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From April 19 to 22, US Assistant Secretary for South and Central Asian Affairs Paul Kapur visited Nepal. Although it was a routine visit, it carried significance for two main reasons. First, it was his first visit to Nepal after assuming office at the State Department last year. Second, the visit came on the heels of the Rastriya Swatantra Party’s stunning victory in Nepal’s landmark March 5 elections and the appointment of Balendra Shah as prime minister on March 27.

The visit provided an opportunity for Kapur to outline the new priorities of the Donald Trump administration and to understand the priorities of Nepal’s new government. For Nepal, it was a chance to communicate its priorities to the United States, a major development partner since the 1950s. Since Trump’s second inauguration, there has been no substantial high-level engagement between the two countries. It was only after nine months that Kapur was appointed to oversee the region. Meanwhile, Nepal was preoccupied with internal issues such as the GenZ protests and the March 5 vote. That is why Kapur’s Nepal visit got delayed.

Kapur’s meetings this week with political leaders, business representatives and members of the cultural community indicate both continuity and change in the Trump administration’s Nepal policy.

During his stay in Kathmandu, he met RSP Chairperson Rabi Lamichhane, Foreign Minister Shishir Khanal and Finance Minister Swarnim Wagle. He also held discussions with members of the business community and representatives of the Tibetan community in Nepal.

 Unlike previous assistant secretaries, who typically met opposition leaders, former prime ministers, civil society representatives, and media figures, Kapur’s engagements in Kathmandu were relatively limited.

Now, turning to the key issues discussed with Nepali officials: as the Trump administration has dismantled USAID—which previously supported Nepal’s health, education, agriculture, and energy sectors—Kapur emphasized deepening and expanding commercial ties during his meetings with government ministers and business leaders. This signals that the US is shifting away from aid (except in a few areas) and focusing more on investment.

 The dismantlement of USAID created a stress on Nepal’s health, education and agriculture sector. The Trump administration has been prioritizing trade over aid and investment assistance which puts Washington in a stronger position to counter China.

In his meeting with Finance Minister Wagle, Kapur stressed improving the business climate to attract US companies. He noted that more American private firms would invest in Nepal if a more investment-friendly environment were created. Even during the Joe Biden administration, both sides had discussed increasing American investment in Nepal. The Trump administration has also continued projects under the Millennium Challenge Corporation, which the US views not as aid but as investment.

Speaking before the House Committee in February, Kapur said that carefully targeted investment can provide South Asian countries with high-quality, transparent and non-coercive support for critical infrastructure such as ports, telecommunications networks, and energy systems—helping them avoid the risks of “debt-trap diplomacy,” a veiled reference to China.

He made similar remarks during a recent meeting with Bangladesh’s finance minister in Washington, emphasizing expanded trade and investment, improved market access, energy cooperation and opportunities in infrastructure development.

Collaboration in digital infrastructure is another major US priority in Nepal. In discussions with business representatives, Kapur highlighted opportunities in Nepal’s ICT sector, including strengthening digital infrastructure, promoting artificial intelligence adoption, enhancing cybersecurity and sharing US technological expertise. Interestingly, the Chinese ambassador to Nepal recently made similar proposals in talks with Finance Minister Wagle.

Immigration policy has also become a major priority under Trump’s second term. Kapur raised concerns about illegal immigration and human trafficking in his meeting with Foreign Minister Khanal. Over the past year, the US  has deported hundreds of Nepali nationals residing illegally in the country, and this issue has been discussed in prior engagements in Washington.

Enhanced defense cooperation is another priority for the US, representing continuity with past policy but with greater emphasis under the Trump administration. Although Kapur did not meet security officials during this visit, earlier engagements suggest this focus. For instance, Admiral Samuel J. Paparo, commander of the US Indo-Pacific Command (INDOPACOM), highlighted expanded defense cooperation during his visit to Nepal.

In previous statements, Kapur has emphasized that countries like Nepal, Bangladesh, the Maldives, Sri Lanka and Bhutan hold strategic importance due to their geographic positions but are also vulnerable to external pressure. Defense cooperation with the US, he argued, can help these nations safeguard their borders and waterways. The US continues to promote the State Partnership Program (SPP), although Nepal decided in 2022 not to join it.

Through INDOPACOM, the US has supported Nepal in strengthening disaster response capabilities via joint exercises, technical assistance, and non-combat equipment such as helicopters, vehicles and communication systems. Additional training and logistical support aim to enhance Nepal’s capacity for peacekeeping and humanitarian operations, aligning with broader goals of self-reliance and regional resilience.

Countering Chinese influence in Nepal remains a longstanding US priority, and the Trump administration appears to be placing renewed emphasis on it, even if it was not explicitly stated during this visit. Notably, issues such as democracy, climate change cooperation, human rights, media freedom, and minority rights—often highlighted in previous US engagements—were not prominently raised during this visit.

Nepal has welcomed the recent announcement of a two-week ceasefire agreement reached between the United States of America and the Islamic Republic of Iran. 

"Nepal views this development as a positive step towards the promotion of peace and stability in the region while reiterating its consistent position in favour of peaceful settlement of disputes," reads a statement released by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Wednesday. 

It marks a constructive step towards de-escalation of tensions in West Asia, providing an opportunity for dialogue, diplomacy and peaceful resolution of differences.

The Government has also expressed its concern over the humanitarian consequences of the conflict and underscores the importance of ensuring the safety and well-being of civilians.

"Nepal remains supportive of all efforts by the international community aimed at promoting lasting peace and stability in the region and beyond," adds the statement.

