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Arundhati Roy goes:Another world is not only possible, she is on her way. On a quiet day, I can hear her breathing. 

Social movements usually rely on collective imagination to claim that “another world is possible”. For the people involved in social and political movements, this “another world” is imagined as a just, fair, and equitable society, where everything is orderly and harmonious. The same idea I found while talking to a couple of GenZ during their recent demonstration against corruption, misgovernance and social media ban in Nepal.

Nepal has witnessed multiple social movements aiming toward a collective desire to sustain democratic values, freedom, equality, social justice and accountability. The people’s movement of 1990 ended the absolute monarchy and established a constitutional monarchy, whereas the popular movement of 2006 dethroned the monarch and established constitutional supremacy. These movements drifted the nation away from authoritarian control and toward self-determination and freedom.

However, despite these uprisings, Nepal has not got the corruption-free and just society that the citizens fought for. When one regime fails, another adopts the same old system instead of dismantling the corrupt system. Many leaders who rose from the movements later became a part of the institution, where the ideals of justice got absorbed into party politics. One prime example is the leaders of the Maoist revolution, who joined mainstream politics after the 2006 movement and eventually became enmeshed in political power struggles by forgetting the ethos of the revolution.

Despite the re-imagination of a corruption-free society, Nepal got caught in a downward spiral because Nepali politics has long run on corruption. When the political ideals enter the political realm, they encounter power hierarchies and systemic corruption. The collective dream of an ideal state cannot survive the messiness of governance. Corruption or inequality isn’t just in “bad leaders”—it’s embedded in political and economic systems, social hierarchies and even thought processes. It is because human behavior, vested interests, and cultural norms are tied to the very injustices they want to change. 

Another reason why corruption thrives in Nepal is because the supposed opposition is nothing more than the government’s shadow. There is an absence of genuine opposition. Instead of holding the government accountable, the opposition has colluded in the same practices, which leaves no real voice for the checks and balances essential for a healthy democracy.

Social movements, then, act as critical mirrors of society. They show what is intolerable, highlight the problems in the existing society and demand something radically different. These movements turn imagination into political energy and invite society to re-imagine itself. Moreover, they help people imagine a better world together and take action to make it happen. Yet, justice and corruption-free governance are not single-issue goals. They require transformation at several levels—economic, cultural, political and personal. Different movements emerge to tackle different angles of this complex problem.

When the political ideals of the 2006 movement failed, Nepali youths began questioning the lifestyles of politicians’ children. Their brandishment of wealth and an elevated lifestyle, while commoners were forced to migrate to other countries in the Gulf and beyond for meager earnings, were intolerable. The country ran on remittance, and the citizens struggled for a decent life with basic education, health and other services. In such a situation, seeing the children of politicians living a lavish lifestyle agitated the masses. Using social media as a liberal platform, #Nepobaby and #Nepokid started trending. The ban imposed on social media added fuel to the fire, paving the way for the protest to move from digital platforms to the streets. The death of 19 young people on Aug 25 escalated the protest. In the aftermath of the protest, the buildings of all three bodies of the government—legislative, executive and judicial—turned into ashes and Nepal got its first female prime minister.

Even after the appointment of a new prime minister, the struggle towards a corruption-free state is far from over. It is just a stepping stone. Prime Minister Sushila Karki, a former Chief Justice, has many challenges to tackle. To uproot corruption is not an easy task, as corruption isn’t only a top-level problem—it has normalized into everyday practices such as bribes for jobs, favors in bureaucracy and informal payments.

Despite multiple movements emerging for the same end, a corruption-free state remains elusive. As a result, the same “end” is pursued repeatedly—it is never final, but always in process. The “failure” is actually a part of the utopian condition. Ruth Levitas calls utopia a method: it continually critiques, imagines and pushes boundaries, but does not deliver a once-and-for-all solution.

The necessity of multiple movements shows that utopia is alive—it keeps re-emerging wherever injustice persists. Nepal may not achieve its dream of an ideal corruption-free nation anytime soon. But the repeated protests, movements and revolutions are democratic processes that keep the possibility of achieving that end alive. That utopian dream remains somewhere out there on the horizon. For now, the achievement of movements like this lies in realizing democratic values and unifying voices against injustice. It reminds us that the citizens are the watchdogs and protectors of democracy.

The Nepali nationals are gradually breathing composed following a harsh national grief in this past week. Perhaps, no rational being would deny that the ill-intention of killing, burning, and looting in the name of change can never be a sensible vision. Even though change is not possible without revolution, yet every upheaval has minimum ethical limitations. The killings and destructions that took place in this revolt are not less than in a cruel war, going beyond the law of warfare. No patriotic national can make the nation suffer to that extent as the country has grieved. 

Amid a very chaotic situation in the country, the sensible role played by the Nepali Army is highly commendable. The national army has not only been a part of domestic peace and stability, but also that of the UN peace keeping mission since long. This institution has played a very patriotic role in restoring order in most difficult times in various courses of history. 

