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Tea worth Rs 3.57 billion has been exported till April 13 of the current fiscal year 2024/25, starting July 16, 2024.

Tea exports are expected to reach Rs 4.5 billion this year, according to the National Tea and Coffee Development Board.

Board official Chandra Puri said Nepal's tea sector has created around 60,000 jobs and there are 171 tea estates and 120 small and medium tea processing centres.

According to him, tea was grown on a total of 20,760 hectares of land across the country in the fiscal year 2023/24. During this period, 27 million kilograms of processed tea was produced. There are 15,203 tea farmers in the country.

Puri informed that 16.5 million kilograms of tea worth Rs 3.63 billion was exported in the previous fiscal year.

Meanwhile, the Board has decided to organize a tea exhibition at Harihar Bhawan in Pulchowk today on the occasion of the 29th National Tea Day. The exhibition has been organized with the objective of promoting Nepali tea in the international market.

Puri said that discussions would be held among the representatives of tea farmers, workers, cooperatives, entrepreneurs, business persons and concerned organizations amidst the exhibition of tea produced in different districts of the country at one place.

The theme of the National Tea Day this year is 'Healthy Tea, Sustainable Market, Foundation of Prosperous Nepal'.

April 25 marks the 10th anniversary of the deadly earthquake that struck Nepal killing nearly 9,000 people, injuring 22,000 and making more than a half million people homeless. It was the most powerful earthquake ever recorded to have hit the Himalayan country.

On April 25, 2015, when a 7.8 magnitude earthquake shook Nepal’s ground at 11:56 AM, the epicenter in Barpak village of Gorkha district suffered the most immediately. At least 72 people lost their lives from the village alone, while all the houses were damaged in the disaster except a few.

10 years later, Barpak doesn’t look like a village anymore. With completion of reconstruction, Barpak looks like a bustling town in recent times as all traditional stone roofed houses are replaced by tall concrete symmetrical buildings and a good flow of tourists.

In contrast, the neighboring village Laprak which housed the largest integrated settlement looks deserted even after a decade of the disaster. Initially, though Barpak was chosen for the site of the new settlement, the plan couldn’t be executed due to several reasons which provided Laprak a chance to shine and be the “model village.”  

However, the settlement built by the Non-Resident Nepali Association consisting of 604 houses (including additionally built) in Gupsi Pakha are in sorry state, with many locals themselves regarding it as a ghost village. Its difficult to spot people in the surrounding which was actually expected to be a vibrant and exemplary village of more than 2000 people.

The new settlement, located at around 2700 meters from the sea level, was chosen considering the geological studies and accessibility. Unfortunately, it failed to address the needs and expectations of indigenous communities of the mountain region. As a result, there are locks in doors and grasses at the entrance, holes on roofs, fading colors in two-storey buildings and deep silence around the settlement.

 According to Kishan Gurung, Ward-4 Chairman of Dharche Rural Municipality, out of the total houses, only 50 are filled with families who run homestays and hotels, while 50 other families keep migrating between the old village and the new settlement. “We are preparing to connect electricity from the national line, manage supply of drinking water and construct a gravelled road linking Barpak to Laprak. I am hopeful that villagers will move to the new settlement someday and Laprak will be known as a model village again.”

Nepal imported 7,967 units of electric cars, jeeps and vans worth Rs 18.62bn over the first nine months of fiscal year 2024/25. This surge, generating Rs 11.47bn in government revenue, underscores EVs’ rising popularity in the country, driven by favorable policies, environmental goals and economic incentives.

Foreign trade data for the first nine months of 2024/25, unveiled recently by the Department of Customs (DoC) shows, over 50 percent of imports, or 4,414 units, fell in the 51-100 kW motor capacity range which is ideal for Nepal’s urban and semi-rural roads. Smaller EVs (up to 50 kW) accounted for 2,783 units, while 742 units were in the 101-200 kW capacity range. Likewise, 17 units were in 201-300 kW motor capacity range and tow had capacity in excess of 300 kW.

China dominated Nepal’s EV market, supplying 74.08 percent of total imports of the country in the review period. EVs worth of Rs 14.49bn were imported form the northern neighbor in the review period, with brands like BYD and Dongfeng leading due to competitive pricing and advanced features. India follows with 2,023 units, or a market share of 25.39 percent, bolstered by Tata’s strong presence, as seen with models like the Punch EV. Imports from Germany (31 units), the US (5 units), South Korea (3 units) and Indonesia (3 units) were minimal, underscoring the China-India duopoly in the Nepali EV market.

In 2023/24, Nepal imported a total of 11,701 electric vehicles (EVs) - a growth of a whopping 188.91 percent compared to 2022/23 when 4,050 units of electric cars, jeeps, and vans entered the country. More than a third of total EV imports in 2023/24 came from China. A total of 8,938 EVs units came from China and remaining 2,763 from other countries. The total import value of these EVs was Rs 29.48bn.

The EV boom in Nepal aligns with Nepal’s Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC) which targets to increase the share of EVs in private passenger vehicles to 25 percent by 2025 and 90 percent by 2030. Lower import duties, which are 15-80 percent for EVs and over 240 percent for those powered by fossil fuel, and the availability of affordable cars loaded with advanced technologies have fueled demand for EV in Nepal. 

The growing EV adoption is gradually reducing reliance on costly oil imports. Data shows Nepal saved Rs 11.07bn in 2023/24 due to a decline in the import of petroleum products.

Over the past few months, Nepal and India have intensified bilateral engagement, yielding tangible progress in economic and development partnerships. Although Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli’s visit to New Delhi remains uncertain, a series of ministerial meetings and bilateral mechanism discussions have taken place. Within two weeks, two senior ministers from Narendra Modi’s cabinet visited Nepal and met with Prime Minister Oli.

The past month witnessed a flurry of diplomatic activity, with three Nepali ministers traveling to India for meetings with their Indian counterparts. Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba engaged in comprehensive bilateral talks with India’s External Affairs Minister, S Jaishankar, focusing on enhancing political and economic collaboration. Meanwhile, Forest Minister Ain Bahadur Shahi Thakuri met with India’s Minister for Environment, Forest and Climate Change, Bhupender Yadav, to discuss transboundary environmental conservation and sustainable forestry initiatives.

Another significant development occurred during Water Supply Minister Pradeep Yadav’s visit to New Delhi, where he met India’s Jal Shakti Minister CR Patil. The two leaders signed a landmark agreement to expand cooperation in water resource management, sanitation and hygiene—an area of critical importance for both nations. This agreement is expected to facilitate knowledge-sharing, infrastructure development and joint projects to address water scarcity and improve public health outcomes.

Indian Minister for Power and Housing and Urban Affairs Manohar Lal Khattar is currently in Nepal for a two-day official visit. According to Indian officials, the trip aimed to advance discussions on key power projects of mutual interest, including cross-border electricity trade and hydropower development. 

Over the past few years, energy cooperation between Nepal and India has seen remarkable progress, with Nepal exporting surplus hydropower to India and Indian firms investing in Nepal’s hydroelectric projects. This growing synergy in the power sector is expected to bolster Nepal’s energy independence while supporting India’s renewable energy goals.