The Indian Embassy in Kathmandu in collaboration with the Ministry of Federal Affairs and General Administration of the Government of Nepal on Thursday signed Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs) to implement seven High-Impact Community Development Projects (HICDPs) across Nepal.

The projects covering education, health and agriculture will be funded by the government of India at a total cost of Rs 473 million. 

Since 2003, the government of India has undertaken 598 HICDPs in Nepal, including the seven projects for which MoUs were signed today, reads a statement issued by the Indian Embassy in Kathmandu. 

Out of these, 506 projects have been completed in the areas of health, education, agriculture, drinking water, connectivity, sanitation and creation of public utilities. 

These projects are spread across all seven provinces of Nepal. 

The remaining projects are at various stages of implementation, according to the statement. 

As close neighbours, India and Nepal are engaged in wide-ranging and multi-sectoral cooperation. 

The implementation of HICDPs reflects the continued support of the Government of India in strengthening the efforts of the Government of Nepal in promoting growth and development, apart from augmenting infrastructure in priority sectors.

Naturally, Nepal is beautiful, geographically Nepal is landlocked and politically Nepal is always unstable. But after the March 5 election, the term unstable will be stable—that’s our hope—with a new political party set to form the government.  Nepal has just seen a political earthquake. In the recent election, the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), led by Balendra (Balen) Shah, has secured a historic majority in the federal parliament, with around 182 seats out of 275. The so‑called big parties of yesterday have been pushed far behind. Many of their senior leaders have lost. Only former Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal has managed to return to parliament from Rukum East, while other familiar famous faces have disappeared from the front line. This result is not a small change; it is a clear message from the people that they were tired of the old way of politics and new one to be corrected in present and future with the hope not to be repeated from this wave too.

Nepal has long struggled with hung parliaments, unstable governance, and never-ending positional negotiations. The people’s lives remained unchanged despite the government’s repeated changes in leadership. Rather than being influenced by the general welfare, policy decisions were frequently influenced by personal interests, political agreements, and corruption. Like in the past, basic government services remained cumbersome, slow, and rude. People believed that even basic tasks required bribes or political ties. Due to their inability to obtain good services, health care, or education at home, young people from villages and small towns continued to migrate to cities and other nations. A ‘tsunami of votes’ was made possible by this lingering discontent.

Why did this tsunami of votes come for RSP and Balen Shah? There are several reasons. First, young people, especially the GenZ generation, had already shown their anger through protests and social media campaigns against corruption, nepotism, and the lifestyle of the political elite. They were tired of seeing leaders’ children enjoying luxury while ordinary youth stood in queues for passports and labor permits. Second, Balen presented itself as a clean, new force with a strong anti‑corruption message and a modern style of communication. Balen Shah’s own image as an engineer, rapper, and independent thinker who had already shaken the old parties in Kathmandu’s mayoral politics gave people hope that a different kind of leadership is possible.

Third, voters punished the old parties because they failed to provide stable and honest governance after the federal republic was established. Leaders kept making coalitions only to save their chairs, not to serve the people. They talked about socialism and equality, but the gap between their words and their actions became too big. In this election, people decided to clean the field. This is not just a victory for one party; it is a warning that any party can be thrown out if it betrays public trust.

Now, with a clear majority, the biggest hope is political stability. For the first time in many years, one party has enough seats to form a government without being hostage to small coalition partners. This creates an opportunity and a big responsibility. The question is: what should this new government do first, so that people feel their vote was not wasted?

The first duty of the new government is to restore ‘trust’. Trust will not come from speeches; it will come from concrete actions that people can see and feel in daily life. The government’s first decisions should focus on cleaning the system and improving basic services. A strong first move could be to announce a national “Good Governance and Service Reform Plan” with clear, time‑bound targets. For example, the government can declare that key services such as citizenship, social security, passports, driving licenses, land registration and business registration must be delivered within a fixed number of days, through a simple process, with transparent fees. There should not be rules office and employee wise.

To make this real, there should be a public “Revised Service Charter” in every office, and a system for citizens to complain easily if offices delay work or demands. Complaints should go to an independent mechanism that can take action quickly on responsible officials. If people see that the government seriously protects them against harassment in offices, their hope will grow.

The second urgent duty is to fight against growing corruption at all levels in political leadership, civil service, and the private sector. Corruption has become like cancer in Nepal. To control it, the new government can follow some guiding steps:

• Establish the mechanism of investigating assets of public holding 

• Give real independence, resources, and technology to anti‑corruption bodies so they can investigate big cases without political pressure 

• Protect whistle‑blowers who expose corruption in government offices, public enterprises, or private companies doing public work 

• Introduce e‑procurement and open data for all major contracts, so that the public and media can see who is getting which contract, at what price, and with what results

• Revise government office and employee numbers and provide plenty of tasks to the employee

• Enforce strict punishment for proven corruption, even if the person belongs to the ruling party

Importantly, the new government must apply the same standard to its own members. If RSP protects corrupt people inside its own ranks, the moral authority of this “change” will collapse. People voted for RSP to break the old culture, not to repeat it with new faces.

The third big responsibility is to make the state work for the whole country, not just for the center and own area. People in rural hills, Madhes plains, and remote areas have suffered from poor infrastructure of schools, poor health posts, bad roads, and lack of safe drinking water. Many of them feel that the state only remembers them during elections. The new government must show that it respects every citizen equally. Early budgets should prioritise basic services in the poorest and most neglected areas. Local governments should receive predictable funding and technical support, with clear rules and monitoring, so that funds are not misused on the way.

