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Honourable Prime Minister, continuity of citizenship by descent may come in time if a constitutional amendment is possible. But what can be done right now, without amending the constitution, is the full implementation of the non-resident Nepali (NRN) citizenship provisions already guaranteed within it. Please do that. That alone would mean a great deal. What non-resident Nepalis need at present is not a big reform, but a small, practical step.

Just as Nepalis at home contributed to bringing the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) to power, Nepalis abroad contributed equally. In the early days in particular, they generated the momentum for the party in the digital sphere. Families back home changed not only their sentiments but also their votes. The bell did not merely tinkle—it rang loud and clear. As a result, with an unprecedented mandate, the Balen government was formed.

During the election, the RSP did not only make 100 promises to the public; it also entered into a five-point agreement. If one revisits both these documents today, one can clearly see, under point 99 of the manifesto and point 5 of the agreement, the commitments made to non-resident Nepalis.

For the record, let us quote them here.

Promise

Respecting the emotional bond of non-resident Nepalis expressed in the phrase “Once a Nepali, always a Nepali”, we will, barring certain specific exceptions, stand in principle for dual citizenship and immediately remove administrative hurdles related to property rights.

Agreement

Current situation—weak implementation of NRN citizenship. Our goal—continuity of citizenship by descent. Whether in the manifesto or the agreement, both clearly mention continuity of citizenship by descent for non-resident Nepalis. In simple terms, this means dual citizenship. It was said that these promises and conditions would be fulfilled upon securing a majority. But now, not only has a majority been secured, but there is also nearly a two-thirds mandate.

Another point worth recalling is the background of RSP’s leader, Rabi Lamichhane. He himself was once a non-resident Nepali who lost both his parliamentary seat and his position as deputy prime minister due to the lack of continuity in citizenship by descent.

That was the past—the promises, agreements, and the personal background of the leadership in relation to non-resident Nepalis.

Now let us turn to the present. Ten days have already passed since the government was formed. The government has carried out what could be described as surgical strikes in areas such as arrests and disciplinary actions. But when it comes to the promises and agreements made with non-resident Nepalis, nothing has been done.

Those who must remind have begun doing their part. Officials of the Non-Resident Nepali Association have already visited the concerned ministers with delegations. Advocates have spoken out. Even on social media platforms of non-resident Nepalis, signs of disappointment are beginning to emerge.

Yet, despite all this, the government appears largely unmoved. It may have said, “We will do it.” But saying “we will do it” is an old habit. This government stands on the grave of that very habit. The public expects not assurances, but implementation. Not a big promise, but a small action. Overall, it expects delivery—and that too on time. But in the case of NRN citizenship, expecting on-time delivery is like hoping for the impossible. The process of obtaining it is so complicated and painful that it exhausts anyone.

Such is the ordeal of the process: To obtain this citizenship, one must first go to the district where one originally received citizenship. Most non-resident Nepalis have long since migrated elsewhere from that district. They may not have any relatives left there. Even reaching the district headquarters is not enough. To obtain a police clearance certificate and a ward recommendation, one must travel to remote villages. In hill districts especially, such villages may be miles away and require two to three days of travel. Some wards may not even have a police office, requiring officials to be brought from another municipality for verification.

Even obtaining a ward recommendation alone can cost up to Rs10,000. This is excessively high. In some wards, there may be no one who recognizes the applicant; in others, records may show that the entire family has already migrated. In such cases, ward chairs may refuse to recommend, and police may refuse verification. The resulting complications are deeply distressing.

Moreover, anyone arriving from abroad to obtain NRN citizenship is often treated as a source of extraction by local wards and police offices. The compulsion to “please” officials in order to get work done quickly and smoothly is even more disheartening. After completing all this, one must again return to the district office, where witnesses are required—something that is also difficult to arrange.

After completing all these steps, the office of the Chief District Officer that originally issued citizenship by descent provides a certificate confirming its renunciation. With that, one must then go to the district office that issued the most recent copy of the citizenship certificate. Only then does the process of obtaining NRN citizenship begin. Even this involves numerous complicated procedures—moving from one office to another, being told something is missing, and being compelled to pay extra. “Come tomorrow,” is often said—and to turn that tomorrow into today, additional payment becomes necessary. Only after completing this entire marathon of procedures does one finally obtain NRN citizenship.

What should the process be like?

