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Adm. Samuel J. Paparo, commander of the United States Indo-Pacific Command (INDOPACOM), has said his visit highlighted Nepal’s leadership in promoting regional stability, disaster preparedness, and peacekeeping. He visited Nepal ahead of the March 5 elections to the House of Representatives (HoR), which are taking place against the backdrop of the September 8–9 Gen Z protest.

The visit highlighted Nepal’s leadership in promoting regional stability, disaster preparedness, and peacekeeping. U.S.-Nepal cooperation in these areas benefits Nepali and American citizens throughout the region and supports global peacekeeping efforts, says a press statement issued by INDOPACOM after the two-day visit.

During his stay, Paparo met Foreign Minister Bala Nanda Sharma and Gen. Ashok Raj Sigdel, Chief of Army Staff of the Nepali Army, to discuss strengthening collaboration in disaster response and Nepal’s significant contributions to United Nations peacekeeping missions.

At the Birendra Peace Operations Training Centre in Panchkhal, Paparo interacted with Nepali peacekeeping professionals and observed pre-deployment training activities. The center plays a vital role in preparing Nepali troops for UN peacekeeping missions and supports multinational peace operations, reinforcing Nepal’s standing as one of the world’s leading troop-contributing countries to UN missions.

An alumni event hosted by the Daniel K. Inouye Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies (APCSS) and its director, Suzanne P. Vares-Lum, brought together Nepali graduates of APCSS programs. The gathering provided a platform for security professionals to exchange ideas and explore collaborative approaches to regional security challenges.

INDOPACOM and Nepal have maintained close cooperation in strengthening disaster response capabilities through joint exercises, technical assistance, and the provision of non-combat equipment such as helicopters, vehicles, and communication systems. U.S. training and logistical support have also enhanced Nepal’s capacity to conduct humanitarian and peacekeeping operations, the statement said.

Officials said the partnership aligns with Nepal’s goal of enhancing self-reliance while contributing to regional resilience and preparedness. The U.S. Indo-Pacific Command reiterated its commitment to promoting stability across the region through security cooperation, peaceful development, and coordinated responses to emerging challenges, according to the statement.

Paparo’s visit highlighted Nepal’s strategic importance in South Asia and reaffirmed its leadership role in fostering regional stability and advancing global peacekeeping efforts.

During then Foreign Minister Pradeep Kumar Gyawali’s visit to the United States on December 18, 2018, then U.S. Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo highlighted Nepal’s central role in a free, open, and prosperous Indo-Pacific and in global affairs.

 The 2019 U.S. Department of Defense Indo-Pacific Strategy Report officially described Nepal as a valued partner. The report listed Nepal as a member of the State Partnership Program (SPP), which was later rejected by the Nepal government.

This week, House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on South and Central Asia Chairman Bill Huizenga has said that recent elections in Bangladesh and Nepal present new opportunities for U.S. engagement in South Asia.

In his opening remarks at a subcommittee hearing titled “South Asia: U.S. Foreign Policy in the Region,” Huizenga described South and Central Asia as a dynamic region where young and growing populations are increasingly drawn to Western cultures and values rather than to what he called China’s “authoritarian alternative.”

Bordering India, both Nepal and Bangladesh are undergoing significant political transformations. Bangladesh held general elections on February 12, following the July 2024 revolution that led to the ouster of an authoritarian government in September 2025. Meanwhile, Nepal is set to hold democratic elections on March 5 after youth-led protests overthrew the previous government.

The election government led by Prime Minister Sushila Karki has come under growing criticism for its handling of Nepal’s relations with its immediate neighbors, particularly China. Since the formation of the government following the GenZ movement, Prime Minister Karki and senior officials at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs have repeatedly reaffirmed Nepal’s commitment to the One-China policy. However, these assurances appear to have done little to fully reassure Beijing.

In recent months, China has dispatched a series of official and semi-official teams to Nepal to assess the evolving political situation and its possible implications for bilateral relations. Diplomatic sources in Kathmandu say these visits reflect Beijing’s concerns about political uncertainty following the Sept 8–9 GenZ movement and the direction of Nepal’s new leadership.