The government must also speak clearly about inclusion. Nepal is home to diverse communities—Dalit, indigenous, Madhesi, Muslim, Tharu, and others—who still face discrimination and barriers. For them, good governance means being able to enter an office without humiliation, getting justice from police and courts, and seeing people like themselves represented in state institutions. The new leadership should enforce laws against caste and gender discrimination, improve representation in public service, and design targeted programmes for those at the bottom.

Another major challenge is to give young people a reason to stay here. Before this election, unemployment, low wages, and frustration with the system pushed thousands of youths to go abroad every day. If nothing changes, the country will lose its energy and future. The new government must make youth employment a top priority. This can include transparent and fair public service exams, support for small and medium enterprises, skills training linked with technology and green jobs, and encouragement for innovation and start‑ups. At the same time, the government must clean up existing recruitment processes where cheating and favoritism have damaged trust.

To move toward a “Good Governance Country”, the change must be both structural and cultural. Structurally, laws, rules, and institutions have to be improved. Culturally, habits of power, ego, and misuse must be challenged. Political leaders should set an example by living simply, avoiding unnecessary luxury at public cost, and being reachable to citizens. Parliamentary committees should actually question ministers and review policies, not just act as rubber stamps. The media and civil society should be free to criticize without fear.

The first-ever decisions of this new government will be remembered. If they touch the everyday pain of citizens’ corruption, delay, disrespect, unemployment, reducing cost for representatives and government officials, poor service people will feel that a new era has truly begun. If those first decisions are only about positions, protocol, and party interests, people will quickly feel cheated again. The “tsunami of votes” that lifted RSP and Balen to power can, in future, sweep it away too.

Nepal now stands at a crossroads. The old parties have been taught a hard lesson by the people. The party has been given a historic chance. Stability will come not just from numbers in parliament, but from honesty in action. If this government can be brave, humble, and consistent, Nepal can slowly move from a culture of corruption and chaos to a culture of service and dignity. The people have done their part. Now it is the government’s turn to show this time, change is real. And we will feel we are rich in every aspect, where we were always poor. We are ready to wait for some time, understanding that deep reform cannot happen in one single day. But we are also watching carefully. The early days and the first decisions will be remembered for many years, either as the moment when Nepal finally started to respect its citizens or as one more missed opportunity.

In mid-Feb 2025, Pokhara, the tourism capital of Nepal, announced a ‘Pokhara Visit Year 2025’ with the goal of welcoming 2m tourists to the country in 2025. At that time, Pokhara had announced the target to draw in 1.5m tourists to the bustling metropolis alone. Recent estimates suggest that around 40 percent of tourists visiting Nepal also visit Pokhara. For 2025, the target was to increase this figure to 60 percent. The tourism capital is developing different packages to achieve this goal by attracting tourists, Indian tourists in particular.

This Visit Year program, initiated by the provincial government with support from the Nepal Tourism Board, aims to promote Pokhara’s unique natural beauty, thrilling adventure activities, and rich cultural experiences, and to further establish the image of Pokhara at the international level.

At present, domestic tourism in Nepal is gaining momentum. A culture of traveling during holidays is gradually developing, which is a positive sign for tourism. Social media platforms such as Facebook and X are playing a major role in attracting tourists. Despite various challenges facing Nepal’s tourism sector, there has been a noticeable revival of activity. The arrival of tourists to Pokhara and other major cities during Dashain and Tihar has created renewed enthusiasm in this sector.

According to 2024 statistics, France received the highest number of tourists (102m), followed by Spain (93.8m), the United States (72.4m), China (64.9m), and Turkey (60.6m). In the same year, India received 18.8m tourists, while Nepal welcomed 1.147m tourists.

France’s Eiffel Tower and Dune of Pilat paragliding attract tourists, while the desert nation Dubai draws visitors from around the world through manmade infrastructures such as Burj Khalifa, Dubai Mall, Jumeirah Burj Al Arab, and Dubai Miracle Garden. Compared to these countries, Nepal enjoys an excellent climate and extraordinary natural sites. If Nepal can invest even modestly in infrastructure and promotion, it can get attractive dividends from the tourism sector. Nepal has numerous rivers comparable to France’s Gorges du Verdon. Nepal shares many comparable geographical advantages with France and several other countries that have a thriving tourism industry.

Most tourists visiting Nepal come for religious purposes, visiting sites such as Pashupatinath, Janaki Mandir, Muktinath, and Lumbini. Other tourists make it to destinations such as the Sagarmatha region, Chitwan and Bardiya National Parks as well as Pokhara.

In recent years, China has achieved remarkable progress in information technology and infrastructure, surprising even powerful nations like the United States. From the Great Wall to the Forbidden City and cities like Shanghai’s Bund, China has attracted millions of tourists. Just as China developed tourist destinations like the Li River and Yellow Mountain, Nepal too has immense potential to attract tourists by promoting its diverse locations.

The average stay of tourists visiting Nepal is 12 days. By improving infrastructure, increasing tourist numbers, and extending their length of stay, millions of unemployed Nepalis can find employment or self-employment, playing a vital role in economic development. Tourism does not benefit only tourism businesses; it impacts the entire economy, including agriculture, industry, and banking and financial institutions, positively. Increased tourist arrivals and longer stays raise demand for human resources in tourism, generating direct employment, while increased demand for food and vegetables boosts agriculture and generates indirect employment and positive growth.

