Soft power dimensions of Nepal-India ties

Power is not a simple concept as we may have thought, there are many types of power and there are many competing theories of power. A famous American political scientist, Joseph Nye, differentiates between two types of power, hard and soft power. Eventually, Nye introduces smart power as the ‘balance of hard and soft power. According to him, ‘soft power’ is the ability to get ‘others to want the outcomes that you want’, and more particularly ‘the ability to achieve goals through attraction rather than coercion’. There are three measures of soft power: Familiarity, reputation and influence. Culture, diplomacy, education, business/innovation and government are the elements that help assess the soft power of countries. This article looks at the soft power of India and Nepal and its role in shaping bilateral relations.

India’s soft power in Nepal

India is the fourth most powerful country in Asia pursuing a regional leadership role in South Asia. The influential role it has nurtured over the decade can be a game-changer for the region. In keeping with a changing world, India has used different bilateral and multilateral strategies to navigate the region toward a well-balanced future of prosperity and peace. In the 1990s, India started embracing a friendly policy toward its neighbors and projecting ‘soft power’ in the neighborhood. India’s soft power has traditionally been characterized by diversity. Historical accounts tell us that a prosperous India has drawn migrants, brokers and raiders like ‘Alexander the Great’. Its soft power has spread over millennia through a culture of secularism, liberalism and inclusiveness.

After Narendra Modi’s emergence as the Prime Minister of India in 2014, India has invested substantial resources in building up its soft power. We can say India has been more innovative in using its soft power since then. Bollywood, education, space diplomacy and diaspora are major sources of India’s soft power in Nepal along with our common heritages like Yog and Ayurved.  Globally also, India has been pushing Yog and Ayurved as a major source of its soft power quite successfully. Nepal can reap benefits from this initiative while enhancing bilateral relations. Giving continuity to a science in practice for ages, Modi is showing the world how to practice Yog. Nepal has also organized a series of Yog initiatives in the country of late.

India and Nepal share an open border, people from both sides can move easily, get married and settle down. The two countries have a large number of people, who are adherents of Hinduism and Buddhism. Thus, diaspora and religion are another most influential aspect of soft power. Moreover, religious tourism is the unsurpassed tool of soft power between Nepal and India.

Thousands of Nepali students go to India every year for higher education, especially in the field of medicine and engineering. Every year, India provides around 3,000 scholarships to Nepali students for various academic degrees like PhD, Master’s and Bachelor’s. India’s contribution to the growth of human resources in Nepal has been a key aspect of bilateral collaboration. Indian educational institutions springing up across Nepal are expected to contribute to bilateral ties by bolstering educational infrastructure of Nepal. 

A significant number of Nepalis visit India every year to avail themselves of better medical facilities. India has provided medical support to Nepal during natural disasters and health emergencies. Thus, health and education can be seen as another major source of India’s soft power in Nepal.

There is a huge interest in Indian music, cinema and television serials in Nepal. Many artists and professionals visit our two countries, enhancing the bond of friendship. 

Apart from this, Gurkha regiments have played a role in bolstering India’s defenses and the movie titled ‘Sam Bahadur’, based on the life of Field Marshal Sam Manekshaw, is expected to shine a light on the contributions of Gurkha soldiers from Nepal to India’s defense and security.

Nepal’s soft power in India

Nepal has already established itself as a benevolent country on the world stage, which further strengthens its resolve to identify and pursue soft power. Some of the most notable and recurring themes of soft power that Nepal possesses are tourism, Ayurved, the Gurkha Regiments, Himalayas and Buddhism. This abode of peace—the birthplace of Gautam Buddha and Tapobhumi of Rishis and Munis—has been able to generate a lot of goodwill from around the world. 

A source of soft power for Nepal, the Gurkha soldiers become a formidable power for India when they become part of its defense capabilities. However, the newly-introduced Agnipath scheme has rendered Gurkha recruitments from Nepal uncertain.

Conclusion

Soft power projection can be a means to enhance Nepal-India relations. 

For India, increasing scholarship quotas for Nepali students and funding for Nepali educational institutions can be an effective way to project soft power in Nepal.   