The utilitarian role played by the young dissenters in the post-revolt state is equally intelligible as they have strongly underscored the egalitarian values, stimulus of global geopolitics and sensibility of national security and sovereignty. The nature of the this revolution, however, is completely different than in the past, whereas the young protesters have openly claimed that their mission is just to “clean up” the prevailing “corruption”, “favoritism” and “impunity”, rather not to “finish off” the national institutions, democratic values and essence of pluralism. 

The “shadowy forces” must have been ill-intended to “fish in the muddy water” under their said mission—“system change”, claim some protestors who call themselves as the “real” protestor. The general public, to some extent, can accept as true their saying as they have not yet shown any greed for power or position following the revolt. Instead, some are already engaged in a “cleanup mission”. They are expected to be involved in the “rebuilding mission”, next.  While the nation needs massive reforms—from politics to bureaucracy to governance to education, all the young minds, irrespective of political inclination, should voluntarily be involved in “mission nation building” with an immense sense of patriotic morality. 

The hidden coward-interest of some criminal minds, indeed, will gradually be revealed in due course of time, yet many have already noticed them. The history will bring these cowardly individuals to justice and castigate each perfidious based on the degree of respective culpability. Amid national chaos, some so-called representatives emotionally fueled the young protestors with an ill-prospect of rewriting the constitution or transforming the liberal democratic system, which is a very immature and childish vision in contemporary politics. Writing a new constitution is not something like writing a poignant social media post just to amass gigantic likes or comments under the shrewd political stunt. Attaining political stability may not be so easy or smooth if the nation is forced to enter into the state of disorder and lawlessness. 

Every nation should be aware that some foreign political predators could play a vulturine role to influence the nation greater than it has witnessed previously. Thus, with patience, perseverance and prudence, the general voters should elect leaders or representatives having prudent vision and sensible prospects along with immense sense of patriotic morality, spirited civility, emotional maturity, and perceptual stability in the general election ahead. Meanwhile, nobody should undermine the rational role played by the political parties in the history of the Nepali democratic movement. No democracy can sustain without functioning political parties. 

The existing political parties, however, must accept that they have accomplished a “lesson” and also won in the sense that they are getting another chance to rebuild their image, take part in electoral process, win the heart of the general public and come back to serve the nation with a prudent intention. They have to safeguard the nation, national institutions, democratic values, rule of law, sovereignty and territorial integrity as always. 

The political parties, particularly those ardently believe in liberal democracy and pluralism, need to rethink on transforming themselves and, of course, the nation. If the election could not happen on the scheduled date at a time when there is no functioning parliament, the interim government could be liable to enforce national emergency by prolonging its power and presence. This could further induce greater chaos and uncertainty in the country, leading the egalitarian values in a greater peril. Thus, all the stakeholders of the nation—the political parties, bureaucrats, media and the general voters—need to be pragmatic, both by thinking and acting at this moment. 

The national parties and their leaders have additional opportunity to prove themselves as an icon of society, while their every role has to depict a real-sense of integration, social harmony, development prospects, accountability, stability, innovation, and nation building while delivering moral politics. The government or leaders come and go, but the nation and institutions remain forever. So, every responsible politician has a duty to enhance a nation’s sovereign dignity, irrespective of one’s politics or emotions. They must realize the core personality of the nation, nationals and corresponding soft potentials, and together attempt in preserving nation and national interest. 

Considering the country’s sensitive geo-location and super-sensitive global geopolitics, every nation should act with immense sense of patriotic morality and pragmatic prophecy. Every patriotic national has specific responsibility to safeguard the nation, national integrity, law and order, egalitarian values, socio-emotional cohesiveness, socio-national spirit, and the age-old legacy of the nation.

The political leaders should now be groomed with an utmost sense of political morality and culture. The past trend of mistrust, dishonesty and “finishing off” the opponents should now be transformed into collaboration and collectivism. To deliver ‘moral politics’ and move ahead towards socialism, they need to be equipped with a finely tuned sense of emotional and political intelligence. Democracy should not be understood or practiced only as “democracy of politics”, instead, it should be exercised as “politics of morality”. 

Politics, diplomacy and state of affairs need enormous patience, perseverance, peace, prudence, civility and ‘state of mind’ as essential governing attributes. While politics is not only about delivering aggression, incivility and viciousness; it is also about consolidating national accord, promoting national values, articulating a sense of belongingness, and inducing socio-emotional cohesiveness among the nationals. Thus, politics has to be a form of civilization where its stakeholders should work responsible for the greater goodness of people, society, nation, the planet and humankind. Essentially, the politics require immense sense of morality, pragmatism, patriotism, nationalism along with a ‘finely tuned’ sense of emotive intelligence that could play a prudent role in constructing dignified national identity, which would help uphold stately international relations. 

Yet the crucial concern is: How can the country make a marvelous headway—both politically and economically—amid the existing ferociousness? How can the country function efficiently and meticulously? Answering these two questions is key to identifying the systems—both political and bureaucratic—that the country should adopt to accomplish a prospective triumph.

The country has to massively invest in technology, innovation, infrastructure, research and development and wisely capitalize on 'soft powers’ and internal values including culture, civilization, morale, education, history, demography and geography. In effect, a very strict entry standards need to be set into both political and bureaucratic systems along with a sharp focus on building a robust system that could be rooted in a strong academic background, resilient public services, disciplined and systematic working habits, public civility, spiritual vitality, and an immense sense of patriotic morality.