Nepal’s hotels are capable of providing international-standard services, but many food items—meat, vegetables, and other ingredients—still need to be imported. If international tourists could be served Nepal-produced meat, fish, and local dishes, and developed a taste for Nepali cuisine, food tourism could significantly support the tourism industry, increase demand for domestic products, create jobs, and positively impact the national economy.

France leads the world in food tourism; people travel there from all over the globe to enjoy local cuisine and wine. Countries such as Ireland, the Philippines, and Canada place special emphasis on attracting tourists through local food, while major cities like London, Paris, New York, Berlin, Madrid, Kuala Lumpur, Barcelona, Lisbon, and Rome have achieved strong tourism growth through culinary tourism.

According to recent studies, the world’s most visited tourist attractions include the Eiffel Tower (France), the Great Wall of China, the Taj Mahal (India), the Colosseum (Italy), Machu Picchu (Peru), the Sydney Opera House (Australia), Santorini (Greece), Petra (Jordan), and Niagara Falls (USA).

In 2024, Japan achieved a 47 percent increase in tourist arrivals, driven by currency devaluation that made travel packages cheaper, expansion of air routes to improve access from different countries, and simplified visa and administrative procedures. Saudi Arabia achieved a very impressive 73 percent growth by prioritizing tourism and diversifying away from an oil-based economy through various initiatives. In earlier years, Paraguay and Tajikistan also significantly increased tourist arrivals by prioritizing tourism.

Paraguay, whose GDP growth rate was negative until 2011–2012, has now achieved more than five percent economic growth, with tourism playing a key role. Favorable weather, clean roads, strong security arrangements, comfortable transportation, and cultural programs during travel have helped attract tourists.

Saudi Arabia attracts millions of religious tourists during Ramadan, just as India draws millions to its religious sites. Likewise, South Korea and Sri Lanka attract millions of religious tourists annually, making a major contribution to their economies.

Nepal, with its large Hindu population and as the birthplace of Gautaam Buddha, holds immense potential for religious tourism. Just as Muslims aspire to visit Mecca at least once in their lifetime, religious tourism programs can inspire Hindus to visit Pashupatinath, Muktinath, Vyas and other sacred shrines, while attracting Buddhists from around the world to Lumbini, the birthplace of the Buddha. By doing so, tourism could promote, and significantly help the nation’s economic growth. For this, it is essential that all stakeholders focus on the conservation and promotion of Nepal’s heritage to attract tourists.

Every Nepali should develop a positive mindset toward tourism, and Pokhara must play a key role in this endeavor. Tourism is not just a sector; it is the hope of the nation and the people. Therefore, let us promote this sector with the theme: Tourism that leads, planting future seeds.

China has expressed its commitment to work with Nepal’s new government in the country’s journey toward economic transformation and development. 

Beijing has also expressed confidence that a stable government to be formed for the next five years will fulfill the long-standing aspirations of the Nepali people for prosperity and good governance. 

It has further stated that Nepal’s development ambitions can be realized by enhancing cooperation and partnerships in tourism, investment, infrastructure, and green development.

While briefing selected journalists from mainstream media at his office on Tuesday evening about the fourth session of the 14th National People’s Congress of China, Chinese Ambassador to Nepal Zhang Maoming said that China stands ready to work with Nepal’s new government to further strengthen bilateral relations, RSS reported. 

He stated that China, which has long been a development partner of Nepal, will continue to extend support in line with the aspirations of the Nepali people, prioritize Nepal’s socio-economic development, and implement agreements reached during President Xi Jinping’s visit to Nepal. 

He also reiterated China’s continued support for safeguarding Nepal’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

Highlighting the immense potential in the tourism sector, Ambassador Zhang said that improving tourism-related infrastructure could attract a larger number of Chinese tourists to Nepal. 

He also noted that while Chinese investors are interested in investing in Nepal’s hotel and restaurant sectors, they face challenges related to investment security, policy clarity, and bureaucratic hurdles.

According to RSS, he emphasized that prioritizing tourism as a key driver of economic growth and enhancing bilateral cooperation in this sector could significantly accelerate Nepal’s development in a short period. 

He also pointed out that tea processing, packaging, and branding could emerge as another important avenue for Nepal’s economic progress, with potential for Chinese cooperation.

Stating that Nepal could benefit from China’s technological advancements, he stressed the importance of promoting green development and related industries. 

He added that a one-stop policy framework for trade and investment could attract more Chinese investors.

Reaffirming his commitment to further strengthening the centuries-old Nepal–China relationship, Ambassador Zhang said China is ready to work closely with Nepal’s new government on shared agendas of development and prosperity. 

He expressed confidence that a stable government over the next five years would guide Nepal toward development and reiterated China’s support in helping Nepal graduate from the group of Least Developed Countries, RSS stated. 

He also noted that with only two neighboring countries, Nepal would not face difficulty in implementing a balanced foreign policy. 

He expressed confidence that the new government would formulate policies and programs in line with public aspirations to improve living standards and fulfill development goals.

In this context, Ambassador Zhang stated that China stands ready to work with all members of the international community to promote an equal and orderly multipolar world and universally beneficial and inclusive economic globalization. 

He added that China is prepared to participate in the reform and development of the global governance system and make the international order more just and equitable.

Regarding Kalapani, he clarified that it is a bilateral issue between Nepal and India and should be resolved through dialogue and consultation. "It is a dispute between Nepal and China. China attaches great importance to Nepal and we understand Nepal's position", he said. 

He suggested that the Nepal–India mechanism at the level of foreign secretaries could be activated to find a solution.

