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For more than 20 years, the only Living Planet found thus far in a vast universe has been celebrating the World Environment Day on June 5 to draw the attention of humanity toward pressing environmental concerns. This time, the world is celebrating the big day under the auspices of the United Nations Environment Program with a very relevant theme: #BeatPlasticPollution. The Republic of Korea (RoK) is hosting the global celebrations geared toward ending plastic pollution, not an easy undertaking (to say the least), given a pervasive use of plastics in our lives.

The World Environment Day 2025 states in its homepage: For decades, plastic pollution has seeped into every corner of the world, leaching into the water we drink, into the food we eat, and our bodies. While plastic pollution is a major concern, it is also one of the most fixable of today’s environmental challenges, with some obvious solutions at hand.

Together with the UNEP, this year’s celebrations will spotlight the growing scientific evidence on the impacts of plastic pollution and drive momentum to refuse, reduce, reuse, recycle and rethink (4Rs) plastics use, apart from reinforcing the global commitment made in 2022 to end plastic pollution through a global plastic pollution treaty.

Plastic pollution is a key factor behind three major crises facing life on Earth: the crisis of climate change, the crisis of nature, land and biodiversity loss, and the crisis of pollution and waste. An estimated 11m tonnes of plastic waste leak into aquatic ecosystems each year, while microplastics accumulate in the soil from sewage and landfills, due to the use of plastics in agricultural products. The annual social and environmental cost of plastic pollution ranges from $300-$600bn.

While Nepal has a very nominal pollution footprint compared to global economic powerhouses, plastic pollution is becoming increasingly visible in our daily lives. As our water bodies, sewage systems, forests and even our streets show, plastic pollution is emerging as an all-pervasive problem, contaminating the air we breathe, the water we drink and the food we partake, with severe consequences not only for us but for the entire living planet.   

As a famous quote goes: If you are not part of the solution, then you are part of the problem. While celebrating the big day with the rest of humanity, let us not forget that the onus is also on us to end plastic pollution. Together, we can beat plastic pollution—and all other forms of pollution—and we must, for there’s no other living planet in this vast universe. 

With dwindling public support and growing divisions within the movement, the pro-monarchy protests appear to have weakened for now. On May 29, a royalist faction led by Panchayat-era veteran Navaraj Subedi announced an indefinite strike, but it failed to sustain even a week.

While the first day saw a sizable turnout, participation gradually declined, forcing the Subedi-led group to shift tactics—moving protests from Kathmandu to municipalities. From the outset, royalist forces projected unity, but internal rifts have now surfaced. Tensions escalated between the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), a key royalist faction with 14 parliamentary seats, and Subedi’s panel after the latter unilaterally called for a banda (nationwide strike) without consulting the RPP. The strike was later withdrawn, but the RPP faced criticism for resorting to a tactic most political parties have abandoned.

Since the movement began in March, many RPP leaders were displeased when former King Gyanendra Shah secretly formed the Subedi-led panel to push for his reinstatement. Initially, RPP Chairperson Rajendra Lingden and RPP-Nepal Chairperson Kamal Thapa refused to join, but after pressure from royalist factions, they reluctantly participated and even directed party cadres to support the protests. Many RPP leaders saw this as an attempt to undermine their party’s leadership, further deepening internal divisions.

The first major protest this year took place on March 28 in Kathmandu, preceded by a crowd of around 10,000 welcoming Gyanendra at the airport upon his return from Pokhara. The March 28 rally, led by controversial businessman Durga Prasai, exposed further cracks in the RPP. Senior leaders Rabindra Mishra and Dhawal Shumsher Rana defied the party’s official stance and joined the protest, and now they face legal cases for allegedly inciting violence.

Gyanendra later managed to bring Lingden, Thapa and 45 smaller Hindu nationalist groups under Subedi’s committee. Over the past months, he met numerous pro-monarchy figures to rally support but resisted building the movement under the RPP’s leadership—despite its parliamentary presence. On May 27, two days before the strike, Gyanendra hosted a meeting with RPP leaders, yet his approach reportedly alienated many. Sources say he dismissed the RPP’s influence, claiming people rallied for him, not the party. His unrealistic optimism about reclaiming the throne and his dismissive attitude toward political leaders further strained relations.

The ruling CPN-UML and Maoist Center have countered the royalist movement through rhetoric and occasional force, while the Nepali Congress (NC) initially dismissed it. However, NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba recently acknowledged the need to take the royalists seriously as they adopt a more systematic approach.

Meanwhile, unrelated protests erupted this week as transport syndicates struck against Gandaki Province’s proposed ride-sharing laws—a sign of the government’s inability to reform Nepal’s dysfunctional public transport sector, long plagued by political patronage.

Two dozen civil society organizations have warned that Nepal’s transitional justice process faces a legitimacy crisis due to inadequate consultations. Recent appointments to key commissions have drawn skepticism, with critics and the international community questioning their credibility.

Former President Bidya Devi Bhandari returned from a 10-day China visit, where she met senior Communist Party officials. Her trip followed increased political activity, including provincial tours and overt ambitions to lead the CPN-UML—ignoring criticism that ex-presidents should avoid partisan politics. Her delegation included UML figures distancing themselves from Prime Minister KP Oli, signaling internal rifts.

Opposition leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal, once vocal about toppling the government, has turned focus to party-building—though his aides still engage with NC leaders on potential government changes. Meanwhile, NC leaders Shekhar Koirala and Gagan Thapa, both vying for the party presidency, privately agree on preventing Deuba from returning as PM and holding timely conventions—yet lack the numbers to challenge him.