Early this month, Nepal and India signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to strengthen cooperation in agricultural science and technology. The agreement, which replaces a 1991 pact, covers a wide range of areas, including agricultural production, crop management, trade and marketing. Nepal’s Agriculture Minister Ramnath Adhikari and India’s Agriculture Minister, Shivraj Singh Chouhan, formalized the deal, which is expected to enhance food security, boost farmer incomes and promote sustainable farming practices through joint research and technology transfer.

In late March, the Nepal-India Joint Working Group convened to address critical border management issues. The discussions centered on curbing cross-border crime, improving border infrastructure—such as Integrated Check Posts (ICPs), roads and railway networks—and enhancing the operational capacity of security agencies. Both sides also explored collaborative measures for disaster risk reduction and management, recognizing the shared vulnerabilities to natural calamities like floods and earthquakes.

Further reinforcing security and trade ties, the two countries held the 21st Director General-level talks this month, focusing on measures to streamline cross-border commerce and combat smuggling. These discussions are crucial for ensuring smooth trade flows, particularly given Nepal’s reliance on Indian ports for third-country trade.

Despite the positive trajectory in bilateral relations, certain contentious issues remain unresolved. Nepal has persistently raised concerns over the delayed implementation of the Eminent Persons’ Group (EPG) report and lingering border disputes, particularly in regions like Kalapani, Lipulekh and Limpiyadhura. India, however, maintains that these matters should be resolved through established bilateral mechanisms rather than public posturing.

Recently, India’s Ministry of External Affairs Spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal reiterated this stance during a weekly press briefing, stating, “We have a bilateral mechanism with Nepal to discuss these issues. Unilateral actions do not alter ground realities.”

While Prime Minister Oli’s visit to New Delhi remains uncertain, he has met with his Indian counterpart Modi on two occasions—first on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in September 2024 and again during the BIMSTEC summit early this month. These interactions suggest a willingness to maintain dialogue despite political sensitivities.

However, a new point of friction emerged last month when reports surfaced alleging India’s tacit support for Nepal’s pro-monarchy movement. India swiftly denied these claims, but the episode highlights the delicate nature of Nepal’s domestic politics and its implications for bilateral relations. Additionally, some analysts speculate that India may view Nepal’s growing engagement with China—particularly its participation in China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)—with caution.

Foreign policy experts say that despite occasional political tensions, India has adopted a pragmatic approach by prioritizing economic and developmental partnerships with Nepal. This strategy aims to insulate mutually beneficial projects from geopolitical fluctuations while gradually addressing contentious issues through diplomatic channels.

The Constitution of Nepal has stipulated the right against child marriage as a fundamental right. Nepal is also a party to various international treaties against child marriage. In this sense, it falls within the theoretical scope of human rights. According to the existing laws of Nepal, marriage under the age of 20 is defined as child marriage. There is also a provision for imprisonment of up to three years and a fine of up to Rs 30,000 for those who commit marriage-related offenses, including child marriage. These provisions notwithstanding, instances of child marriage are not hard to find in Nepal.

An alarming picture

According to the statistics of the Nepal Police, in 2022, 52 complaints related to child marriage were registered in Koshi province, 10 in Madhes province, 10 in Bagmati province, five in Lumbini province, 10 in Sudurpaschim province, two in Gandaki province and nine in Karnali province.

These figures are merely representative records. Whether it is the parents who get their children married off to avoid responsibility or the children themselves opting to tie the nuptial knot, there is a widespread practice of covering up child marriages in families or societies by not filing complaints.

Therefore, it’s no surprise that Nepal still has a sizable population that disregards the minimum marriageable age and sees marriage only as a matter of obligation, maybe because of illiteracy also.

According to the 2011 census, child marriage, which stood at 27 percent, came down to 21 percent (per the 2021 census). One can take a little bit of solace in these data. Still, child marriage remains a matter of concern with rural and marginalized communities still opting for it in the name of tradition and culture.

I myself had the pathetic experience of child marriage, so I am committed to playing a concrete role in reducing child marriage by empathizing with the overall development of girls from ordinary families. A resolution registered in the House of Representatives aims to initiate a concrete and diagnostic debate on the abolition of child marriage in Nepal. It is necessary to debate whether the abolition of child marriage is possible, not its reduction.

In our society, child marriage is not limited to any specific community or geography; it has spread throughout the country, depriving the children, first and foremost, of their right to education.

No matter how strict the law is, traditional thinking and socio-economic environment encourage child marriage with factors like poverty, inequality, lack of education and gender discrimination all playing their respective parts.

Various researches show that child marriage increases the risk of early pregnancy, maternal mortality, malnutrition, school dropout rates and violence. It is also a subtle and distorted form of gender violence. Child marriage is both a cause and a consequence of poverty.

In terms of the right to education, child marriage effectively ends the formal education of children. Child marriage in lower and middle-class families leads to the compulsion to have children and shoulder the responsibility of parenthood. Not only this, most of the men and women, who marry at an early age, have their decision-making capacity diminished, which impacts their participation in the ‘economic cycle’ necessary to sustain the life cycle.

On account of factors like these, 193 countries expressed commitment to the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and set various goals with 17 indicators to set global development priorities by 2030, in 2015. ‘Target 5.3’ under the SDGs talks about ending child marriage within the deadline.

We have enacted laws against child marriage but our campaigns and programs aimed at ending this scourge do not seem to have reached sections of the society that are lagging behind in terms of human development indexes like literacy. We need to be more serious vis-a-vis child marriage, also to achieve SDGs by aligning our efforts with the United Nations and various donor agencies working to end child marriage. 

With all three tiers of the government—central, provincial and local levels—lacking a clear vision, will we be able to achieve these goals within the deadline for SDGs? 

The way out

Let’s make it mandatory for every youth to obtain an ‘adult registration certificate’ from the ward office of the concerned municipality for marriage upon completing 20 years of age. This kind of arrangement can bring about desired positive changes. Just as the state provides birth certificates, citizenship or other official documents, our policy initiative should be toward making it mandatory to obtain an adult registration certificate from the ward before marriage after attaining the minimum marriageable age. Some local levels appear to have implemented this system, which is quite commendable. A legal system governing this throughout the country will make way for its integrated implementation and a measurable impact. 

The author is a lawmaker

Nepal has released its first-ever national estimate of the snow leopard population, placing the figure at 397 individuals with a mean density of 1.56 leopards per 100 square kilometers. The comprehensive assessment was led by the Department of National Parks and Wildlife Conservation (DNPWC) and the Department of Forests and Soil Conservation (DoFSC), with collaboration from conservation institutions and researchers, including WWF Nepal.

“This national estimate is a historic step in Nepal’s conservation journey,” said Ram Chandra Kandel, director-general of DNPWC. “It not only provides a clearer picture of the snow leopard population but also strengthens our strategy for long-term conservation.”