Expressing confidence that the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) would support Nepal’s economic development, he said cooperation could be expanded in agriculture, improving living standards, infrastructure development, and investment. 

He also emphasized the need to fully utilize the tariff concessions provided by China and expressed readiness to support the export of a wider range of Nepali products beyond agricultural goods. 

He noted that there is ample potential for expanding trade and that he has been working with a focus on strengthening bilateral partnership, according to RSS. 

Nepal–China diplomatic and economic relations have grown stronger in recent years. 

Established in 1955, the relationship is based on mutual respect, sovereignty, non-interference in internal affairs, and the principles of peaceful coexistence. 

Nepal regards China as a reliable development partner and a true friend, and China’s continued support in various sectors has made the relationship more practical and result-oriented. Nepal also remains firmly committed to the “One China Principle,” which China highly appreciates.

Bilateral relations have increasingly moved toward multi-dimensional cooperation, particularly under the concept of the Trans-Himalayan Multi-Dimensional Connectivity Network, which aims to transform Nepal from a landlocked country to a land-linked country. 

Key projects include the proposed Kerung–Kathmandu railway, upgrading of the Kodari–Zhangmu road, and expansion of north–south economic corridors.

Efforts are also underway to enhance cross-border trade through the upgrading of Tatopani–Zhangmu and Rasuwagadhi points, expansion of dry ports, and improvement of air connectivity. 

Increased flights via Pokhara and Gautam Buddha International Airports are expected to boost tourism and people-to-people ties. 

Cooperation is also expanding in digital, energy, and telecommunications sectors.

Since Nepal joined the BRI in 2017, collaboration in infrastructure, trade, and connectivity has further strengthened. 

During President Xi Jinping’s visit to Nepal in 2019, more than 20 agreements were signed, upgrading bilateral ties to a Strategic Partnership of Cooperation.

This cooperation has had positive impacts in energy, hydropower, health, education, green development, and cultural sectors. 

Coordination has also been strengthened in border management, security cooperation, and control of illegal activities.

The growing strategic importance of Nepal–China relations is expected to contribute significantly to trade expansion, economic transformation, and diversification of transit routes, reducing dependence on a single transit system.

World Tuberculosis Day is being marked across the country today by organizing various awareness programs  under the theme 'Yes! We Can End TB: National Campaign, Our Contribution'.  

Director at the National Tuberculosis Centre, Dr Bhuwan Poudel said that this Day is being observed with the commitment of fulfilling responsibilities by all from their respective fields with an objective of ending tuberculosis by 2035 and making the country tuberculosis-free by 2050.

Stating that 42 percent TB patients are still out of treatment in the country, he mentioned that problems have surfaced as most of the patients do not openly talk about their disease as well as inability to use technology.

Poudel shared that 39,151 new patients were detected in fiscal year 2024/25. Of them, 39 percent were women, 61 percent men and 5.6 percent children below 15 years. 

The government has been running tuberculosis treatment service in 6,241 health institutions to control the disease, he said, adding 785 health institutions have been providing specified microscopy service while 142 health institutions are providing rapid testing service free of cost. 

He added that 31 centers and 98 sub-centres are providing treatment for drug resistant tuberculosis as well as the 'Tuberculosis-free Nepal Campaign' has been expanded in 149 local levels and nine AI-assisted digital X-ray machines are being used to test tuberculosis. 

Poudel underlined that 10.7 million active tuberculosis are detected in the world every year. Of them more than 1.2 million people lost their lives.

As the globe observes the International Day for Glaciers on March 21, the timing seems more like a warning than a celebration. From the peaks, the alarm is already beginning to trickle down. The UN's creation of this day in the second year of the Decadal Action for Cryospheric Science (2025-2034) represents a shift in our understanding of the high-altitude glaciers and snowpacks that support more than a billion people in South Asia. Our cryosphere is melting due to human-caused warming, making it a ticking time bomb rather than a static landscape. Temperatures in the Hindu Kush Himalayas are rising 0.3°C to 0.7°C more quickly than the global average. Glacial Lake Outburst Floods (GLOFs), which pose a direct threat to the "Third Pole," are being fueled by this quick thaw. As we battle to save these crucial "water towers," Nepal's glacial landscapes must act as both a global laboratory for climate science and the front line for survival over the course of the next ten years.

Understanding the GLOF threat

Researchers at ICIMOD estimate that Nepal's glacier lakes currently make up a staggering 2.6% to 3.6% of the nation's total area, or about 3,252 unique lakes. However, they are the epicenters of Glacial Lake Outburst Floods (GLOFs), not merely immobile masses of water. Thermal expansion causes glacial lakes to grow and press against their natural rock and ice as temperatures rise. The science underlying GLOF is that this produces a volatile mixture of hydro-meteorological elements that can cause a catastrophic eruption. The terrain is pushed to a critical threshold for a disastrous Glacial Lake Outburst Flood (GLOF) by this pressure build-up and erratic weather patterns.

The moraine dams are weakened structurally by the freeze-thaw cycles, and these delicate structures are further destabilized by rising sediment loads. These loose rock "walls" that contain the water, are known as moraine dams. As "living laboratories," these summits record a significant change in the climate. Heavy sediment loads are gradually compromising the structural integrity of these moraine dams, posing a concern that needs immediate action and attention.