NRN citizenship should be made into a dignified, almost sacred link between the state and its diaspora—a gift that keeps former Nepalis connected to their roots. Its value should reflect the meaning of belonging to one’s birthplace. It should inspire both enthusiasm to obtain it and pride in holding it. It should be accessible through a simple, single-window system. For that, the following steps are practical and achievable:

• Allow issuance through Nepali diplomatic missions abroad.
• Establish a dedicated mechanism within the Ministry of Home Affairs for applicants in Kathmandu.
• Introduce a “one appointment, one desk” system at the district level.
• Issue it immediately upon submission of original Nepali citizenship and passport, along with the foreign citizenship or passport.
• Enable a single online appointment system for the entire process.
• Fix a reasonable one-time fee, transparently administered.

What does one receive after obtaining it?

The constitution guarantees economic, social and cultural rights, excluding political rights. In practice, social and cultural integration is rarely an issue. The real need, however, is economic rights. Yet, paradoxically, this citizenship still lacks full recognition in government offices and courts, especially in matters of land and property. Outdated laws and regulations continue to obstruct it. In some cases, connections or informal payments may help—but that is neither reliable nor just.

One modest step was taken during the tenure of Chief Justice Sushila Karki: NRNs entering Nepal on a visa can obtain a free two-year multiple-entry visa. But this is hardly transformative. Those who paid $500 for an NRN identity card receive a 10-year facility. The disparity is difficult to justify.

What should be ensured?

Former Nepalis who have acquired foreign citizenship should not seek privileges beyond what is reasonable. But the rights guaranteed by the constitution must be delivered in full—without dilution. In practice, the only restriction should be political rights: contesting elections, nominating candidates, representing them, and voting. Beyond these, all other rights must be freely exercisable. This includes:

• The right to enter and reside in Nepal without a passport, similar to citizens by descent or naturalized citizens.
• The ability to enter Nepal using NRN citizenship itself—or, if not feasible, provision of a special travel document.
• Full legal recognition in all institutions and courts concerning economic, social and cultural rights.

Continuity of citizenship is not immediately possible

Despite political commitments, continuity of citizenship by descent cannot be implemented immediately. Nepal’s Constitution (2015) does not allow it. In fact, the current process begins only after renouncing citizenship by descent. In theory, the only difference between the two forms of citizenship is political rights. In practice, however, NRN citizenship fails to deliver even the rights it promises. Legal barriers remain, reforms have not been enacted, and even executive-level decisions have not been utilized.

As a result, obtaining it is difficult—and even after obtaining it, it often feels ineffective. Many describe it as little more than a piece of paper, acquired at the cost of emotional loss.

What can the government do now?

While political intent may exist, bureaucratic resistance remains the central obstacle. It is the bureaucracy that complicates procedures and restricts rights. The government must address this directly by simplifying processes, enforcing accountability, and ensuring that rights are actually delivered. Above all, NRN citizenship must be recognized for what it is: a legitimate form of Nepali citizenship enshrined in the constitution. It must carry dignity. The current absurdity—where its holders still require visas to enter Nepal—must end.

This is what can and must be done immediately. The promise of dual citizenship, or continuity of citizenship by descent, will require constitutional amendment, time, and a two-thirds parliamentary majority. That process cannot be rushed. But the political consensus— “Once a Nepali, always a Nepali”—suggests that such a future is possible.

Hope in Balen

The electorate did not merely vote for a party; it voted for a promise of change embodied in leadership. In many constituencies, voters chose the symbol to deliver that leadership. This mandate is not for incremental reform, but for meaningful delivery. It is not unconditional—it carries expectations.

Non-resident Nepalis may not vote directly, but their influence—on families, on public opinion, and on international perception—has been decisive. The government must now honor that contribution by acting—swiftly and concretely. Ensure that NRN citizenship is easy to obtain. Ensure that it works in practice. Ensure that rights are not just written but lived.

That is what a credible beginning looks like.

Good morning, Honourable Prime Minister.

Continuity of citizenship by descent may come in time through constitutional amendment. But what can be done now—without amending the constitution—is the full implementation of NRN citizenship provisions already in place. Please do that. That alone would mean everything. What non-resident Nepalis need today is not a big reform, but a small, decisive action.

In the last six months, Gorkhapatra Corporation has accomplished important tasks with a far-reaching impact on the institution and its employees. The Corporation has approved an O&M for the first time in its history. The total workforce has been downsized to 442 from 547 earlier.