The data, gathered between 2015 and 2024, utilized advanced techniques such as camera trapping and genetic analysis of scat samples. The assessment followed the PAWS (Population Assessment of the World’s Snow Leopards) methodology developed under the Global Snow Leopard & Ecosystem Protection Program (GSLEP).

Badri Raj Dhungana, director-general of DoFSC, emphasized that a significant portion of snow leopard habitat lies outside protected areas. “This highlights the need for stronger community-based conservation, improved habitat connectivity and mitigation of human-wildlife conflict,” he said.

Ghana Shyam Gurung, country representative of WWF Nepal, hailed the estimate as a critical milestone. “This baseline will guide future interventions and ensure resources are directed where they’re most needed,” he said, underlining the importance of local partnerships in the face of climate change and infrastructure expansion.

The study compiled data from seven key snow leopard regions, reflecting Nepal’s leadership in high-altitude biodiversity conservation. It also places the country alongside Mongolia, Bhutan and India, which have completed similar assessments in recent years. Despite being found across 12 countries in Asia, snow leopards remain one of the least-studied big cats. A 2021 WWF report found that only 23 percent of their global range has been systematically studied, with less than three percent yielding data on population abundance.

The recently concluded Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) Summit in Thailand saw several important sideline meetings between heads of state and government.  Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli held a bilateral meeting with Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra. The two leaders discussed a wide range of issues:  economic cooperation, trade, aviation, tourism, culture, and development partnerships. 

During the visit, eight Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs) were signed—two at the government level and six between non-governmental entities. Among them, Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba and Thailand’s Minister for Culture Sudawan Wangsuphakijkosol signed an MoU to foster cultural collaboration. Deuba also signed an agreement on tourism cooperation with Thai Minister for Tourism and Sports Sorawong Thienthong.

Other MoUs were inked between Nepal Netra Jyoti Sangh and Mahidol University, Janata Agro and Forestry Nepal and Kasetsart University, the Federation of Nepalese Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FNCCI) and the Board of Trade of Thailand, and Kathmandu University and Siam University. The Confederation of Nepalese Industries (CNI) also reached an agreement with the Federation of Thai Industries, and the Nepal Chamber of Commerce signed one with the Tourism Council of Thailand. These commitment partnerships are expected to enhance cooperation across various sectors.

 Prime Minister Shinawatra announced Thailand’s intention to increase investments in Nepal’s aviation and tourism sectors. She expressed interest in expanding Thai Airlines' flights to Kathmandu and launching direct flights to Lumbini. She further emphasized Thailand’s plans to prioritize investments in Nepal’s energy, hospitality, and aviation industries. Calling the visit historic, she highlighted the shared goal of deepening connectivity and trade relations.

PM Oli said the visit strengthened Nepal-Thailand relations. He voiced confidence in future collaboration in areas such as culture, tourism, education, and energy. Reflecting on six decades of diplomatic ties, he called for greater engagement, including stronger people-to-people connections. He also encouraged Thai investors to explore opportunities in Nepal’s hospitality and aviation sectors.

Overall, Prime Minister Oli’s visit to Thailand proved to be highly significant. One of the most notable events on the sidelines was his  one-on-one meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The two leaders met privately for 45 minutes, and Oli appeared pleased and content afterward—indicating the success of his visit.

Foreign policy must remain dynamic and responsive, as global geopolitics continues to evolve. It is crucial that Nepal reaches a national consensus on its foreign policy framework. Such a policy should transcend individual leaders or political parties. Whether led by Oli, Sher Bahadur Deuba, or Pushpa Kamal Dahal, Nepal’s foreign policy should remain consistent, reflecting the nation’s long-term interests rather than shifting with changes in leadership.

There are fundamental bases for foreign policy, and these should be discussed among all stakeholders to reach a consensus. This is a crucial time for such dialogue. While formulating our foreign policy, we must consider factors such as our geography, social norms, cultural and religious aspects, political system, international affiliations, and commitments under the United Nations Charter. If this approach is taken, the policy will be more broadly accepted.

Foreign policy may vary depending on the nature of a country’s relationship—whether we share borders, cultural and social ties, or strategic interests with major powers and donor nations.

Our foreign policy should be firmly aligned with the principles of Panchsheel and the Non-Aligned Movement. At this juncture, Nepal must prioritize sustainable development, peace and security, democratic governance by the people’s representatives, and overall national progress—guided by our geography, social structure, political system, and economic aspirations. As society advances, with improvements in education, healthcare, and global competitiveness, it is essential that our foreign policy reflects these changes. 

Nepal is experiencing a growing economic disparity between its urban and rural areas, where rapid development in cities contrasts sharply with the stagnation in rural regions. The concentration of infrastructure, services and job opportunities in urban centers exacerbates inequality, while rural areas remain underdeveloped and lack basic facilities. This uneven development has led to a significant rural-to-urban migration, with people leaving villages in search of better opportunities in cities, further depleting rural economies.

Urban centers have become magnets for rural populations due to the concentration of essential services such as education, healthcare and employment opportunities. The hope of improving living conditions drives internal migration, as rural residents believe cities offer a better standard of living. This urban-centric development model not only leaves rural areas behind but also accelerates the growth of overcrowded cities, contributing to further challenges like rising unemployment and inadequate housing.

In response to this issue, Nepal adopted a federal system of governance to decentralize power and resources. The goal was to empower provincial and local governments, assuming that they would be better equipped to address local needs and promote equitable development. By transferring authority and funds to local governments, it was hoped that development would be more localized and tailored to the specific needs of rural areas. Unfortunately, the anticipated benefits have not fully materialized.

Despite the decentralization of power, rural development has not seen significant improvements. In many cases, local governments have struggled to use the funds effectively, and instead, the transfer of power has led to the decentralization of corruption. Local authorities have misused public resources meant for development, often siphoning off funds for personal gains. This problem, which was initially concentrated in the central government, has now spread to local levels, undermining the objectives of decentralization.

Corruption at the local level has further deepened economic inequality. Political elites and well-connected individuals in both urban and rural areas often benefit from the misuse of state resources, while ordinary citizens continue to face hardship. Funds that could have been used for infrastructure development, job creation, education and healthcare are diverted through corrupt practices, leaving rural communities trapped in poverty and underdevelopment. This corruption weakens public trust and limits the potential for inclusive growth, which could have uplifted the rural population.

Moreover, the lack of transparency and accountability in local governance has made it difficult to ensure that development projects are carried out effectively. In many cases, development funds are not properly monitored, and there is little oversight to ensure that they reach the intended communities. Without effective monitoring mechanisms, local leaders are often able to exploit the system for personal gains, while the rural poor continue to suffer from a lack of access to essential services.

The failure to achieve equitable development and inclusive growth can also be attributed to weak governance structures at the local level. Local leaders often lack the capacity to manage development effectively, and there is a significant gap in skills and knowledge required to implement projects that could drive real change. In the absence of strong institutions and effective leadership, rural areas continue to miss out on the benefits of federalism and decentralization.