Crisis beyond the Peaks

The statistics from ICIMOD and the IPCC are staggering. The central and eastern Himalayas lost around 30% of their snow cover in just three decades, according to recent research, including findings published in The Cryosphere (2026). By the end of the century, up to 80% of the glacier volume may disappear if we continue to follow the same path. What we are witnessing is not just a transformation of the landscape, but a fundamental disruption of the lifelines for a quarter of the world's population because these glacial systems are the primary water source for more than two billion people downstream. Scientists now refer to GLOF events as "cascading hazards," in which a glacier's initial collapse triggers a series of environmental and societal disasters, from immediate floods to long-term water shortages for entire nations.

Why our old maps no longer work?

The latest disasters in Rasuwagadhi (2025) and Thame (2024) have essentially destroyed our conventional risk models. Analyst used historical data to forecast floods for many years, but the mountains are no longer adhering to the previous guidelines. With the frozen earth thawing by up to 23 centimeters annually, scientists now warn that permafrost degradation is undermining the Himalayas' basic foundations. This new reality is exemplified by the Thame Valley disaster of 2024. Over 450,000 cubic meters of debris-filled water were spilled when a rock avalanche struck the Thyanbo glacier lake. The 2025 surge in Rasuwagadhi, which occurred just a year later, demonstrated that these occurrences are no longer rare. These consecutive tragedies demonstrate that the frequency and magnitude of today's mountain calamities cannot be predicted by our outdated models. The peaks are getting more unpredictable, and a single crumbling slope can now cause a catastrophe, as evidenced by the Upper Mustang floods and the ISRO satellite data on the Dharali disaster.

People in the Shadow

As our old maps of the mountains fail, the social fabric of the communities living there is also being stretched to its limit. While technical teams from NDRRMA and ICIMOD have been on the ground in Thame to map physical hazards, the SathSathai Summiter’s Summit has revealed a parallel socioeconomic crisis. Through "witness accounts" from veteran climbers like Mingma David Sherpa and Sheikha Asma Al Thani, the dialogue is finally shifting from satellite imagery to the lived experiences of those whose lives depend on the ice.  They describe a landscape that is no longer recognizable, documenting measurable changes in ice formation and route stability that no map can fully capture. These testimonies are echoed by local elderly grandmothers like Chyoying Doma, who describe the "auditory and visual" shifts in the mountains, from the changing sounds of moving glaciers to the loss of traditional seasonal markers once used for agricultural planning.

  As our field surveys from April 2025 demonstrate, this catastrophe is also strongly gendered and very intimate. Due to shifting crop cycles, temperature and precipitation, people now suffer from climate-related health problems. Especially, women in the Thame Valley are now bearing an increased "multiple burden" from agricultural workloads to detrimental reproductive health. Community interviews also show that psychological trauma is on the rise, even beyond the physical work. The ongoing uncertainty of snowfall, economic instability, and the shadow of erratic moraine dams are all contributing factors to residents' elevated stress levels. We can get a complete picture of how climate change in the Himalayas is a fight for the existence and dignity of those on the front lines rather than merely an environmental study by combining the technical and social findings.

The Gap between the Talk and the Truth

The 2025 summit may have stopped in rhetoric, despite the fact that high-level dialogues like the Sagarmatha Sambaad were intended to bridge mountain reality with global policy. Critics point out that the world is far from the promised climate justice because these debates often fail to provide systemic solutions. This leads to a serious environmental injustice, although Nepal contributes only 0.08% of the world's emissions, people suffer the consequences of a disaster that they did not cause. Even though the World Bank's $9.4 million payment in late 2025 was a welcome gesture of justice, it is still tiny in comparison to the rising human cost and the predatory power of unchecked mountain tourism.

This is not just an environmental study, but a cycle of increasing poverty for vulnerable populations, such as the elderly, porters, and subsistence farmers. In valleys like Thame, women are left to shoulder a "multiple burden," managing collapsing agricultural cycles and worsening reproductive health issues under great stress, as men migrate for employment. This calamity is also deeply gendered. Those with the fewest resources and the greatest family duties become more helpless as the glaciers disappear, their traditional means of subsistence and physical well-being vanishing along with the ice.

​​​​​From monitoring to survival

Adaptation is made possible by current scientific monitoring, which uses ground-based data and satellite-based remote sensing to enable "non-structural" interventions like mobile-based early notifications. However, local action must take over as international diplomacy falters. If high-level meetings do not lead to immediate adaptation on the ground, they are worthless. Local Adaptation Plans (LAPA) must be prioritized in order to overcome administrative obstacles, even though ICIMOD's research provide the essential maps to forecast disasters.

This entails concentrating on the finance that instantly reaches communities, empowering the frontline by giving women and indigenous groups priority, and a clever defense that blends engineering, like the Tsho Rolpa spillways along with community-led warnings. In the end, "climate justice" is not a catchphrase, it rather refers to the financial and material resources that enable people who live under the shadow of the glaciers to protect their lives and dignity.

Connecting Data and People

The second year of the International Year of Glacier Preservation provides a crucial temporal framework for documenting the accelerating environmental and social shifts in Nepal's mountain regions. GLOF episodes are no longer isolated incidents. Scientific evidence confirms they are symptoms of a systemic collapse affecting water security and social stability across the Hindu Kush Himalayas. Nepal’s experience proves that research must lead to response, science alone cannot save a village without the equity of direct funding and local empowerment. As environmental changes surpass natural variability, the world must match Nepal’s frontline resilience with a radical commitment to lowering emissions and halting this cryospheric collapse.

The Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA), in partnership with the Government of Germany, today inaugurated the groundbreaking ceremony for the Lekhnath–Damauli 220 kV Transmission Line Project at the Damauli Substation in Tanahun District.