This has paved the way for career growth of the employees working with the Corporation. After eight years, 280 employees have been promoted, generating hope and enthusiasm, and 91 vacancies have been opened to recruit fresh talent.

A total of 178 employees and journalists working on contract and wage-labour basis have been brought under the aegis of Social Security Fund to be compensated through their personal contribution. Similarly, the Working Journalist Act has been enforced with a guarantee of minimum wage to journalists as prescribed by the Act. It also applies to other employees working on contract and wage-labour basis.

Another notable achievement is the establishment of Gorkhapatra Academy,whose main goals are research, innovation, and capacity-building for journalists and employees through training and outreach. It has already started working to enhance the quality of the entire journalism sector and augment media literacy. Recently, it has also published a notice with an offer of fellowships to eligible candidates.

On 18 Dec 2025, the Corporation organized Gorkhapatra Discourse on Recovery and Resilience, offering a platform for interaction between the government and the private sector and generating hope among the concerned stakeholders. This not only generated income for the Corporation but also promoted its publications among the public.

Gorkhapatra Welfare Fund Directive 2025 has been enforced and the work procedure thereof has been prepared. It has ended uncertainty among those whose savings had been blocked for long and paved the way to release the fund of retired employees and give continuity to the scheme in case of working employees.

Lately, the Corporation has introduced the AI policy, embracing the use of AI in view of its ubiquity and using it systematically.

Gidde Press has been returned to the Corporation, which will have a positive impact on the operation of the press and publication museum.

The Corporation has initiated the process to integrate the newsroom by building a network of reporters and editors from the Gorkhapatra and The Rising Nepal. It will have a long-term positive impact on production and dissemination of news and exchange of materials between the two dailies.

The Corporation has also started disseminating news and public-service related content through WhatsApp, Viber and Messenger. This has widened readers’ access to news and begun circulating audio-visual content though social media targeting youth preparing for Public Service Commission examinations.

The Corporation has also launched a campaign to connect with the broader public. Under this initiative, the Gorkhapatra Literary Festival was organized by the Sailung Rural Municipality on 21-22 Nov 2025 with the slogan ‘Literature for Tourism. Under the policy of inclusive publication, it began publishing matters in Kulung language from 2 Nov 2025 and launched the page amid the community. Similarly, Sudurpaschim region-specific Madhupark was released from Dhangadi.

All these initiatives have been guided by the principle of ‘citizens’ voice first’ in Gorkhapatra publications. The editors enjoy clarity in editorial policy and full autonomy in their work. The Corporation has been constantly working to improve the layout and design of its publications.

As an example, all the pages of The Rising Nepal have been colored coinciding with its 61st anniversary on 1 Dec 2025 which has enhanced the quality of the newspaper.

Meanwhile the business of the Corporation has doubled in the last couple of years while the profits have gradually increased as demonstrated by the Public Enterprises Evaluation report published by the Ministry of Finance. This has been possible through direct MoUs, mostly in the G2G model, including with the Supreme Court and Public Service Commission.

The leadership plays a crucial role in steering an institution successfully and it’s no exception in case of Gorkhapatra Corporation. General Manager Lal Bahadur Airi deserves appreciation for executing these tasks successfully and leading the Corporation on the path of change and progress. Appointed to the position through an open competition in 2022, Airi is the youngest person to have reached the high post in the history of the Corporation. As the executive chief of the Corporation, he has practiced a policy to reform the state-owned publication house and make its publications citizen friendly.

Airi completed his four-year term on March 30 this year.

When bitter melon (also called bitter gourd) is mentioned, most people grimace at its acute bitterness. Many try to make it palatable by allaying its acrid taste, but its deep-rooted bitterness always remains. Bitter melon has many aliases, including balsam pear, balsam apple, bitter gourd, bitter squash, and karela in India and Nepal. Its scientific name is Momordica charantia.

Despite its pronounced taste, bitter melon is enjoyed across a wide range of regions, including Asia, East Africa, India, China, the Caribbean, South America, and Africa. In these cultures, the fruit features in various dishes—most notably in Chinese cuisine, where it appears in stir-fries, pork-and-douchi soups, dim sum, and herbal tea.