To address the growing disparity between urban and rural areas, Nepal needs comprehensive reforms. One of the most critical steps is to strengthen anti-corruption mechanisms at both the local and national levels. Transparency in how development funds are allocated and spent is crucial to ensure that resources are used effectively. Independent bodies should be established to monitor the use of public funds and hold local leaders accountable for any misuse. Additionally, capacity-building programs for local leaders and administrators are essential to improve governance and ensure that development projects are implemented effectively.

Another important reform is the improvement of infrastructure and services in rural areas. This can be achieved through better planning, prioritizing rural development and ensuring that basic services such as healthcare, education, and transportation are accessible to all. Rural communities should not be left behind in the pursuit of national development, and government policies must reflect this commitment to equitable growth.

Furthermore, local governments must be provided with the tools and training necessary to manage development funds effectively. Capacity building should focus on transparency, financial management and project implementation to ensure that rural areas benefit from the decentralization of power.

In conclusion, Nepal’s growing economic inequality, fueled by the urban-rural divide, requires urgent action. The decentralization of power through federalism has not led to the expected improvements in rural development, largely due to corruption, mismanagement, and weak governance. To bridge the gap between urban and rural areas, Nepal must strengthen its institutions, promote transparency and build the capacity of local leaders. Only then can the country achieve true inclusive development and provide equal opportunities for all its citizens, regardless of where they live.

For many who grew up in rural Nepal, the sharp, tangy taste of kabro (Ficus lacor) pickle brings back warm childhood memories. This seasonal treat was once a favourite among children, who often ate the young shoots and fruits straight from the trees. The fresh leaves, buds, and fruits were not just tasty—they were part of everyday cooking in many homes.

But eating too much kabro had its side effects. Many children joked about how it could cause an upset stomach or diarrhea. Still, this wild ingredient had a special place in both the kitchen and traditional medicine. Sadly, like many other native foods, kabro is disappearing from Nepali households, replaced by modern and processed foods.

What is kabro?

Kabro, or Ficus lacor, is a large, fast-growing tree found in Nepal, India, Bhutan, Myanmar, and across Southeast Asia. It belongs to the Moraceae family, which also includes figs and mulberries. The tree grows well in tropical and subtropical climates. Apart from feeding humans, it also supports wildlife—its fruits are a favourite of many birds and animals.

In Nepal, making pickles from kabro is an age-old tradition. The young buds, leaves, and fruits are harvested during specific seasons and used to make a tangy, slightly bitter pickle that goes perfectly with rice and dhido (a traditional buckwheat porridge).

The best time to pick kabro is when the buds or leaves are young and reddish in colour. Once they mature, they are mostly used as animal fodder.

Ingredients for kabro pickle

• Tender kabro shoots or young leaves
• Turmeric powder
• Salt
• Timur (Sichuan pepper)
• Red chilies
• Cardamom
• Ginger and garlic paste
• Mustard oil
• Lemon juice

Methodology 

Wash the young leaves and shoots properly. Lightly boil them to remove some of the bitterness and soften the texture. Let them cool, then mix with turmeric, salt, and other spices. Sauté the mixture in mustard oil until it smells rich and aromatic. Add lemon juice for a tangy twist. Leave the pickle in sunlight for a few days to let it mature. The result is a delicious blend of bitter, sour, and spicy flavours—a taste that brings back memories for many Nepalis.

Kabro in traditional Medicine

Kabro isn’t just a tasty pickle. It has long been valued for its healing properties in traditional medicine. In small amounts, kabro supports digestion and relieves bloating. It’s often used to treat indigestion and gastric discomfort. Packed with antioxidants, it helps strengthen the immune system. The bark and leaves have anti-inflammatory properties. Some studies suggest kabro helps lower blood sugar.

A tradition at risk

As more people move to cities and processed foods become common, traditional items like kabro pickle are being forgotten. Reviving them is important—not just for nostalgia, but to protect Nepal’s rich culinary heritage and improve food diversity.

How to bring kabro pickle back

Promote in local communities

Raise awareness of kabro’s health benefits and traditional value.=

Feature in restaurants

Traditional eateries can include kabro pickle on their menus to attract curious food lovers.

Encourage small-scale production

Kabro pickle can be packaged and sold as a specialty item, offering economic opportunities for rural communities.

Kabro beyond Nepal

Kabro isn’t just known in Nepal. Cultures across Asia use it in their own ways. For example, in Northern Thailand, a delicious curry is made using the young leaves of Ficus lacor.

Here’s a simple way to prepare kabro curry with Chicken or Pork, inspired by Thai cuisine. Pick only the soft young leaves, removing the thick leaf stems. Fry Thai curry paste (or make your own curry paste) in a pot until aromatic. Add chicken or pork, and stir until the meat is well-coated and cooked. Pour in water and bring to a boil. Add the kabro leaves and boil until they are tender. Turn off the heat. The curry is ready to serve. This dish has a rich, earthy flavour and is a wonderful way to enjoy kabro beyond pickles.

Bringing back a lost flavor

The kabro pickle is a piece of Nepal’s food history. As we explore new tastes, we should not forget the value of the past. By reintroducing kabro into our diets, we are not only reconnecting with tradition but also making a healthy, sustainable choice. Let’s bring kabro back to our kitchens and preserve this forgotten gem for future generations.

The author is a London-based R&D chef

In recent days, a strong debate has resurfaced in Nepal’s political landscape: monarchy versus democracy. Nepal has a long history of monarchy, particularly under the Shah dynasty, which ruled the country for centuries until the introduction of an interim constitution in 2007. The swift and peaceful transition from monarchy to a democratic republic was remarkable. The last king of Nepal, Gyanendra Shah, stepped down and left the palace without resistance, marking a historic moment in the nation’s political evolution.

Following the abolition of the monarchy, the country embraced a republican democratic system, which was widely welcomed by the public. However, political parties have since struggled to maintain the trust of the people. The transition was marred by inefficiencies, broken promises and poor governance. One key issue has been the adoption of an inflated and disorganized government structure, which has proven both costly and ineffective. The socialist orientation of the constitution has also had unintended consequences for Nepal’s economy and overall development. 

Additionally, while federalism was introduced to decentralize power, the central government has been unwilling to truly empower local governments. This has created overlapping responsibilities and financial burdens at both the federal and local levels. Given the country’s limited economic resources, it has been impossible to meet the high expectations raised during political campaigns. Political parties have often made unrealistic promises, leading to widespread disillusionment. Many Nepalis, in turn, have placed faith in these false assurances, often without access to accurate, fact-based information. The rise of social media has further enabled the spread of misinformation, deepening public confusion and distrust. These issues have played a major role in fueling public support for autocratic monarchists.

According to the Merriam-Webster Dictionary, a monarch is a hereditary head of state with life tenure, whose powers range from symbolic to absolute. In the 21st century, the consolidation of inherited power and rule over the people is no longer acceptable. However, some monarchies continue to exist due to geopolitical factors. These monarchies tend to survive when they remain politically neutral, avoid scandals and maintain a limited ceremonial role. Unfortunately, Nepal’s monarchy has consistently failed in all these aspects.

