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The GenZ uprising of Sept 8-9 has reignited debate over the relevance of Nepal’s federal governance system. Calls are growing to dismantle the provincial structure and empower local levels further. At the same time, a parallel public sentiment questions whether seeking alternatives to federalism is premature. Political and social representatives emerging after the movement have openly presented divergent perspectives on the issue.

Nepal formally adopted a federal system with the 2015 Constitution, which came into full implementation in 2018. While federalism had been sporadically discussed in earlier debates, the Madhes movement and other ethnic-regional agitations following the 2007 Interim Constitution were pivotal in institutionalizing it. Political parties of that era accepted federalism under pressure to pacify unrest and restore stability. It is therefore indisputable that federalism in Nepal was not a spontaneously embraced principle but a system established through struggle.

Against this backdrop, dissatisfaction with the provincial setup, considered the “soul” of federalism, has emerged as a pressing subject for analysis. Why has public support for provinces eroded so rapidly? This question lies at the heart of the ongoing national debate: Why are the provinces neglected?

An ambiguous role

Nepal’s Constitution clearly delineates powers and responsibilities among the federal, provincial and local levels, including both shared and exclusive authorities. Despite these clear provisions and subsequent functional reports further clarifying them, the federal government has failed to sufficiently empower the provinces.

The Constitution restricts provinces from enacting laws that contradict federal legislation. Yet, because the federal parliament has delayed passing or amending necessary laws, provinces were left in a prolonged legal vacuum. Consequently, they began drafting their own legislation. For instance, the Federal Civil Service Act is still pending, whereas provinces have already enacted their civil and local service laws, creating legal inconsistencies that have reached the Constitutional Bench.

Fiscal federalism has similarly suffered. Major taxes and large infrastructure projects remain under federal control, preventing provinces from achieving financial self-reliance and making them dependent on federal grants. This situation has raised questions about the federal government’s genuine commitment to federalism. Administrative disruptions, particularly in personnel adjustment, have compounded the problem. Forced adjustment often met with resistance undermined the provinces’ ability to implement federalism effectively. The failure to stabilize the administrative backbone weakened the system’s overall efficacy.

Provinces’ weaknesses

In the initial phase, provincial governments appeared relatively agile and committed. Small seven-member cabinets functioned despite limited staff and legal gaps. Over time, some of these challenges got resolved, but then the provinces began replicating the federal government’s problematic practices.

Unnecessary expansion of ministries, oversized cabinets, bloated advisory bodies and costly administrative setups increased recurrent expenditures without producing tangible improvements in citizens’ lives. Provincial legislators frequently engaged in party splits and political maneuvering to secure positions and power—further eroding public trust. Corruption and uncontrolled benefits by political personalities amplified public criticism.

Government change in the Center also affected provincial stability. Governments were formed or dissolved at the federal leadership’s signal, weakening provincial autonomy. As a result, provincial administrations—the intended embodiments of federalism, began operating under external influence, failing to establish themselves as credible institutions in the public eye.

Judiciary’s ineffective role

Scholars have long expected the judiciary to guide provinces to become stronger and more capable through clear constitutional interpretation. Judicial decisions significantly shape federal practices, yet courts have failed to safeguard provincial autonomy adequately.

Most of the cases accusing the federal government of unnecessary interference or lack of facilitation have remained unresolved. Decisions, when issued, lack uniformity. For example, cases filed by the Madhesh Province Government over the Sagarnath forest project or staff adjustments have remained unresolved for seven years. Supreme Court rulings on the Gandaki Province government formation have given rise to significant legal disagreements. Differing court orders on writs filed by transferred civil servants further entrenched uncertainty for provincial governments and employees.

Such inconsistencies have reinforced the perception that centralized thinking dominates the judiciary. The courts’ failure to act as constitutional guardians of provincial stability is a major factor impacting public confidence in the federal system.

Irresponsible media

Mainstream media could have played a pivotal role in consolidating federalism. Instead, driven by TRP (Target Rating Point) competition, sensationalism often eclipsed informed reporting.

Positive provincial initiatives such as investments in social sectors, improvements in human development indicators and tourism promotion have received limited attention. In contrast, stories on cabinet reshuffles, ministerial lifestyles and petty scandals got amplified, fostering negative perceptions of the provincial structure.

While corruption has existed historically, media reports often exaggerated its prevalence only after the formation of provincial governments. Pro-federal voices were relegated to minor columns, while anti-federal perspectives dominated front pages. This biased information flow heightened public dissatisfaction and distrust toward provincial governments.