In Indian cuisine, bitter melon, or karela, is a staple for its distinct taste and health benefits. In Nepal, too, they (called tite karela) are served simply fried or made into a spicy chutney after being steamed, forming a perfect blend for our staple dal-bhat. Bitter melons can be juiced, too. All you need is a blender or juicer and fresh bitter melons.  Bitter melon juice pairs well with apple, watermelon, or carrot juices, letting you personalize your healthy drink.  

Before discussing juicing methods in detail, it’s helpful to understand what bitter melon is and why it’s become a favorite worldwide. As a tropical vine fruit in the Cucurbitaceae family—which includes squash, pumpkin, cucumber, and zucchini—it features prominently in many international cuisines and is especially popular in India and Nepal.

Beyond culinary value, bitter melon is esteemed in Indian and Chinese medicine. Its seeds and extracts, rich in nutrients, have traditionally been used to treat ailments such as diabetes, skin issues, asthma, and stomach disorders. Juice may offer similar benefits as part of a balanced diet, though further research is needed.

Recent studies support these traditional uses and show that bitter melon may help control blood sugar, lower cholesterol, and possibly fight cancer. The fruit is also high in Vitamin C, folate, Vitamin A, potassium, iron, and calcium.

Thanks to its strong nutrient profile, bitter melon juice (without added sugar) is a low-calorie, low-carb beverage suitable for a variety of balanced diets. These attributes might encourage you to integrate it into your routine.

100 grams of raw bitter melon provides:

• Calories: 21
• Carbs: 4 grams
• Fiber: 2 grams
• Vitamin C: 99 percent of the Daily Value (DV)
• Vitamin A: 44 percent of the DV
• Folate: 17 percent of the DV
• Potassium: Eight percent of the DV
• Zinc: Five percent of the DV
• Iron: Four percent of the DV

The USDA highlights bitter melon as a strong source of calcium, magnesium, potassium, Vitamin A, Vitamin C, and zinc. With these facts in mind, let's explore the health benefits of bitter melon.

May prevent cancer

According to NIH, a part of the US Department of Health and Human Services, “other than its potential antibacterial and antiviral activities, bitter melon extracts are also being investigated for their effects on cancer and have been studied in relation to ulcers, malaria, pain and inflammation, psoriasis, dyslipidemia, and hypertension.” 

Lab studies show that bitter melon’s antioxidants and beta-carotene may help fight certain cancer cells. However, more research is needed to see if these effects happen in people.

Diabetes-friendly

Bitter melon helps lower blood sugar levels, supporting people with diabetes. Studies show its bioactive compounds mimic insulin, promoting glucose uptake, storage, and release.

Could lower cholesterol

Research suggests that bitter melon or its extract may help treat high cholesterol, which is linked to type 2 diabetes, atherosclerosis, cardiovascular disease, and liver disease.

Regular consumption provides compounds such as flavonoids, phenolic acids, glycosides, and alkaloids, which help lower high cholesterol and reduce the risk of heart disease.

May prevent inflammation

Bitter gourd, rich in polyphenols, acts as an anti-inflammatory and antibacterial, supporting metabolism and protecting your cells from oxidative stress and metabolic syndrome.

No matter the preparation method—raw, steamed, stir-fried, or cooked into curries, stews, or chutneys—managing the bitterness of bitter gourd is key to enjoying its flavor.

Bitter melon juice

• For juicing, choose small, light green, and firm bitter melons for freshness. Larger, older melons are more bitter.
• Slice the gourd lengthwise, remove the seeds, and chop to your preferred size.
• Rub salt on each piece, let rest 20–30 minutes, then rinse thoroughly. Or soak in boiling salted water for a few minutes. These methods significantly reduce bitterness.
• Blend chopped melons, adding water as needed. To dilute further, use more water. Season with salt and lemon juice (or black salt, if you prefer).
• Blend until the mixture is smooth. Strain into a glass. Optionally, add a hint of honey to reduce bitterness. Drink on an empty stomach for best results. This simple process makes homemade bitter melon juice accessible.

Caveat

Adding bitter melon or its juice to your diet may improve health, but moderation is key. Excess intake may cause stomach pain and diarrhea. If adverse reactions occur, stop and consult a healthcare provider.

Large amounts of bitter melon may cause digestive issues or gastric ulcers and could harm the kidneys. Only take supplements after consulting your doctor.

Diabetics should consult their doctor. Bitter melon can boost diabetic medication effects and risk hypoglycemia and complications.  

Expectant and breastfeeding mothers should avoid bitter melon and its juice.