Some monarchists have argued that Nepal should adopt a democratic monarchy and reinstate former King Gyanendra Shah. This is a baseless argument, rejected by most freedom-loving citizens. History shows that monarchs who seek absolute power are eventually forced to relinquish it or see it dramatically reduced. For instance, in 1920, King Christian X of Denmark dismissed his prime minister and government over a policy disagreement, which led to mass protests and a constitutional crisis. He was ultimately forced to back down. King Leopold III of Belgium spent five years in exile due to his refusal to comply with his government’s decisions.

The Shah dynasty in Nepal has never demonstrated a commitment to constitutional democracy. Instead, its kings repeatedly sought absolute power. Nepal's monarchy might have survived had King Gyanendra not staged a coup in 2005 to seize full control. This pattern of authoritarianism dates back further: King Mahendra executed a coup in 1960, dissolving democratic institutions and concentrating all power in his hands. King Birendra also maintained absolute rule through the Panchayat system, using political manipulation to hold onto power. Any credible historian can confirm that the Shah dynasty consistently pursued authoritarian governance.

Moreover, Nepal’s monarchy has been plagued by scandals—from the tragic royal massacre to allegations against Paras Shah involving illegal drug use, extrajudicial killings, sexual violence, extramarital affairs and ties to criminal networks. These controversies further eroded any moral legitimacy the monarchy once had.

The Shah dynasty has failed to govern Nepal effectively since the time of geographic unification under Prithvi Narayan Shah in 1768. After his reign, successive generations of the royal family were embroiled in internal power struggles, often marked by violence and betrayal. It was not uncommon for royal family members to conspire against or even kill one another in pursuit of power and personal gain. This violent legacy is one of many reasons why the Nepali people should not trust the monarchy or the Shah dynasty.

Even after the political reforms of the 1990s, the monarchy continued to act as an absolute authority, refusing to adapt to democratic norms. A large network of individuals benefited from the palace and the monarchical system, creating vested interest groups that further damaged the monarchy’s reputation. As a result, the institution lost the public’s trust,

The recent rise in pro-monarchy sentiments has negatively affected Nepal's progress toward prosperity and democratic development. Many Nepalis are understandably frustrated by ongoing political instability and economic hardship. However, this frustration has led some to overlook the value of democracy and entertain misguided notions of restoring the monarchy. There is no evidence that bringing back the monarchy would resolve even a fraction of Nepal’s current problems.

Certain political parties and crook networks have exploited pro-monarchy rhetoric to destabilize the democratic system and gain political advantage. Figures like Rabindra Mishra, Rajendra Lingden and Kamal Thapa appear to be leveraging this unrest to expand their influence. For them, whether the system is democratic or autocratic is irrelevant—they enjoy social, economic and political privileges either way. Their primary interest lies in gaining power, even if it means fueling division, protest or violence.

What the Nepali people truly desire is a prosperous nation where they can live freely and securely. Access to quality education, healthcare, public safety and a government that genuinely represents the people are the real needs of the moment. Yes, there is deep dissatisfaction with corruption, lack of opportunity, political instability and the unethical behavior of current leaders. But these issues are far more likely to be addressed within a democratic framework than under an autocratic monarchy.

The monarchy in Nepal was historically corrupt, repressive, autocratic and ineffective. Under its rule, people had no voice or freedom to speak out. Restoring such a system would be a step backward, not forward. Ultimately, Nepal’s future lies not in a return to monarchy but in strengthening its democratic institutions, promoting good governance and focusing on inclusive economic development.

Twenty commercial banks in the country collectively earned a net profit of Rs 43.49bn over the first eight months of fiscal year 2024-25. According to Nepal Rastra Bank (NRB), the net profit over the period is 2.81 percent more than Rs 42.3bn that these banks reported in the same period of the previous fiscal year. 

Net profits of 11 commercial banks went up in the period, while nine saw a decline in their respective net profits. Nepal Bank Ltd logged the highest gain of 132.9 percent, with its net profit rising from
Rs 1.28bn in the first month of the previous fiscal year to Rs 2.98bn in the same period of the current fiscal year. Nepal Investment Mega Bank ltd (45.68 percent), Prabhu Bank (39.65 percent) and Global IME Bank Ltd (37.76 percent) also made significant net profit gains in the review period.

On the contrary, NIC Asia Bank (NIC) reported the biggest drop of 67.75 percent in its net profit.
NIC Asia’s net profit fell to Rs 819.99m in the first eight months of the current fiscal year, down from Rs 2.54bn in the same period of the previous fiscal year. Agricultural Development Bank Ltd (62.66 percent), Rastriya Banijya Bank Ltd (40.09 percent) and Kumari Bank Ltd (31.98 percent) also reported a significant drop in their net profits.

Nabil Bank led the pack with a net profit of Rs 4.78bn over the first eight months of the current fiscal year. Global IME Bank (Rs 4.72bn) and Nepal Investment Mega Bank  (Rs 4.08bn) were the other banks with net profits in excess of Rs 4bn. 

Meanwhile, three commercial banks reported profit below Rs 1bn. Agricultural Development Bank reported the lowest net profit of Rs 738.03m, followed by NIC Asia Bank and Kumari Bank Ltd with net profits of Rs 819.99m and Rs 969.11m, respectively. Bankers say rising non-performing loan levels and declining investments have hit profitability of banks. 

March 27, a family trip from Kathmandu to Dang became a grim metaphor for Nepal’s institutional decay. What should have been a 10-hour journey stretched into a 21-hour nightmare, with a single 14-kilometer stretch Daunee consuming ten agonizing hours, an indictment of criminally neglected infrastructure. The exhaustion of travelers—sleep-deprived, hungry, and choking in dust—mirrors the nation’s broader dysfunction: structurally intact yet crippled by systemic rot. The collapse is not limited to roads. Just days earlier, a devastating fire at a Dang plywood factory destroyed nearly Rs 400m in assets and left over 500 workers jobless. 

Chief District Officer Krishna Prasad Lamsal’s desperate pleas for firefighting support from neighboring districts and municipalities laid bare the shocking lack of emergency preparedness. These are not isolated incidents. In Kathmandu, Janamorcha and Rastriya Prajatantra Party cadres blockaded Ratnapark and other areas, paralyzing the capital’s transit, while Prime Minister KP Oli squandered a high-level economic forum on rustic analogies of buffalo - ticks and political jibes rather than substantive policy. Together, they expose a governance trifecta: crumbling infrastructure, unchecked political obstructionism, and executive unseriousness.

Federalism’s broken promise

The 2015 Constitution of Nepal, informed by seminal federalism theories, promised transformative decentralization. Yet nine years into implementation, subnational governments remain systematically disempowered—chronically under-resourced, understaffed, and stripped of meaningful autonomy, while political elites (KP Oli, Deuba, Dahal, MK Nepal, BR Bhattarai, JN Khanal) engage in perpetual factionalism at the expense of federal governance.