Influence multiplied

In today’s digital age, social media amplifies public discourse alongside traditional media. Activists and influencers compete for followers and views, often overlooking positive provincial initiatives. Single mistakes are sensationalized, analyzed from multiple angles and sometimes mixed with fabricated claims.

This flood of misinformation and malinformation leaves citizens unable to discern fact from fiction. Provincial governance is inherently the most challenging layer of the federal system for public comprehension. While it takes time to demonstrate necessity and effectiveness, various interest groups have exploited this period to magnify weaknesses and advance their agendas. Misleading campaigns have significantly contributed to public neglect of provinces.

Conclusion

Federalism forms the backbone of Nepal’s constitutional, political, and administrative framework. It was introduced not merely for administrative convenience but to ensure inclusive governance that accommodates Nepal’s diverse social, cultural and regional realities. Today’s imperative is not to dismantle provinces but to reform them—creating lean, efficient and results-oriented provincial structures. Through improved, citizen-centric federal practices, provincial governments can regain public confidence and become foundational pillars in building a tolerant society and a prosperous Nepal.

KP Sharma Oli has made it clear that he is not planning to step down as party chair in the near future. This comes despite calls from the public and party leaders to hand over the leadership to the new generation.

In a Zoom meeting with the party’s district presidents, the head of CPN-UML said that what happened on September 8–9 was a conspiracy against him, his party, and ultimately the country. “Though I am kicked out of power, I am continuously working for the party and country,” said Oli.

Even the top leaders of the party want to see Oli continue as leader. Within the UML, leader Mahesh Basnet has been vocal against the government and the Zen-Z protestors. Other top leaders—except General Secretary Shankar Pokhrel, who frequently expresses his opinion on Facebook—have remained silent.

Meanwhile, the Nepali Congress is preparing to hold a series of meetings in the coming weeks. Party President Sher Bahadur Deuba, who has yet to appear in public after being attacked by protestors on September 9, has called a meeting of the party’s senior leaders to discuss the agenda for the Central Working Committee, which will convene soon. The CWC meeting is likely to clarify the party’s position on elections and the restoration of democracy.

Deuba is also expected to appoint Purna Bahadur Khadka as acting party president in response to the Zen-Z protests. Party General Secretaries Gagan Kumar Thapa and Bishwa Prakash Sharma have initiated a signature campaign demanding a special general convention of the party. However, this move is being opposed by second-tier leaders aligned with Deuba, who are attempting to block Thapa’s rise to party leadership.

Amid fears of another wave of Zen-Z protests and possible clashes with youth organizations of major political parties, the Ministry of Home Affairs has issued an appeal for dialogue and negotiation. It has urged protestors to express their agendas through civil, dignified, and peaceful means.

Meanwhile, media reports suggest that the chiefs of security agencies and the Home Minister have differing opinions on how to proceed against those involved in the killing of 19 students on September 8 and the vandalism and arson the next day. A group of Zen-Z protestors is demanding the arrest of Oli and his Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak.

According to reports, Home Minister Aryal and Prime Minister Karki are in favor of arresting the leaders, while the heads of the security agencies believe that such action could further inflame tensions. It remains unclear whether the government will leave this matter to the probe committee or take direct action.

There are still fears that potential street protests could turn violent, especially as the morale of the security forces has declined. During the September 8–9 protests, the Nepali Police were a primary target—protestors looted their weapons and vandalized offices. Media reports indicate growing misunderstandings between the Home Minister and security officials on how to handle the situation. Tensions could rise further if clashes erupt between Zen-Z groups and youth wings of political parties.

In a new development, the Election Commission (EC) is preparing to hold consultations with major political parties regarding the upcoming elections. This is expected to create a more favorable environment for conducting the elections. Earlier, the EC had faced criticism for preparing unilaterally without consulting the parties. The EC will hold talks with political leaders on October 16.

Separately, Prime Minister Sushila Karki has assured the EC that the government is ready to provide logistical support to conduct the elections. Two major parties—Nepali Congress and CPN-UML—are quietly preparing to file a case in the Supreme Court demanding the restoration of the dissolved Parliament. In the current fragile political climate, a possible court-ordered restoration of Parliament cannot be ruled out. If the case moves forward, it could impact the election environment.

Prime Minister Sushila Karki has briefed Nepali ambassadors abroad on the foreign policy priorities of her government. She instructed the ambassadors to coordinate with relevant organizations to ensure the success of the elections. “We will inform you separately and soon if we need to request special technical support from a friendly country,” said Karki.