Beijing’s unease reportedly deepened after Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama sent a congratulatory message to Prime Minister Karki upon her assumption of office. The message came as a shock to Chinese officials, who subsequently conveyed strong concerns to the Nepali leadership through diplomatic channels. China views any public engagement—direct or indirect—with the Dalai Lama as a sensitive issue, given its longstanding position that he represents separatist activities.

More recently, the visit of Tibetan spiritual leader Jonang Gyletsab Rinpoche to Nepal and the reception accorded to him in Kathmandu has once again raised eyebrows, both in Beijing and within Nepal’s political circles. Although Nepali officials maintain that the visit was religious in nature, critics argue that the government failed to anticipate the diplomatic repercussions.

Vice-chairperson of the CPN-UML, Ram Bahadur Thapa, publicly accused the Karki-led interim government of providing space to what he described as “anti-China activities” on Nepali soil. “The Dalai Lama’s representative came to Nepal and was received with great honor at the airport,” Thapa said, alleging that the government is implicitly protecting elements opposed to China’s core interests.

Foreign policy analyst Rupak Sapkota also points to the shortcomings in the government’s diplomatic approach. According to him, the Karki administration’s “immature handling” of relations with neighboring countries has raised suspicions in Beijing regarding Nepal’s commitment to the One-China policy.

Sapkota is not alone in his assessment. Several observers of Nepal’s foreign and strategic affairs have expressed concern that relations between Kathmandu and Beijing have become strained since the GenZ movement. Beijing reportedly also harbored reservations about the composition of the new cabinet and the broader political team assembled by Prime Minister Karki.

Adding to the diplomatic unease, the Chinese Embassy in Kathmandu remained without an ambassador for over a month after Chen Song was recalled to China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Beijing has now appointed Zhang Maoming, a familiar face in Nepal’s political and diplomatic circles, who is expected to arrive in Kathmandu in the second week of this month. Observers see his appointment as a signal that China intends to recalibrate its engagement with Nepal during a politically sensitive period.

In recent months, multiple Chinese delegations have visited Kathmandu to study the GenZ movement, assess preparations for upcoming elections, and gauge the likely nature of the next government. Notably, Beijing has maintained near silence on the GenZ movement in official statements, and Chinese state media have published far fewer reports and commentaries on Nepal than in the past—an absence that many analysts interpret as cautious watchfulness rather than indifference.

Japanese Prime Minister TAKAICHI Sanae has said that stability in Nepal is important for Japan as well in ensuring regional stability as a whole. In a meeting with Nepal’s President Ram Chandra Paudel, she said that Japan will continue to support the consolidation of democracy in Nepal and cooperate in Nepal’s development.

Prime Minister TAKAICHI also stated that stability in Nepal is important for Japan in ensuring regional stability as a whole and, from this perspective, emphasized the importance of Nepal’s general election scheduled to be held on March 5 this year being conducted in a free, fair, and inclusive manner with broad participation by the people of Nepal, reads the statement issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan.

The Japanese PM noted that Japan and Nepal have built friendly relations based on a long history of people-to-people exchanges, including student and mountaineering exchanges. President Paudel welcomed the promotion of people-to-people exchanges between the two countries.

This week, President Ram Chandra Paudel paid an official visit to Japan. This year marks the 70th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries. In the meeting, the Japanese PM said that she would like to further strengthen bilateral relations on this occasion. In response, President Paudel expressed his appreciation for the warm welcome extended by Japan and stated his desire to deepen the friendly relations between the two countries, which have spanned more than 70 years, across all areas.

Women’s representation in Nepal’s national parliament has remained largely unchanged since the formation of the interim legislature in 2007, despite a constitutional requirement that political parties ensure at least 33 percent female representation.

While the quota has prevented a decline in women’s participation, it has failed to generate meaningful growth. The primary reason lies in the scope of the law, which mandates the quota only under the Proportional Representation (PR) system, not under the First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) electoral category.

As a result, political parties continue to nominate overwhelmingly male candidates in FPTP races, where no legal obligation exists to promote gender balance.