Disclaimer: This text is research-based and not medical advice. Please use your discretion and seek advice from a healthcare professional for validation.

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As BRICS marks over two decades since the acronym was coined in 2001, symbolizing the rise of emerging economies, the grouping stands at a pivotal juncture. What began as an economic forum among Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa has evolved into a platform representing nearly half the world’s population and a quarter of global GDP. Now expanded to include Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, the UAE, and others, BRICS embodies the aspirations of the Global South. 

In 2026, with India assuming the rotating presidency, this moment offers a transformative opportunity to elevate the voices of developing nations and deepen South-South cooperation. Drawing from its successful G20 presidency in 2023, India is poised to redefine BRICS under the theme ‘Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation, and Sustainability’—a people-centric vision that prioritises humanity-first approaches to global challenges. 

India’s leadership comes amid a fragmented world order, in which Western-dominated institutions such as the UN Security Council and the World Trade Organization fail to reflect 21st-century realities. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has emphasised reforming these bodies to grant greater representation to the Global South, echoing calls for a multipolar world free from hegemonic influences. This presidency will amplify marginalized voices by focusing on inclusive multilateralism, ensuring that issues like climate finance, debt relief, and equitable trade are not sidelined. 

For instance, India plans to advance the Rio Declaration, adopted at Brazil’s 2025 summit, which strengthened Global South cooperation for sustainable governance. By hosting ministerial meetings across 28 Indian states and nine union territories, culminating in a Delhi summit, New Delhi aims to foster grassroots dialogue and make BRICS more accessible and representative. 

Central to India’s agenda is transforming South-South cooperation, which has often been hampered by fragmented efforts and external pressures. BRICS, under Indian stewardship, will prioritise practical collaborations in health, agriculture, disaster risk reduction, energy, and supply chains—areas where developing countries face acute vulnerabilities. 

Drawing from its own experiences with pandemics and climate disasters, India will push for resilient systems, such as shared vaccine manufacturing and agricultural tech transfers. This builds on the New Development Bank (NDB), established by BRICS in 2015, which India intends to bolster for funding sustainable infrastructure projects in the Global South. 

By emphasizing intra-BRICS trade—currently valued at around $300bn—India aims to reduce its dependence on Western markets, promoting local currencies for settlement to counter dollar dominance without provoking escalations. 

Innovation forms another cornerstone, with a focus on Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI) and AI governance. India’s UPI model, which revolutionized digital payments domestically, could be exported to BRICS partners, enabling seamless cross-border transactions and financial inclusion for millions in Africa and Latin America. This digital push will enhance South-South ties by creating interconnected ecosystems, from e-health platforms to smart agriculture tools, fostering knowledge exchange among nations often overlooked in global tech discourses. Climate change, an existential threat to the Global South, will see India advocating for capacity-building and green tech sharing, aligning with the 2025 Framework Declaration on Climate Finance.

These agendas add immense value to the BRICS countries’ relations by bridging internal divides. The recent expansion has introduced tensions—such as geopolitical frictions between Iran and the UAE or Russia's isolation amid the Ukraine conflict—but India’s neutral stance positions it as a mediator. By prioritising economic consolidation over divisive geopolitics, New Delhi can strengthen trust, as seen in its avoidance of anti-dollar initiatives like the proposed UNIT currency. 

Forums like the BRICS Business Council and civil society engagements will deepen people-to-people bonds, from joint research in quantum computing to cultural exchanges, enhancing mutual understanding among diverse members. 

Moreover, India’s presidency navigates external challenges, including US tariff threats over Iran trade and broader uncertainties under a second Trump administration. By balancing its US alliances with BRICS commitments, India exemplifies pragmatic diplomacy, ensuring the grouping remains a force for stability rather than confrontation. This approach adds relational value by positioning BRICS as a complementary alternative to Western-led orders rather than a rival.

In conclusion, India’s 2026 BRICS presidency is more than a rotational duty—it’s a catalyst for empowering the Global South. After two decades, BRICS has matured from an economic club to a voice for equity. Through focused agendas on resilience and innovation, India will fortify South-South cooperation, yielding tangible benefits like enhanced trade, shared technologies, and reformed global institutions. As the world grapples with division, this presidency could herald a more inclusive era in which the Global South not only speaks but also leads.

The author is a Special Advisor for South Asia at the Parley Policy Initiative. Views expressed are personal