She also mentioned that homework is underway on whether Nepali citizens temporarily living abroad can vote in the upcoming elections. In her policy paper, Karki discussed the current geopolitical situation and Nepal’s economic diplomacy. Unlike previous prime ministers, she did not emphasize that the new government’s priority is immediate neighbors India and China.

UN Resident Coordinator Hanaa Singer Hamdy met with PM Karki to reaffirm the United Nations’ strong partnership with Nepal. According to the UN Nepal office, the discussions highlighted shared priorities: credible and inclusive elections in 2026, advancing transitional justice, promoting good governance, tackling misinformation, and sustaining progress toward graduation from Least Developed Country (LDC) status. “The UN remains committed to supporting Nepal’s democratic journey and the aspirations of its people for peace, justice, and prosperity,” the office said.

In sum, it appears the government is focused on holding elections on time.

Kamal Dev Bhattarai 

Editor 

More than 14,000 inmates escaped from 28 prisons and juvenile detention centers across Nepal during the GenZ–led protests on Sept 8–9. The unprecedented prison break posed a grave security threat and prompted a nationwide manhunt to recapture the fugitives, many of whom were serving sentences for serious crimes such as rape and murder.

According to the Department of Prison Management, 8,851 escapees, including 341 juvenile detainees, have voluntarily surrendered since the incident. However, public concern remains high, as nearly 5,700 individuals are still at large.

On the day of the protests, several inmates were killed during escape attempts. Three prisoners were shot dead while trying to breach security perimeters in Ramechhap and Dhading, while five juvenile detainees died in a clash at the Naubasta Juvenile Correctional Home. Escapes were reported across the country, including Kathmandu, Lalitpur, Sunsari, Saptari, Mahottari, Rautahat, Sindhuli, Makawanpur, Rasuwa, Chitwan, Tanahun, Kaski, Parbat, Myagdi, Kapilvastu, Dang, Banke, Rukum West, Nawalparasi, Jumla, Bajhang, Kailali, Darchula, Baitadi, Dadeldhura, and Kanchanpur. Similarly, 963 juveniles escaped from correctional homes in Morang, Parsa, Bhaktapur, Makawanpur, Kaski, Rupandehi, Jayandu, Banke, and Doti.

The Ministry of Home Affairs has issued an ultimatum requiring all escapees to return by Oct 6. Those who fail to comply face additional legal charges, including escape, public endangerment, and violent conduct. “This mass escape must not be allowed to undermine the rule of law,” the ministry said in a statement.

A nationwide operation, coordinated by a special task force under the Ministry of Home Affairs, is underway to track down the remaining fugitives. The task force includes local authorities, Nepal Police, the Armed Police Force, and other security agencies. Each district has formed a dedicated team led by the Assistant Chief District Officer, with representatives from law enforcement and other relevant agencies, to locate, control, and re-arrest escapees as swiftly as possible.

“There are currently 30,646 prisoners serving sentences for various offenses in 75 prisons across 72 districts,” said Chomendra Neupane, director of the Department of Prison Management. “There are no prisons in Dhanusha, Bara, Bhaktapur, Nawalparasi East, and East Rukum.”

Neupane added that the number of returnees is gradually increasing, particularly after the Dashain festival, and that the department expects more inmates to surrender in the coming days. “If anyone has information about escaped prisoners or juveniles, they can contact the nearest police station or notify the department directly,” he said.

According to the department, some escapees have already reoffended, committing crimes such as theft and even murder. “We have found that many of those who escaped were not rehabilitated despite their time in prison,” Neupane said. “We are taking stricter measures to ensure public safety and are reinforcing law enforcement operations to make the process more effective.”

Regarding how the escapes will affect inmates’ sentences, Neupane said each case will be reviewed individually. “Some may have fled out of fear for their safety amid the chaos, while others deliberately took advantage of the situation,” he said. Prisoners who left due to credible safety concerns may be required to serve only their remaining term, whereas those who escaped without justification face extended prison sentences and new legal charges.

Authorities are currently preparing detailed reports on each case, and district police offices nationwide are conducting investigations to assess the specific circumstances of each escape. Outcomes will depend on several factors, including the severity of the original crime, behavior during incarceration, and conduct following the escape.

“In some cases, escapees may lose eligibility for parole or early release,” Neupane said. “Every situation is different, and we are working to ensure that justice is served fairly within the existing legal framework.”

The mass escape during the GenZ protests has placed significant strain on Nepal’s prison and law enforcement systems. With nearly 5,700 inmates still on the run, authorities are under mounting pressure to restore security and public trust. In the longer term, the crisis may prompt major reforms in Nepal’s prison management and security protocols, particularly concerning the treatment and supervision of juvenile detainees.