Data from the March 5 House of Representatives (HoR) candidacy nominations highlight this imbalance. Of the 3,486 candidates registered nationwide, 3,089 are men, 396 are women, and one candidate identifies as “other.” Women account for just over 11 percent of total candidates.

Both traditional and newly formed political parties display a similar pattern of male dominance. Under the FPTP category, there is little distinction between established parties and newer political forces in terms of women’s participation.

Among major parties, the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) nominated 16 women candidates, while the Nepali Congress (NC) fielded 11, the CPN-UML 12, and the Nepali Communist Party 11. These figures indicate minimal variation among leading parties. The trend mirrors past elections. In the 2022 HoR election, 2,291 men and only 235 women were registered as candidates. In the dissolved House of Representatives, women held 91 of the 275 seats, while men occupied 184.

Experts say the composition of the incoming parliament is unlikely to differ significantly from the previous legislature. Historically, women’s candidacy under the FPTP system has remained below 11 percent across four major elections: the two Constituent Assembly elections in 2008 and 2013, and the House of Representatives elections in 2017 and 2022.

In the 2022 elections, the Rastriya Swatantra Party recorded the highest proportion of women candidates among major parties at 9.2 percent. The Nepali Congress nominated 5.8 percent women candidates in 2017 and 5.5 percent in 2022. Meanwhile, the CPN-UML increased its share of women candidates from 4.9 percent in 2017 to 7.8 percent in 2022. Analysts argue that without extending the 33 percent quota to the FPTP system, Nepal’s progress toward gender-balanced political representation will remain limited, despite constitutional commitments to inclusion.

Five days after the United States captured Venezuelan leader Nicolas Maduro, the Government of Nepal has formally reacted, stating that it has been closely following recent developments in Venezuela.

Maduro was captured in a joint US military extraction operation in the country’s capital, Caracas.

Issuing a press statement, Nepal’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said that Nepal calls upon all parties concerned to exercise maximum restraint and to avoid actions that may further escalate tensions.

“Nepal underscores the importance of fully respecting the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity, and political independence of states, as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations,” the statement said. Nepal emphasized that disputes should be resolved peacefully through dialogue, diplomacy, and mutual understanding.

Earlier this week, youth and student wings affiliated with communist political parties staged demonstrations in front of the US Embassy in Maharajgunj, protesting the US military action in Venezuela. Similarly, major communist parties such as the CPN-UML, led by KP Sharma Oli, and the Nepali Communist Party, led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal, issued separate press statements criticizing the US intervention. However, the Nepali Congress party and its leaders have not made any remarks regarding the US action.

Other South Asian countries have also reacted to the development. India said the situation in Venezuela is a matter of deep concern. In a statement, India reaffirmed its support for the well-being and safety of the Venezuelan people and called on all concerned to address issues peacefully through dialogue, ensuring peace and stability in the region.

Bangladesh also emphasized the need for diplomacy and dialogue. “Bangladesh believes that diplomacy and dialogue should prevail to resolve all disputes between countries and reaffirms its steadfast commitment to the fundamental principles of the UN Charter and international law,” Bangladesh’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement.

Sixty-four political parties are contesting the House of Representatives election under the proportional representation (PR) system. However, the closed PR candidate lists submitted to the Election Commission (EC) have come under sharp criticism, with many describing them as an assault on the very spirit of proportional representation.

In the past, traditional political parties were widely criticized for nominating family members, relatives, and privileged elites through the PR system. This time, both established and newly formed parties have once again allocated PR seats to individuals who, in one way or another, have enjoyed access to state power over the past four decades.

New and emerging political forces have followed the same pattern. Just three months ago, a youth-led movement against “nepo kids” brought down a powerful government, raising hopes that established parties would reform and that new political actors would break away from this chronic practice. Contrary to those expectations, the PR candidate lists submitted by both old and new parties are now being widely dismissed as “Nepo Lists.”

Nepal adopted a mixed electoral system—first-past-the-post (FPTP) and proportional representation (PR)—to ensure meaningful representation of marginalized and underprivileged groups in Parliament. However, political parties are openly undermining this principle by nominating relatives and wealthy business figures who financially support party activities.