As monsoon arrives 10 days early, fears of floods and landslides loom. Last year’s poor disaster response eroded public trust, and with damaged highways still unrepaired, concerns persist. Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak claims preparedness, but given the state’s limited capacity, skepticism remains. Another weak response could further undermine government legitimacy.

A corruption case has been filed against former Prime Minister and CPN (Unified Socialist) Chairperson Madhav Kumar Nepal in connection with the controversial land deal involving Patanjali Yogpeeth. The Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) on Thursday filed the case at the Special Court against Nepal and several other individuals implicated in the alleged misappropriation of land.

With this, his parliamentary position has been automatically suspended. For the first time in Nepal’s history, a corruption case has been filed against a former prime minister. Notably, this is the first time a corruption case has been pursued over a Cabinet decision.

Nepal has been implicated along with 93 others. The case against Nepal demands a fine and punishment, with a claim for damages amounting to Rs 185.85m. For the other defendants, the claimed damage amounts vary.

The charges stem from a Cabinet decision made during Madhav Kumar Nepal’s tenure as Prime Minister, which granted Patanjali Yogpeeth a special permission to purchase 815 ropani of land in Bancha village of Kavrepalanchok district. Patanjali, a prominent Indian organization known for promoting Ayurvedic medicine, had registered a subsidiary in Nepal in 2007 with plans to build a hospital, herbal farm and educational facilities.

Under Nepal’s land ceiling laws, private companies are generally barred from owning such large tracts of land. However, the Cabinet, led by Nepal at the time, granted Patanjali an exemption on the condition that the land would be used exclusively for medicinal and educational purposes. Investigations revealed that Patanjali began selling parts of the acquired land soon after the purchase—some reportedly within months—violating the Land Act of 1964, which explicitly prohibits the sale of land obtained under such special exemptions.

The Cabinet decision had also specified that any funds from the sale of such land must be reinvested into acquiring other land for the same purpose, a condition Patanjali allegedly ignored. CIAA’s case accuses the defendants of abusing authority, violating existing land laws and causing financial loss to the state by facilitating and failing to prevent the illegal transfer and sale of land. 

Meanwhile, Nepal has said that he did nothing wrong in the Patanjali land case. He said that if there were any irregularities, they might have been committed by government employees. “I never even imagined that something like that could happen in an institution like Patanjali,” he said. “If there were any irregularities or mismanagement in the land acquisition process, it must have been done by staff. I had no involvement.” He said he made the decision to provide land to Patanjali with the intention of promoting public health in Nepal.

“I can’t speak much without fully understanding how and where loopholes were created, or whether anyone deliberately left gaps. But I did nothing wrong on my part—it wasn’t even in my mind,” he added. Nepal said he is not afraid just because a case has been filed, as he has never engaged in wrongdoing. “To be afraid, one must have done something wrong. I haven’t done anything inappropriate, nor do I support any inappropriate activities,” he said.

Nepal also accused Prime Minister KP Oli of being against him from the very beginning. “To speak plainly, KP Oli has been targeting me from the start. His intention is to end my political career,” he said. “He has tried multiple times in the past. He is someone who acts out of a sense of revenge.”

While the case was filed, he was in his home district Rautahat and he arrived in Kathmandu later in the evening. He has said that he will consult with legal experts and then publicly share a more detailed response.

The government has made it mandatory for both buyers and sellers to provide bank statements and complete Know Your Customer (KYC) forms before property deeds can be registered. According to the Directive on the Prevention of Money Laundering and Financing of Terrorist Activities, 2025, issued by the Department of Land Management and Records (DoLMR) under the  Ministry of Land Management, Cooperatives, and Poverty Alleviation, all real estate transactions must include bank statements verifying that funds have been transferred from the buyer’s account to the seller’s account. 

The move is aimed at strengthening anti-money laundering measures and removing Nepal from the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) gray list. The FATF Plenary held in February placed Nepal on its ‘gray list’ due to concerns about the country’s anti-money laundering (AML) and counter-terrorism financing (CFT) measures, particularly in high-risk sectors like real estate and cooperatives. The finance ministry is implementing plans to remove Nepal from the gray list.

Likewise, all land and property transactions exceeding Rs 30m in a single day must now be reported to the Financial Information Unit (FIU) of the Nepal Rastra Bank (NRB). Land revenue offices will also have to report suspicious transactions to the FIU. The directive was issued as per Section 7 (2) of the Anti-Money Laundering Act, 2008. As per the Act, the DoLMA is the regulating agency for the real estate sector. 

The DoLMA has issued a circular to all land revenue and land reform offices to enforce these measures immediately. As per the directive, any land and housing transactions between Rs 1m to Rs 5m  must be conducted through banking or digital payment systems, while those exceeding Rs 5m must use electronic payments or ‘good for payment’ checks issued directly in the seller’s name.

Additionally, for offices equipped to collect revenue through banks, registration fees and charges for transactions above Rs 1m must be paid from the buyer’s account, while capital gains tax must be deposited from the seller’s account into designated government revenue accounts. The ministry believes these measures will curb money laundering, ensure accurate transaction records, prevent tax evasion, reduce corruption in land revenue offices and promote transparency in Nepal’s economic system. 

In the first nine months of fiscal year 2024/25, Nepal saw a total of 380,175 land and housing transactions. The government mobilized Rs 33.2bn in revenue from these transactions.