To put it bluntly, Nepal’s disaster management system is a chronic liability for the nation’s economy and development. Year after year, the same pattern repeats: infrastructure buckles under predictable monsoon pressure, commerce grinds to a halt and the government scrambles to provide the bare minimum response. From a commoner’s perspective, this is not just a humanitarian crisis; it’s a fundamental risk to growth, and public trust.

Let’s look at last week’s flood as a case study. Over 120 millimeters of rain in the Kathmandu valley, and what happens? The Bagmati river overflows, settlements get submerged and thousands of travelers get stuck. Major roads, the arteries of trade and mobility, are paralyzed. The cascading impact on businesses, logistics and supply chains is enormous. Missed deliveries, spoiled goods, delayed projects: these translate directly into lost revenue.

The government’s response? Only warnings and temporary road closures. That’s risk mitigation at its most reactive, not proactive. This signals a systemic weakness. If the capital city can’t guarantee basic resilience for its infrastructure, what does that say to entrepreneurs or multinationals considering Nepal as a regional hub? It’s not just embarrassing; it’s a red flag.

What’s truly troubling is that none of this was unforeseen. Meteorological departments both local and international had issued alerts. Risk maps were available. The knowledge was there, but execution was absent. In the private sector, such a disconnect between planning and action would be deemed operational failure. Heads would roll. In the government, it’s business as usual, and that’s a problem.

The root cause isn’t the rain or the rivers or even climate change in isolation; it’s governance. Subpar infrastructure isn’t a quirk of nature; it’s the result of weak regulations, poor enforcement and a culture of shortcuts. When roads collapse or bridges fail, it’s often because substandard materials were used, inspections were skipped or contracts were awarded based on connections rather than competency. This is inefficiency that costs lives but also eats into GDP.

Every broken bridge or flooded market is a direct hit not only to the public purse, but to the broader economy. Taxpayer money gets funneled into rebuilding the same structures year after year, a recurring expense with no strategic return. Meanwhile, the opportunity cost is massive: funds that could go into education, healthcare, technology or even modernizing infrastructure are instead funneled into endless repairs.

And the cycle is disturbingly predictable. Disaster strikes, there’s a flurry of aid, some short-term fixes, and then the urgency fades. Budgets shift elsewhere, reports are filed and forgotten, and nothing really changes before the next crisis. This isn’t just bureaucratic inertia; it’s a structural risk that anyone would flag immediately. You can’t build a future on such shaky ground.

As climate volatility makes weather patterns more extreme and unpredictable, designing for “average conditions” is a recipe for failure. For Nepal to position itself as a viable market, it must engineer infrastructure to withstand not just the probable, but the possible. This means higher upfront costs, yes, but also far greater long-term returns and resilience.

Unplanned construction along rivers and unstable slopes is no longer a public safety issue; it’s a long-term occupational risk. Relocation of vulnerable communities should be done with foresight and dignity, not as a panicked reaction when disaster hits. Every major development project must include a robust climate risk assessment as part of due diligence. To ignore this is, quite literally, to invite future losses.

Accountability remains the missing ingredient. Nepal’s disaster agencies are good at issuing warnings but poor at delivering results. Coordination is weak, resources are stretched and responsibility is diffuse. In the private sector, a failure to deliver on risk management would mean restructuring, tighter oversight and clear consequences. The public sector must adopt a similar approach if it wants to foster sustainable growth and protect both lives and livelihoods.

This endless loop of crisis and neglect is not just unsustainable; it’s a major drag on competitiveness. It normalizes inefficiency, stifles innovation and discourages the kind of long-term planning that underpins successful economies. 

Why do the same roads collapse every year? Why does reconstruction always cost more than prevention? 

These are some of the questions the government must address, without further delay.

Accepting this as normal guarantees the same losses, year after year. If Nepal wants to break the cycle, disaster management must become a strategic priority, not an afterthought. This means investing in maintenance, building up local response capabilities, keeping risk maps updated and ensuring seamless coordination between agencies.

Relief efforts can only do so much; they’re a band-aid on a festering wound. True preparedness, the kind that saves lives and preserves economic stability, starts long before the rain begins to fall. Every failed bridge, every flooded street, every preventable tragedy should be a catalyst for investigation and reform, not just another line item in next year’s budget. Nepal can no longer afford to treat disaster management as a seasonal inconvenience. It’s a catastrophic risk and the cost of inaction is mounting.

The author is an engineer and certified project management professional advocating for enhancing project management practices in Nepal