Accordingly, the country needs to aspire to catch up the international development indicators—such as economic competitiveness, political stability, diplomatic influence, social integrity, quality of life, academic recognition, scientific and technological innovation, tech and data sovereignty, public services, and foreign policy. These international metrics can be achieved only when the vision and philosophy are turned into reality with pragmatic policy and action. Essentially, it is high time to be passionate enough to adjust and grasp the pace of transformation—both within and outside—and aspire to thrive by cooperating with the international community, particularly with development partners, including those in close proximity. 

Nepal has once again plunged into a major crisis after the violent GenZ uprising that led to the collapse of the KP Sharma Oli government. 

To address the demands of protestors, a civilian government led by former Chief Justice Sushila Karki has been formed. Although the constitution does not provide for appointing a prime minister outside the legislature, President Ramchandra Paudel invoked his “inherent authority” as the protector of the constitution, citing the abnormal and complex political situation that followed the protests of Sept 8 and 9.

Prime Minister Karki has set March 5 next year as the date for national elections. However, top leaders of the major parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center)—are still under the protection of the Nepali Army and have yet to issue official statements on the polls.

The parties have opposed the government’s decision to dissolve Parliament without first ensuring conditions for free, fair and credible elections. Their initial reactions prompted President Paudel to issue a statement on Sept 13 urging the parties to calm public anger and prepare for elections. He has been credited with finding a “constitutional solution” while averting attempts to dismantle the republic and revive either monarchy or military rule.

For the parties, the only real option is to participate in the March 5 elections. Failure to do so would push the country into further instability, as the interim government will lose its legitimacy after six months. Some parties may push instead for restoring Parliament and forming a new government from within it to oversee elections.

Concerns also loom over whether the Supreme Court may invalidate Karki’s appointment and the dissolution of Parliament. The constitutional foundation of the current government is weak, and precedent is mixed: in 2020 and 2021, the court restored Parliament after Oli’s dissolutions, ruling that it could not be dissolved before completing its full term. Yet, some argue that the Court might uphold Karki’s appointment under the principle of necessity and in light of the President’s intervention during a volatile crisis.

Even if the court allows it, the larger challenge is whether the interim government can create an environment for free and fair elections. It has announced the formation of a high-level judicial commission to investigate killings, destruction of property, and human rights violations during the protests.

Meanwhile, the security situation remains precarious. After widespread vandalism and looting of police posts, security forces are under severe strain. Leaders and cadres of mainstream parties continue to face direct and indirect threats. Without a proper investigation into the violence, parties may refuse to contest elections. The Ministry of Home Affairs faces the enormous task of providing shelter and logistics for police, who have long operated without adequate arms or ammunition, leaving them ill-equipped to maintain order.

This weakness was exposed during the recent protests and earlier in the May 15 demonstrations organized by royalist groups. The police, lacking arms due to a decade-long procurement freeze and recent destruction of their stock, were unable to respond effectively. While the 2017 and 2022 elections were largely peaceful, the risk of election violence now looms, making it imperative to prepare security forces adequately.

Despite these challenges, political parties have signaled willingness to join elections if the government ensures security. Speaking in Kathmandu, CPN-UML General Secretary Shankar Pokhrel said the Karki-led government must move decisively toward holding elections and guaranteeing safety. However, the UML has not yet held an official meeting to finalize its position.

Within Nepali Congress, several leaders have warned that a prolonged legislative vacuum would deepen the crisis, urging participation in elections. Senior Maoist leaders too have indicated support for the government’s efforts.

Still, it may be premature to draw conclusions. Top leaders remain absent from the political stage. NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba and his spouse Arzu Rana Deuba, both severely injured during the protests, remain hospitalized. With many party offices and leaders’ residences burned down, it may take weeks before the major parties formally declare their stance.

Nepali Congress General Secretary Gagan Thapa has emphasized that holding free and fair elections and protecting the constitution are the party’s central priorities. “The government has pledged to conduct elections within six months, and Nepali Congress, as a responsible party, should support this effort,” Thapa said. “Our priority must be to bring the constitution and democracy back on track through free and fair elections.”

The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has stopped issuing working visas to Nepali nationals.

Similarly, the UAE has also stopped issuing visit visas to Nepali citizens since Monday.

It has been learnt that the UAE stopped issuing working and visit visas to Nepalis after the government started investigating the incidents of vandalism, arson and looting during the Gen-Z protests and a large number of prisoners escaped from the prison.

Likewise, Nepali workers will not be allowed to travel to Korea on E-7 visas.

Issuing a notice on Tuesday, the Department of Foreign Employment stated that the Procedure 2080, pertaining to sending skilled workers to the Republic of Korea would not be implemented, thus closing the way to travel to Korea on E-7 visas.

The Department stated that the Ministry of Labor, Employment and Social Security has issued a directive not to implement the Procedure.

Currently, Nepali workers are going to Korea through the Employment Permit System (EPS).