This institutional failure manifests in alarming macroeconomic indicators: public debt now stands at 47 percent of GDP (Rs 27trn), exceeding the 35.43 percent sustainability threshold identified by NRB seasoned economist Laxmi Prasad Prasai (2024), with annual debt servicing consuming Rs 402bn. Concurrently, Nepal’s recent grey-listing by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) for failing to combat sophisticated financial crimes including systemic tax evasion and fraud further underscores institutional decay. Compounding this crisis is a perverse bureaucratic culture where civil servants demand additional ‘facilitation fees’ from citizens for routine services, despite receiving full salaries and allowances. This rent-seeking behavior, institutionalized at all levels of government, epitomizes how Nepal’s federal transition has been hijacked—not by constitutional design, but by entrenched interests that perpetuate centralized predation under the guise of federalism.

Critical infrastructure—Narayanghat-Butwal Highway, Nagdhunga Tunnel, Melamchi Water, Mugline–Pokhara Highway—remains mired in delays. Meanwhile, 6,200 youths leave the country daily for foreign employment, a stark exodus underscoring Nepal’s failure to secure its own future. The Local Government Operation Act (2018) remains a paper tiger, with provincial postings treated as bureaucratic exile. Subnational governments face chronic 23 percent budget shortfalls, while resources are allocated based on electoral patronage rather than developmental need.

The path forward

Nepal stands at an inflection point. Federalism’s promise has been hijacked by a new mind set of centralism, where even hiring school teachers requires Kathmandu’s approval. Three urgent reforms are critical:

• Administrative federalism: Devolve personnel and fiscal authority to subnational governments, ending Singhdurbar’s suffocating control,
• Fiscal federalism with teeth: Guarantee provincial revenue autonomy and performance-based funding, and
• Enforced accountability: Implement independent audits of federal spending, as long demanded by the Financial Comptroller’s Office.

Without immediate corrective action, Nepal risks transforming its federal experiment from a beacon of post-conflict hope into yet another case study in constitutional failure. The stranded travelers, the jobless workers, and the millions trapped in this institutional purgatory deserve more than a government that mistakes inertia for governance. The time for reform is now—before the paralysis becomes permanent.

In 2081, Nepal navigated a transformative yet turbulent digital landscape, balancing ambitious technological and governance advancements with persistent challenges in digital rights, privacy, and cybercrime. The country strived to cement its place in the global digital arena while grappling with the complexities of regulating an increasingly connected society.

Ambitious digital vision and infrastructure expansion

The government’s commitment to digital progress was evident in its declaration of 2024–2034 as the ‘IT Decade’, a vision backed by Rs 7.25bn allocated for ICT projects in FY 2081/82. This funding fueled broadband expansion, IT park development, and efforts to create a thriving ICT hub aimed at generating jobs and boosting digital payments and e-commerce. Internet penetration soared to 99.38 percent, a remarkable achievement, though rural areas still faced connectivity gaps, highlighting the ongoing digital divide. Initiatives like integrating national databases and automating public services advanced digital governance, with the Nagarik App, formalized under amendments to the Good Governance Act, enabling seamless access to public services via electronic devices. 

Policy and legislative developments

Significant policy advancements shaped the year. The Social Media Operation, Usage, and Regulation Bill, 2081 tabled in Parliament aimed to regulate social media platforms and to moderate social media content. Likewise, draft Information Technology and Cybersecurity Bill, 2080, aimed to regulate online spaces and enhance cybersecurity was released for public consultation. However, both the bills drew criticism for potentially restricting free speech and privacy. Similarly, the Media Council Bill, 2081, sought to promote self-regulation in online media but raised concerns about its regulating agency’s independence and alignment with federalism. A concept paper on Artificial Intelligence (AI) and the Draft AI Policy, 2081, outlined plans to leverage AI across sectors, emphasizing clear policies and global standards. Regulatory efforts also targeted virtual currencies to curb money laundering, while amendments to the Industrial Enterprises Act recognized startups as distinct entities to foster innovation. The E-Commerce Act, 2081, was finally made into law to regulate online transactions and ensure transparency for consumers and businesses.

The draft E-Governance Blueprint and Draft Digital Nepal Framework 2.0 laid out bold plans to modernize public services, enhance digital infrastructure, and address past challenges like weak coordination and limited technical capacity through phased implementation and skill development. The Council of Ministers provided conceptual approval for drafting the Electronic Good Governance Commission Bill to combat corruption, and the Supreme Court’s ruling to uphold mandatory national identity cards for public service access, despite legal challenges, reinforced the push for centralized digital systems—though it sparked debates over accessibility.

Digital rights and privacy at stake 

Digital rights faced significant hurdles, with freedom of expression under strain. Prosecutions under the Electronic Transactions Act (ETA) targeted individuals for political comments, alleged defamation, or disruption, raising fears of a chilling effect on free speech. Critics argued the ETA is being misused to suppress dissent, a concern echoed in the Press Council Nepal’s expanded scrutiny of YouTube and online media, which sparked debates over regulatory overreach. The judiciary’s actions, such as the Sidhakura contempt case, further intensified scrutiny of media freedom. The lifting of the TikTok ban on 22 Aug 2024, was a victory for digital rights, but the lack of transparency around the decision left questions unanswered. The Ministry of Communication and Information Technology’s Directives on Managing the Use of Social Media, 2080, required platforms like TikTok and Facebook to establish local offices and moderate content, yet only TikTok, Viber, and WeeTok complied. A 30-day ultimatum for social media registration in 2081 marked a shift toward stricter enforcement, with potential bans for non-compliant platforms like Meta and X. Minister for Communications and Information Technology, Prithvi Subba Gurung, warned of shutting down social networks if they failed to register by April 13, 2025, emphasizing the urgency of compliance.

In 2081, Nepal faced significant internet disruption, including a major outage on National ICT Day, May 2, caused by disagreements over RTDF taxation between ISPs and the Ministry of Communications (MoCIT).

Further internet connections were disrupted in various places due to natural calamities, beautification of the city, and floods damaging the power supplies, leading to the shutdown of several base transceiver stations (BTS) and cutting off communication in affected areas.

The Supreme Court’s Sept 2024 ruling against unauthorized data access by Nepal Telecom reaffirmed privacy rights, but international reports like CIVICUS highlighted Nepal’s obstructed civic space, citing media censorship and reprisals against activists.

In a related development, the Department of Transport Management, following an appeal by a law student under the Right to Information Act, rectified its practice of publishing personal data such as citizenship numbers in driving test results. The department admitted this breach of privacy laws and committed to upgrading its software to prevent future violations. 

Rise of mis/disinformation and deepfake materials 

Social media also became a breeding ground for misinformation, deepfakes, and racially motivated attacks, with manipulated videos, false narratives, and unchecked mis/disinformation spreading widely. As Nepal’s digital ecosystem grows, combating false and misleading information, particularly during critical moments like elections or public protests, remains a significant challenge. These threats underscore the need for comprehensive strategies to enhance media literacy, promote responsible digital practices, and introduce effective policies addressing disinformation and digital manipulation.

