonates with developing nations that are not the primary cause of climate change but have to endure its worst effects.

Conclusion 

India’s geopolitical dynamics with the Global South have evolved significantly over the years, reflecting its growing economic power, strategic interests, and aspirations to be a major player on the global stage. India’s proactive engagement with the Global South underscores its commitment to a multipolar world where developing nations have a significant voice in global affairs. Through sustained efforts in diplomacy, economic cooperation, and strategic partnerships, India is poised to play a pivotal role in the evolving dynamics of the Global South.

As both a leader and a partner, India continues to play a crucial role in shaping the future of the Global South. Through sustained cooperation, mutual respect, and shared aspirations, India and the Global South can collectively navigate the challenges and opportunities of the 21st century.

As the so-called wave of revolutions has swept across South Asia, it is now set to culminate in elections in Bangladesh and Nepal. In Nepal, the interim government led by former Chief Justice Sushila Karki has proceeded without delay in conducting elections. The country’s politics have remained in flux since the last polls, marked by shifting coalitions and Gen Z–led anti-corruption protests that culminated in the dissolution of Parliament in September 2025. As Nepal’s 30 million citizens prepare to vote amid a fragmented field of 125 parties and more than 2,500 candidates, neighbouring India is watching closely. The outcome carries significant implications for India’s interests—from the reliability of governance and Kathmandu’s foreign policy orientation to regional stability and the future of bilateral cooperation.

While Nepal’s traditional parties retain strong cadre bases, a powerful youth wave has emerged, one that every party is now trying to capture. This churn has produced internal upheavals across the three major parties: the Nepali Congress (NC), the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist), and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre). Within the Nepali Congress, General Secretaries Gagan Thapa and Bishwa Prakash Sharma led a high-profile revolt against the ageing leadership of Sher Bahadur Deuba. This culminated in a January 2026 “Special General Convention,” where Thapa was elected party president, effectively ending Deuba’s decades-long tenure after the Election Commission recognized Thapa’s reformist faction as the legitimate party leadership.

In the CPN-UML, Senior Vice-Chair Ishwar Pokharel, backed significantly by former President Bidhya Devi Bhandari, mounted a direct challenge to KP Sharma Oli during the party’s December 2025 general convention. Pokharel and his supporters criticized Oli’s handling of the GenZ protests and his refusal to step down as prime minister until forced by the uprising. Despite this, Oli retained the party chairmanship by a wide margin.

Meanwhile, the CPN (Maoist Centre) faced a similar crisis. Deputy General Secretary Janardan Sharma openly demanded that Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ resign and take responsibility for the party’s declining credibility and its growing disconnect from youth aspirations. Although Sharma eventually quit to launch his own Pragatisheel Loktantrik Party, his dissent accelerated the Maoists’ merger into the broader Nepali Communist Party (NCP) in November 2025. Formally established on 5 Nov 2025, the NCP is a broad alliance of ten leftist factions seeking to consolidate influence ahead of the March 2026 elections. Its core comprises the Maoist Centre and the CPN (Unified Socialist), with Prachanda remaining a dominant—though increasingly scrutinized—figure.

The youth-led movement itself is now split between high-stakes party politics and independent activism. The most prominent “alternative” force has emerged in the alliance between Balen Shah and the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP). In a bold attempt to break with the old political order, Shah resigned as mayor of Kathmandu to contest a parliamentary seat in Jhapa-5, directly challenging UML’s Oli on his home turf. The alliance has positioned Shah as its prime ministerial candidate, betting that the momentum of the protests can unseat the country’s most entrenched leaders.

At the same time, many original GenZ organizers, such as Rakshya Bam, have chosen to stay away from large party structures altogether. Running as independents or under smaller banners like the “GenZ Front,” they argue that joining any major party, even newer ones, inevitably leads to the same compromises. Their focus remains accountability: demanding justice for those killed during the September protests and acting as a “moral watchdog” to ensure the movement’s anti-corruption message is not diluted by electoral politics.

From India’s perspective, New Delhi has historically supported a democratic and stable Nepal, a position reaffirmed after the GenZ protests, when the Indian establishment swiftly recognized the interim government and began working with it. That said, no state welcomes unpredictability in its foreign relations, and predictability is built through continuity, trust, and sustained engagement. From this standpoint, India would prefer that the current political churn ultimately leads to a measure of stability.

India would first and foremost hope that these elections serve as a stabilising force in Nepal’s fractured politics, preventing a relapse into chaos that could raise security concerns along the open border. Elections are also moments when populist and nationalist rhetoric tends to peak, sometimes straining bilateral ties. While such rhetoric deserves attention, it is ultimately the post-election government that matters. Given the current geopolitical climate, a reset grounded in pragmatism and mutual interest will be essential. For now, it is time to let democracy, and the people of Nepal, do their work, while others watch and wait.

The author is a PhD Candidate at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. He is also a Life member of Delhi Based the Delhi-based International Centre for Peace Studies