Even new political forces that had promised change have failed to escape criticism. The Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), which has brought together many new and alternative voices, has faced widespread backlash over its PR list. Similarly, Balendra Shah and Ujyaalo Party Nepal, led by Kul Man Ghising, have been accused of favoring relatives in their PR nominations.

Dr Toshima Karki, a senior leader of the RSP, remarked: “The very concept of proportional representation was introduced so that geographically marginalized regions could find space. The list should also include the disadvantaged. The existing PR list has raised serious questions about its legitimacy.”

Several leaders have also accused Kul Man Ghising of effectively selling PR positions in exchange for money. Many Generation Z leaders have echoed these concerns, criticizing new political parties for reproducing the same nepotistic practices they once opposed.

Similar questions surround the major traditional parties—the Nepali Congress (NC), CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Centre). While these parties have introduced some new faces through the PR system compared to the past, the selection of certain candidates has continued to raise concerns. For example, Nepali Congress leader Arjun Nara Singh KC has faced scrutiny for being placed high on the PR list under the Khas-Arya cluster.

Chief Adviser of Bangladesh, Professor Mohammad Yunus, has said that the spirit of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) remains alive, despite the regional bloc’s prolonged inactivity, according to Bangladesh Sangbad Sanstha (BSS).

Yunus made the remarks during separate meetings with high-level delegations from South Asian countries who visited Dhaka to attend the funeral of former Bangladesh Prime Minister Khaleda Zia. He said he was deeply moved by the respect shown by SAARC member states toward the three-time prime minister, who was also the world’s second female Muslim head of government.

“We witnessed a true SAARC spirit at the funeral yesterday. SAARC is still alive. The SAARC spirit is still alive,” Yunus said during his meeting with Maldives Minister of Higher Education and Labour Ali Haider Ahmed, according to BSS.

He echoed similar sentiments in his meeting with Sri Lanka’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Employment and Tourism, Vijitha Herath. “SAARC was in action yesterday. We shared our grief and sorrow together,” Yunus said.

Delegations attending the funeral from SAARC countries included Nepal’s Foreign Minister Bala Nanda Sharma, India’s External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, Maldives Minister Ali Haider Ahmed, and Speaker of Pakistan’s National Assembly Sardar Ayaz.

During the meetings, Yunus repeatedly underscored the need to revive SAARC as a platform for regional cooperation. He also recalled his earlier attempt to convene an informal meeting of SAARC leaders on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly in New York.

“I wanted to hold a get-together among SAARC leaders, even if only for five minutes,” he said, expressing hope that SAARC could be revitalized as a meaningful forum for nearly two billion people in South Asia.

Established in 1985, SAARC was created to promote regional cooperation among South Asian countries. However, the organization has remained largely dysfunctional in recent years, with no summit-level meeting held since 2014. Tensions between key member states, particularly India and Pakistan, have stalled progress and prevented the convening of leaders’ summits.

Despite occasional diplomatic engagements and symbolic gestures, the prospects for the revival of SAARC in the near future remain slim, analysts say. Still, Yunus’s remarks reflect a renewed call for regional unity at a time of shared challenges across South Asia.

Kathmandu Metropolitan City Mayor Balendra Shah, popularly known as Balen, continues to enjoy significant support among young voters, though his popularity has shown signs of decline following the GenZ protests. Critics argue that his inability to respond effectively to incidents of vandalism and arson during the Sept 8–9 protests dented his image as a mayor.

As a result, it remains uncertain whether Shah commands the same level of public support he did during the 2022 local elections. Despite this uncertainty, Shah remains a key political figure among emerging and alternative political forces, at least in perception.

Several newly-formed parties appear eager to secure his backing ahead of upcoming elections. A few weeks ago, Kulman Ghising, who recently launched the Ujyalo Nepal Party, met Shah seeking his support whereas on Dec 22, Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) Chair Rabi Lamichhane held discussions with Shah, fueling speculation about possible political collaboration.