Surge in cybercrime and systemic vulnerabilities

The year was marred by a cybercrime surge, with the Nepal Police Cyber Bureau recording 19,730 FIRs in FY 2080/81—a tenfold rise from five years earlier—and 13,426 complaints within nine months of 2081/82. Cases spanned financial fraud, phishing scams, social media impersonation, and hacking, with incidents like the theft of Rs 34.2m from F1 Soft’s bank account and data breaches by Khalti employees exposing systemic vulnerabilities. Fraudulent schemes exploiting trusted brands, fake government grants, and illegal crypto transactions targeted vulnerable groups, particularly youth and students. The NRB pushed for stronger KYC procedures, real-time monitoring, and public awareness, but the volume of cases strained resources.

Major cybersecurity and infrastructure threats

In 2081, Nepal faced significant cybersecurity challenges, marked by high-profile incidents such as DDoS attacks on government servers and recurring cyberattacks on local government websites, disrupting essential services. Notable breaches included the hacking of the National Vigilance Center’s website, resulting in the loss of registration data, and a malware attack on the Passport Department, causing delays in passport services. Other incidents exposed vulnerabilities in the teacher personnel records system and Tribhuvan University’s online exam platform. Additionally, over a dozen ministry websites went offline due to negligence in renewing licenses, and funding shortages threatened the stability of key digital infrastructure, such as the Integrated Data Management Center and Disaster Recovery Centre. A particularly alarming breach involved the hacking of Nepal’s public grievance platform, Hello Sarkar, by the Russian hacker group ‘Ghudra’, which sold sensitive citizen data on the dark web. Despite the adoption of a National Cybersecurity Policy in 2080, Nepal’s cybersecurity ranking fell to 100th globally, highlighting the government’s struggles to improve its digital security infrastructure.

In 2081, Nepal’s digital journey was a paradox of progress and peril. Ambitious ICT and e-governance initiatives laid a foundation for a connected future, but rural connectivity gaps, regulatory overreach, and rampant cybercrime demanded urgent action. The tension between digital advancement and democratic freedoms underscored the need for balanced policies that protect rights while fostering innovation. As Nepal advances toward its ‘IT Decade’ goals, the lessons of 2081 emphasize inclusive access, transparent governance, and robust cybersecurity as critical to shaping a resilient digital future.

Nepal defeated Oman by eight wickets in the ICC U-19 Men's Cricket World Cup Asia Qualifier on Monday.

In the match held at the Upper Mulpani Cricket Ground, Oman, who were invited to bat first after losing the toss, posted 117 runs.

Chasing 188,  Nepal achieved the target losing two wickets.

Niraj Kumar Yadav top-scored for Nepal with 46 runs off 31 balls hitting five boundaries and two sixes. Another opener Sahil Patel made 44 runs.

Capitan Niraj Bhatta remained unbeaten at 12 and Santosh Yadav at 10.

Saumya Bhavin Sampat claimed two wickets for Oman.

Earlier, Oman scored 117 runs in 38 overs.

For Oman, Jeet Shah scored highest 52 runs off 78 balls with six boundaries. Similarly, Siddhartha Shankar contributed 16, and Pratheish Ramesh 10 while other batters failed to score in double digits.

Yuvaraj Khatri took five wickets for Nepal. Likewise, Santosh Yadav claimed two wickets, and Linda Dayananda Mandal, Aparajit Paudel and Ashok Dhami took one wicket each.

In the first, Nepal beat the UAE by five wickets.

Similarly, Afghanistan defeated Hong Kong by eight wickets in the second match in the Lower Mulpani Cricket Ground and Oman by eights wickets in the first match.

Nepal’s political landscape has been in a constant state of flux, and finds itself at a critical juncture in its democratic journey. Over the past three decades, Nepal has transitioned from a monarchy to a constitutional monarchy, and eventually to a federal secular republic. However, the ongoing political turbulence—punctuated by protests, dissatisfaction, and competing ideologies—has left the Nepali people disillusioned with the political system they once hoped would deliver on its promises.

Nepal’s political transitions have always been marked by external influence, particularly from India, which has had a notable role in the country’s path to democracy. So, decoding the intent and what went about in the recent one-to-one bilateral meeting between Prime Minister KP Oli and PM Narendra Modi holds further portrayal.

Legacy of political transitions

New Delhi has constantly portrayed a notable share in Nepal’s transition to democracy. The absence of a twin pillar foreign policy of a constitutional monarchy and multiparty democracy in 2006 paved the way for the current federal secular republic.

On March 17 at the CPN-UML secretariat meeting chaired by PM Oli emphasized the importance of united efforts by republicans to counter the monarchist movement against the federal republic in addition to claims that India has played a role in the pro-monarchy movement. He also urged the party’s youth wing volunteers to “attack anyone trying to snatch away the rights that we fought for.”

Nepali Congress (NC) President and former PM Sher Bahadur Deba said that India does not support the royalist movement in Nepal.

Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba while in Delhi raised a question about potential Indian support to the pro-monarchy protest with her Indian counterpart S Jaishankar, who denied any backing for the protests. Though PM Oli has not been officially invited to visit New Delhi, he had a bilateral meeting with Indian PM Modi on April 4 on the sidelines of the Sixth Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) summit in Bangkok. 

The 35-minute one-to-one discussion came at a time when protests were going on in Nepal demanding the restoration of monarchy and a Hindu state with a catchphrase of anti-corruption drive and end of federalism. This was a second bilateral meeting between Oli and Modi after the sidelines meeting during the 79th United Nations General Assembly in New York in Sept 2024. The difference is that the first was held with officials while the latter was one-to-one.

Complex political landscape

Nepal’s political arena is highly polarized, with three dominant ideological camps vying for influence. The first group consists of the status quoists, who advocate for the current federal secular republic. The second group is the reformists, who are pushing for structural political changes to address governance issues, corruption, and inefficiencies. Finally, the growing pro-monarchist movement that calls for the restoration of the monarchy, albeit in a symbolic role, with an elected Head of Government. These factions reflect a deep division in how the country’s future should be shaped.

This polarization, while enriching the political discourse, also makes it difficult to reconcile these opposing views. Each faction draws on different historical narratives, cultural values, and visions for Nepal’s national identity. The fundamental issue, however, is not about rejecting democracy but about the effectiveness of the system that was supposed to deliver a better future.

Governance crisis and public discontent

At the heart of the current dissatisfaction is poor governance. The public’s anger is not directed at democracy itself, but at the way it has been implemented. The promises made by the political leaders, from economic development to efficient governance, have largely gone unmet. Corruption remains rampant, institutions are weak, and political leaders are seen as more interested in maintaining their power than in serving the people.

This disillusionment is not just ideological; it is deeply pragmatic. The people are questioning whether the system can truly deliver. The notion of democracy, for many, has become synonymous with inefficiency, corruption, and political infighting. The failure to meet basic expectations has created a breeding ground for discontent, with many wondering whether the existing political framework can ever be fixed.

Global democratic backsliding

Nepal’s democratic challenges are not isolated; they are part of a global trend of democratic backsliding. Countries around the world—India, the US, Sri Lanka, Israel—are witnessing increased political polarization, the rise of populism, and the erosion of democratic norms. In this context, Nepal’s situation reflects a broader pattern of democratic disillusionment that is sweeping across many parts of the globe. This global backdrop, however, also provides an opportunity for Nepal. There is a chance to rethink democratic governance—not by retreating into authoritarianism but by rebuilding a more inclusive, accountable, and citizen-driven democracy. The key lies in re-establishing the connection between the people and their representatives, ensuring that the political system is genuinely responsive to the needs of the people.