Shooting of Bollywood movies in beautiful locations of Nepal can bring us revenues (also in the form of increased tourist arrivals from India), while also benefiting the Bollywood film industry by bringing down production costs.   

Religious-spiritual destinations like Pasupatinath, Muktinath, Janaki Mandir and Lumbini (Nepal) as well as Hardwar, Varanasi and Tirupati (India) draw lakhs of pilgrims from the two countries every year, holding a great economic potential. 

Home to a variety of herbs used in Ayurved for centuries, Nepal can also be an ideal location for hosting Yog conventions and retreats. The recent landing of Chandrayaan-3 into the Moon, which made India the fourth country to successfully land on the Moon, and the first to do so near the lunar south pole, has increased India’s soft power tremendously. India’s plans like the development of a satellite for SAARC member-states are likely to enhance its soft power in the neighborhood and beyond.

Lighting oil lamps: A sacred ritual (Photo Feature)

There’s something extremely calming about lighting oil lamps, especially in the serene environment of a religious space. Watching others light the wick is also quite comforting. It’s something I find solace in whenever I feel overwhelmed.

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Butter lamps, commonly found around stupas, hold cultural and religious significance in various Buddhist traditions. They symbolize dispelling darkness and ignorance and represent the light of wisdom. Devotees often offer butter lamps as a form of prayer and to generate positive karma.

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Recently, I talked to an elderly woman, Chhiring Sherpa, at Boudhanath in Kathmandu. She was lighting oil lamps in memory of her late husband. It was a way for her to remember the good times they shared and offer prayers for his well-being in the afterlife.

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In front of the Boudha stupa, someone was readying the materials needed to make the lamps. There was butter (ghee), and cotton wicks with a thin bamboo stick inside them to hold the flame in place. The butter is made from pine trees and is melted into liquid form in a big container and then poured into lamps. After the lamp is burned, workers use prayer flags tied at the stupa for cleaning purposes.

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Every day thousands of butter lamps are lit at this place. The price of a single oil lamp ranges from Rs 15 to Rs 15000. The most expensive lamp can be lit for almost a month. The culture of lighting oil lamps has existed for centuries. People today still have faith that lighting oil lamps brings harmony and that all their prayers will be answered.

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Nepal’s diplomacy: A look back at 2023 and prospects for 2024

As 2023 draws to a close, ApEx looks back at how Nepal conducted its foreign policy and what it looks like in 2024. Unlike in the years prior, Nepal had a rather smooth relationship with major powers—US, China and India—in 2023. This was largely because Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal made it a point to not raise the long-standing issues with these countries. Though the CPN (Maoist Center) and its primary ruling ally Nepali Congress have different outlooks on foreign policy, there were no serious disagreements when it came to the conduct of foreign policy.

Dahal, who came to power at the end of 2022, paid official visits to India and China, and attended the 78th United Nations General Assembly in the US, where he engaged with several world leaders. Amid these engagements, Nepal faced new challenges, such as the tragic Hamas attack that claimed the lives of 10 Nepali students, with one still held hostage. Additionally, Russia recruited Nepali nationals into its army, placing them at the forefront of the conflict with Ukraine.

But overall, Nepal’s bilateral engagements in the year 2023, particularly concerning the US, India and China, were smooth. Reciprocally, all three countries engaged with Nepal through exchanges of the visits at different levels. 

Throughout the year, the US sent its high-level officials to engage with the Nepal government as well as a wide section of Nepali society. Similarly, Chinese officials mainly from the Communist Party of China visited Kathmandu. China also invited scores of Nepali leaders and people from diverse fields to participate in various events. With India, the Dahal administration adopted a cautious approach. During his India trip in May, he steered clear from raising crucial issues such as border dispute, Eminent Persons’ Group report, and the 1950 treaty with his counterpart Narendra Modi. Instead, the prime minister focused on development cooperation, primarily on the energy sector.

India has agreed to buy electricity from Nepal as well as allow energy export to Bangladesh. The three countries are working on regional energy cooperation. 

“The relationship between the two countries has gathered momentum, mainly in the areas of energy trade, connectivity and security,” said an Indian official. 