NEA Managing Director Hitendra Dev Shakya,  German Ambassador to Nepal Udo Volz,  Director of KfW Development Bank for Bangladesh and Nepal Michael Sumser, as well as senior representatives from NEA, the German Embassy, KfW Development Bank, GIZ, local governments and other key stakeholders attended the ceremony. 

Co-financed by Germany through KfW Development Bank, the project includes the construction of a 45 km long 220 kV double-circuit transmission line and the development of modern gas-insulated substations in Lekhnath and Damauli, reads a statement issued by the German Embassy in Kathmandu. 

With a transmission capacity of around 1000 MW, the project will strengthen the regional electricity grid and enable efficient evacuation of electricity from hydropower plants in the region, including the Tanahun Hydropower Project.

“The expansion of reliable transmission infrastructure is essential for Nepal’s growing energy needs,” said Ambassador Udo Volz. “Germany is proud to partner with Nepal in strengthening its electricity grid and enabling the use of its vast renewable energy potential. Projects like this ensure that clean energy reaches homes, businesses and industries, contributing to sustainable economic growth.”. 

Germany has also supported renewable energy solutions ranging from household solar systems and solar irrigation to grid-connected solar installations, contributing to around 55 MW of solar photovoltaic capacity in Nepal.  

In Gandaki Province, German Technical Cooperation has supported Pokhara Metropolitan City in developing a five-year Municipal Energy Plan to guide efficient energy use and the adoption of clean energy technologies. 

German Technical Cooperation has also supported the establishment of two electric vehicle charging stations in Pokhara and Damauli and the integration of two micro-hydropower plants in Baglung into the national grid of the Nepal Electricity Authority.

Reliable transmission infrastructure such as the Lekhnath–Damauli line provides the foundation for greater use of clean electricity, including electric mobility and other low-carbon solutions, supporting Nepal’s ambition to reduce reliance on imported fossil fuels.

Last March, the author of this article was sitting at the Everest Cafe; in Kathmandu, talking to one of Nepal's very senior journalists, amidst subsequent waves of pro-monarchy protests that had engulfed the country in recent months. In casual conversation, the journalist mentioned the Rashtriya Swatantra Party (RSP) and its dwindling fortunes under Oli’s Prime Ministerial regime.

Cut to the present times, Nepal has given one of the most historic mandates to the RSP since the inception of democracy in the country: for the first time in the hill country, any party has gotten an absolute majority in a very difficult representation system, and just two seats short of a two-thirds supermajority. The election has also been historic for the Prime Ministerial candidate from RSP, Balendra Shah, and Kathmandu’s ex-mayor, who became the first Madhesi person to sit in the Prime Minister's chair. 

Born out of chaos, post-Gen-Z protests occurred in September 2025, Nepal’s unelected government, led by former chief justice Sushila Karki, has also done an impressive job of delivering elections in the earlier decided timeline, unlike in Bangladesh.

In the volatile neighborhood, elections and the return of stable democracy are obviously a sigh of relief for New Delhi. Nevertheless, in Nepal, the winners are new to foreign policy and diplomacy, and their implications will be important to unpack from Delhi’s side. 

Since the inception of the democratic movement in Nepal with the establishment of the Nepal Congress in 1950, India has been supportive of it. At times, future prominent leaders of Nepal have studied in Indian Universities and then returned home with a strong democratic enthusiasm.

During the monarchy’s time, when these leaders faced persecution, they took shelter in India. During the civil war, India played a critical role in bringing the mainstream political parties and the Maoist rebels together, culminating in the 12-point understanding in Delhi (2005) and the 2006 Comprehensive Peace Agreement.

After the end of the bloody civil war in Nepal and the agreement between all parties to abolish the monarchy, it pushed for an inclusive constitution that addressed the rights of the Madhesi people in the Terai region. 2015 marked a critical juncture in India-Nepal relations, when the Madhesi agitation over Nepal’s constitution drew India into the fray. Since then, India-Nepal relations have been driven more by a sectoral, compartmentalised approach than by a holistic one.

The situation has been complicated by political instability and the musical chairs of politics among three main political parties: Nepal Congress, Communist Party of Nepal (UML), and Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). To even complicate matters, the head of CPN UML and 2015 Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli’s populist anti-India rhetoric surely helped him win the elections, but ruptured India-Nepal relations.

At the same time, Nepal's joining the Belt and Road Initiative also alerted India. Nevertheless, the political instability has undermined many good diplomatic efforts on both sides and fuelled each other’s insecurities time and again. It also needs to be mentioned here that to err is human, and humans run states and diplomacy.

So, between neighbours in the future as well, there will be issues that may feel contentious, but both sides need to understand that making a populist political rhetoric out of it will not help. Shishir Khanal in one interview has also clearly mentioned that his party will try to find diplomatic solutions to the contentious issues rather than making it an overt political confrontation, which is a very welcoming step. 

It is also critical here to mention that for Balendra and RSP, this is going to be a difficult time geopolitically beyond the neighborhood, given the war in West Asia, and a significant chunk of the diaspora of both India and Nepal works there in different sector will surely ask leaders to work together in the tough times. 

The mandate for the RSP is a sign of a generational change in Nepal's politics. It shows that the people want to move on from the cycles of instability and political rhetoric that have defined the country's recent past. India should see this change as less of a strategic puzzle and more of a chance to fix a relationship that has been strong in the past but has been strained by political mistakes on both sides. A leadership that is new to foreign policy may also be less rigid in its ideas about diplomacy, which could make it easier to deal with difficult issues in a more practical way. For Kathmandu, governing with such a strong mandate will also mean finding a balance between what people want and what is possible given the geography and the fact that the economy is linked to other countries. India is still Nepal's most important trading partner, and Nepal's political stability is just as important for India's own neighborhood policy. 