Balen has given a clear signal that he supports emerging political forces challenging traditional parties, but it remains uncertain whether he will publicly endorse or align himself with any of them. So far, his message suggests support for new political parties but it is unclear whether he would engage in active politics like Rabi. 

To unite emerging political forces, Balen has initiated consultations with political leaders, Gen Z representatives, artists, media professionals, and members of civil society. Over the past few years, he has remained in continuous dialogue with people from all walks of life.

A case in point: After the GenZ protests, the Nepali Army reportedly offered him the premiership, but he declined it.

Although it is unclear whether these new political forces will unite, there is a growing sentiment among them that electoral cooperation is essential to challenge the dominance of traditional parties—namely the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML.

This view has also come from several self-proclaimed GenZ leaders, who are pressing alternative political groups to form a united front. Among the new parties, the Rabi Lamichhane-led Rastriya Swatantra Party remains the most influential.

Emerging as the fourth-largest party in the House of Representatives in the 2022 elections, the RSP disrupted Nepal’s conventional political landscape.

Although the party faced internal setbacks after the GenZ movement, including the departure of some key leaders, it partially recovered through unification with the Bibeksheel Party.

After his recent release from jail, Lamichhane has intensified political consultations. He met Prime Minister Sushila Karki to pledge the RSP’s support to the government.

However, his meeting with Mayor Shah attracted wider attention and triggered renewed debate over the possible consolidation of new political forces ahead of the March 5 elections. Such an alliance, if it materializes, could pose a serious challenge to Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML.

Despite facing multiple charges related to cooperative fraud, Lamichhane continues to enjoy personal popularity. A strong communicator, he has a distinct ability to dominate headlines and connect directly with the public. He is skilled in the art of communication as he can share his ideas, feelings and information clearly and effectively, while also listening to and responding to his supporters.

Unlike leaders of traditional parties, Lamichhane’s appeal is largely personality-driven rather than party-based. Many supporters voted for him as an individual rather than for the RSP as a political party. Therefore, whether the RSP can sustain its growth in Lamichhane’s absence is a moot question.
In contrast, Balen does not directly communicate with the masses.

Since becoming the mayor of Kathmandu, he has rarely engaged with the public or faced the media. Instead, he often uses social media platforms to vent his anger and criticize mainstream political parties. Like Lamichhane, Balen also stokes anti–mainstream party sentiment. At the same time, he has not shown any clear ideological inclination.

But Lamichhane and Balen both are non-ideological.  Their stance on key constitutional issues—including federalism and full commitment to the 2015 Constitution—remains ambiguous. Notably, during last year’s pro-monarchy protests, the RSP maintained silence. 
Nevertheless, Lamichhane avoids conventional political jargon and focuses instead on governance failures and everyday problems facing the people—a strategy that resonates with frustrated voters. Lamichhane was widely popular until two years ago; however, allegations related to cooperative fraud have affected his public standing.

This populist appeal gives Lamichhane the potential to draw voters away from the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML, particularly in urban constituencies. If the RSP, the Ujyalo Nepal Party, Balendra Shah and other alternative forces form an electoral alliance, it could significantly erode the traditional voter base of mainstream parties, at least in urban areas.

However, these new political forces face structural limitations. Their organizational presence in rural areas remains weak, and they lack strong networks in the Tarai region. While they managed notable urban victories in 2022 despite a limited organization base, sustaining and expanding such success will be more challenging without strong grassroots foundations.

Since the 2022 elections, the RSP has expanded its organizational reach, but its rural penetration remains limited. Still, rising anti-establishment sentiment and public frustration with traditional parties may push alternative forces toward unity.

If these parties manage to coordinate effectively, they could emerge as a serious electoral threat—if not by winning outright, then by decisively weakening the dominance of Nepal’s long-established political parties.

Leaders argue that if there is an electoral alliance among the new political forces, with open backing from figures like Balen, it could force the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML into an electoral alliance of their own.

The two key developments—Rabi Lamichhane’s release from jail and his meeting with Shah—have alarmed mainstream political parties. At the same time, major political parties are holding regular meetings to chart their strategies.