One of the landmark achievements of the Nepal-US cooperation was the formal implementation of projects related to the construction of transmission lines and road upgradation under the US’ Millennium Corporation Challenge (MCC) program. The US extensively engaged with the Nepal government to make this happen, because even after the parliamentary endorsement of the MCC Nepal Compact, there were suspicions about smooth project implementation, mainly due to China’s objection.

There are still doubts regarding timely completion of the MCC projects due to technical and bureaucratic hurdles, and the US has said that there should be discussions in Washington about possible extension of the project deadlines. 

The US also pledged to further assist Nepal through development cooperation and investments in a meeting held between Foreign Minister Narayan Prakash Saud and the US Secretary of State Antony Blinken. As the US is advancing its influence in the Indo-Pacific region, it is in its interest to engage more with Nepal, which is strategically located between China and India. Advancing democracy everywhere is one of the key aspects of the Biden administration’s foreign policy, so the US is engaging with Nepal on this front as well.

According to US officials, though Nepal’s democracy is a beacon for the entire South Asia, failure to make progress on the economic front may put it in jeopardy. Washington wants to advance economic cooperation to support the democratic process. 

During Minister Saud’s visit to the US, American officials showed renewed interest in Nepal’s tourism, agriculture, and health sectors.

In China, there are more optics than real substances. During the prime ministership of Sher Bahadur Deuba of the Nepali Congress, the level of trust in the bilateral relationship between Nepal and China had reached a low point. Dahal’s ascendance to power helped mitigate the environment of mistrust, as Beijing naturally feels more comfortable with a communist prime minister in Nepal.

During his trip to China, Prime Minister Dahal did not raise some issues that Beijing perceives as sensitive, including alleged border encroachment. He went a step ahead by agreeing that Nepal opposes Taiwan’s independence and the one-China principle to convince Beijing that he is serious about China’s security interests.  

China had some high expectations with the Dahal government, such as clear progress in the Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI) and endorsement of its Global Security Initiatives (GSI), but Dahal—despite appreciating GSI in private talks with Beijing officials—did not sign any agreement on those issues. Dahal may have pledged to make some progress on BRI in the future but it depends on how his relationship evolves with New Delhi and Beijing. 

“The prime minister did not make progress on BRI because he believed it would upset New Delhi and Washington,” said a government official.

Besides bilateral engagement, PM Dahal also engaged in some multilateral forums such as COP28 in Dubai and the United Nations General Assembly in the US. The primary focus of Dahal was the impacts of climate change in the Himalayas and resolving the transitional justice process.

Looking ahead to 2024, all three countries will continue their engagement with Nepal, though India and the US will be preoccupied with national elections. Uncertainties loom in the US, with speculations about Donald Trump's potential return. Nepal’s relations with these countries will hinge on major-power dynamics, with ongoing debates about whether Nepal should abandon its non-alignment policy amid growing global geopolitical tensions. This debate is likely to intensify as big countries vie for Nepal’s alignment in their orbits.

Editorial: Ramp up diplomatic efforts

Minister for Foreign Affairs Narayan Prakash Saud recently disclosed that over 200 Nepalis are serving in the Russian Army. Russia is recruiting Nepali nationals to increase its military strength in its war with Ukraine without sharing any official information with the Nepali government.

On the basis of complaints from concerned families, Minister Saud revealed that around 100 Nepalis remain unaccounted for, and several others are injured. The government has written to Moscow, requesting assistance in ascertaining the number of Nepalis involved in the war, stopping the recruitment of Nepalis in its military, and facilitating the repatriation of the deceased.

Although the two countries have a cordial relationship, Moscow is yet to respond to these urgent requests. Given the gravity of the situation, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs must intensify diplomatic efforts to ensure the well-being and safe return of Nepali citizens in Russia. If bilateral efforts prove insufficient, Nepal should consider seeking the support of influential nations such as China, India and the United States for the repatriation of Nepalis there. Nepal can approach the European Union and the US for the release of Nepali citizens taken hostage in Ukraine. The government, however, has yet to reach out to these countries for assistance.

While Russia expresses a desire for continued engagement with Kathmandu, its failure to respond to Nepal’s legitimate concerns regarding the welfare of its citizens abroad is disconcerting. Moscow must recognize the urgency of the situation and respond as soon as possible.