What’s confidential about “boosting relations”? 

Headlines say: PM Oli and PM Modi agree to “boost Nepal-India relations” in their meeting on the sidelines of the Sixth BIMSTEC Summit. The one-to-one meeting is a strategic win for PM Modi and a purposeful attainment for PM Oli claiming that all officials including Minister of Foreign Affairs Arzu Rana Deuba encompassed a bilateral meeting that was changed at the last minute by the Ministry of External Affairs, India (MEA). 

What’s confidential about “strengthening mutually beneficial cooperation in areas such as development partnership, energy, connectivity, and people-to-people relations”. The phrase “mutually beneficial cooperation” in public statements may obscure deeper strategic negotiations. The MEA statement said “They expressed satisfaction at the progress in enhancing physical and digital connectivity, people-to-people linkages, and in the domain of energy. They agreed to continue working towards further deepening the multifaceted partnership between our two countries and peoples”. Nepal is a priority partner of India under its Neighbourhood First Policy. This meeting continues the tradition of regular high-level exchanges between the two countries.” 

On X PM Modi posts “India attaches immense priority to relations with Nepal. We discussed different aspects of India-Nepal friendship, especially in sectors like energy, connectivity, culture and digital technology. We also talked about some of the key positive outcomes from this year’s BIMSTEC Summit, especially in areas of disaster management and maritime transport.”

In a post on X, PM Oli said that he was delighted to meet Modi, had a meaningful and positive conversation and described the meeting as intimate. “Had a warm and heartfelt meeting with my dear friend, Prime Minister Shri @narendramodi Ji. Our discussions were highly meaningful and constructive. I express my appreciation over this cordial exchange.” 

During the same stretch of the secluded meeting, there are protests in the streets which have weakened all the political powers whether democratic forces or the communists in Nepal. In addition, the political powers behind the compelling of the 2015 constitution is ineffectual and ineffective. The focus could be with cultural ties, and geopolitical manoeuvring particularly China in view and the ongoing protests in the streets of Kathmandu.

Underlying strategic motives

Limiting China’s engagement that influences Indian security concerns—India is wary of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects and growing political ties. The discrete nature of the meeting could indeed involve such discussions. Renouncing anti Indian oratory as a slogan for nationalism-Anti-Indian sentiment has been weaponized politically. India may be seeking Nepalese leaders to dial this down in return for greater cooperation.

Strengthening of Nepal and India deep cultural, religious and ethnic ties with arrangements even through constitutional reform-This would resonate with India’s soft power diplomacy. Cultural diplomacy is a core part of the “Neighbourhood First” policy. Constitutionally and not physically owned map of Nepal embracing Kalapani-Limpiyadhura-Lipulekh region as an impediment in relationship during Oli’s premiership that transformed ‘territorial claim’ to ‘occupied’-This remains a sticking point. Modi-Oli’s rapport might open doors for de-escalation or reinterpretation of constitutional stances to ease tensions.

Political context and transformation

Nepal may undergo a major transformation but not a principled constitutional shift. There is growing momentum for systemic reform, but not necessarily a dismantling of the ideal framework. All major parties, from NC to UML to Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) to RPP to Madhes-centric alliances with eight parties on board, seem interested in functional reform over structural revolution—more governance efficiency than ideological upheaval. The idea of a "reformed federal secular republic" is gaining quiet traction—a way to appease conservative, nationalist, and regional groups without overturning the constitutional ethos.

PM Modi and Delhi will retain substantial influence over Nepal’s political-economic direction. India remains Nepal’s largest trade partner, transit route, and a soft power heavyweight. Nepal’s fragile economy and political flux create a strategic vacuum India is eager to fill, especially amid China's growing interest.

Conclusion: Balanced, yet urgent

The PMs’ meeting on the sidelines of BIMSTEC is not just a symbolic continuation of bilateral ties but potentially a strategic recalibration. The confidentiality, the exclusion of key Nepali diplomats, and diplomatic subtleties hint at unspoken understandings on contentious topics. The expected transformation in Nepal is likely to be governance-oriented, not ideological, possibly backed or influenced by New Delhi’s geopolitical imperatives.

The Meeting and its timing with one-on-one meetings were strategic and involved a late-stage change by MEA, suggesting high confidentiality. High-level bilateral talks between PM Oli and PM Modi have always been significant due to both nations intertwining cultural, economic, and strategic ties. The MEA and both PMs’ statements reinforce the notion that the meeting, while framed in diplomatic language, likely involved deeper strategic discussions. The late-stage restructuring (excluding the Foreign Minister) raises questions of trust, exclusivity, or sensitive content, especially amidst domestic unrest in Nepal.

The national challenges are both status quo defenders and the supporters of change to rethink what democratic governance means in practice and in Nepal. It implicitly asks:

• Can Nepal create a democracy that delivers?
• Can it preserve diversity without fragmentation?
• Can it reform without losing headway?

The answer lies not in returning to past systems, but in building a new democratic consensus—inclusive, accountable, and rooted in justice. Structural flaws remain with federalism without proper devolution of power; judiciary questioned for political bias; weak checks and balances in governance and institutional corruption; economic struggle; environment vulnerability; food security; infrastructure connectivity and chain of supply and political instability. 

Thus, a call for constitutional reform seems timely—but it must avoid top-down imposition. Instead, reform should be participatory, deliberative, and aimed at creating a more functional democracy, not just changing symbols or structures.

The author is a retired major general of the Nepali Army

Nepal suffered a three-run defeat at the hands of Kuwait in the final of Quadrangular T20I Series on Sunday.

In the match played at the Mission Cricket Ground in Mang Kok, the Rhinos managed to score 171 runs at the loss of nine wickets in the allotted 20 overs in the chase for 175 runs.

Basir Ahamad top-scored for Nepal at 80 runs off 43 balls with eight boundaries and four sixes before being caught by Clinto Anto in 19. 3 overs.

Similarly, Nandan Yadav contributed 37 runs and opener Asif Sheikh made 21 runs. Other batters failed to score in double digits.

Anudeep Chenthamara took three wickets for Kuwait. Similarly, Yasin Patel and Naveenraj Rajendran claimed two wickets each. Likewise, Mohammad Aslam took one wicket.

Earlier, Kuwait, who were invited to bat first after losing the toss, scored 174 runs losing seven wickets in the allotted 20 overs.

Opener Ravija Sandaruwan scored highest 63 runs off 36 balls for Kuwait hitting six boundaries and four sixes. Another opener Clinto Anto made 26 runs, Meet Bhavsar 16 and Usman Patel 23 runs.

Captain Mohammad Aslam remained unbeaten on 13 and Naveenraj Rajendran on eight.

Nandan Yadav and Sompal Kami took two wickets each while Karan KC and Kushal Bhurtel claimed one wicket each.