In this situation, the new government's success will depend in part on how well it can keep working with New Delhi while also working on its own reform agenda. If both sides stay away from populist language and focus on steady diplomatic talks instead, the current political change in Nepal could quietly mark the start of a more stable and mature phase in India–Nepal relations.

*Harsh Pandey is a PhD Candidate at the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, He is also a Life member of Delhi Based International Centre for Peace Studies.

In a historic political shift, the newly formed Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) and its prime ministerial candidate, rapper-turned-politician Balen Shah, swept the elections in Nepal and are set to form the government – dislodging the country’s old political institutions. While the mandate marks a pivotal moment in Nepal's political landscape following the Gen-Z protests that rocked the country last year, it also poses a significant strategic test for India in Kathmandu. 

Nepal occupies a key strategic place in India’s South Asian engagement strategy. India remains Nepal’s largest trading partner. Over the past decade, New Delhi has invested significantly in developmental assistance, strengthening cross-border connectivity projects and hydro and energy cooperation.

Initiatives such as amending the ‘Treaty of Transit’ to enhance trade flows via the Jogbani-Biratnagar rail link – enabling direct rail transport of containerised and bulk cargo to Nepal’s custom yard – and completion of the 34 km Jayanagar-Kutha rail link, similarly, integrated check posts have been operationalized to streamline customs procedures and reduce logistical delays – illustrate India’s effort in institutionalising supply chains that bind two economies closer together.

In the energy sector, India has invested heavily in several hydropower and electricity transmission projects. Multiple cross-border electricity transmission lines are already operational, while agreements have been signed for a new 400 kV transmission line linking Inaruwa to New Purnea and the Lamki-Dododhara corridor with Bareilly. Additionally, under a long-term power-purchase agreement, Nepal plans to export up to 10,000 MW of electricity to India over the next decade – reinforcing New Delhi’s ambition to position itself as the hub of a broader regional energy network. 

However, the smooth operationalization of these initiatives depends significantly on a cooperative and predictable political leadership in Kathmandu. It is precisely at this juncture that the landslide victory of the RSP carries profound significance. 

The RSP’s electoral triumph reflects the aspirations of a new generation shaped by the Gen-Z wave. For many Nepalis, the political mandate represents not merely a change in government but a generational reset in a political system long criticized for stagnation and persistent corruption. The anti-corruption sentiment that fuelled the September protests has now propelled a leadership that emphasises transparency, accountability, and institutional reforms while simultaneously articulating what many describe as a more “vocal sovereignty."

Within this emerging political cohort, relations with India may no longer be viewed through the lens of ‘historical obligation’. Sections of Nepal’s political discourse have historically accused India of excessive involvement in Nepal’s internal affairs and behaving as ‘big brother’ rather than engaging on equal terms. Whether justified or not, such perceptions have periodically strained bilateral ties in the past. The emergence of a political order committed to “strategic autonomy” and a “Nepal First” approach is therefore likely to scrutinize India’s role far more closely, particularly in negotiations concerning trade felicitation, customs procedures, and cross-border administrative arrangements. 

Consistent with this outlook, RSP under Shah’s leadership has pledged to reposition Nepal from a traditional “buffer state” between India and China into a “vibrant bridge” that facilitates trilateral economic partnerships. The RSP argues that Nepal must pragmatically maximize its sovereign interests with both neighbors through technical negotiations. 

China, meanwhile, is keen to steadily expand its economic and infrastructural footprint in Nepal. During K.P. Sharma Oli’s tenure, Kathmandu finalized several projects under the Belt and Road Initiative, deepening Chinese engagement in the country’s infrastructure sector. 

While Shah has expressed equal frustration with both India and China, it is very likely that the new government will seek to diversify Nepal’s external partnerships to reduce long-standing dependence on any single partner. Such balancing is common in South Asian diplomacy; yet, most of the party leadership’s relative lack of prior institutional experience in governing at the national level, coupled with a new political landscape, introduces an element of unpredictability regarding how these ambitions will translate into policy or whether the party’s “Nepal’s First” policy will slip into a “China First” reality – inevitably complicating India’s strategic calculations in the Himalayas.

Another sensitive dimension concerns unresolved territorial disputes. Shah and his party have taken a critical position on revisiting the India-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship and have repeatedly called for a stronger Nepali stance on key territorial disputes, including Kalapani, Lipulekh, and Limpiyadhura, insisting that no foreign activity should take place in these regions without Nepal’s consent. The issue has remained a sensitive flashpoint between the two since Nepal’s controversial map revision in 2020. Now, with a two-thirds parliamentary majority, the new leadership could possess the domestic political capital to pursue a harder line on such issues, considering Balen Shah’s earlier anti-India rhetoric as a mayor of Kathmandu – possibly sharpening bilateral tensions.

New Delhi’s diplomatic outreach towards Nepal was traditionally anchored in the long-established political entities, such as the Nepal Congress and the Communist Party of Nepal – Unified Marxist–Leninist (CPN-UML). The RSP’s landslide victory signals the erosion of this familiar political landscape and the emergence of a new generation of leaders whose governance approach remains largely untested. In a country witnessing a dramatic shift, its younger generation is more digitally connected than ever before and uncompromisingly aspirational. Nepal’s electoral earthquake has brought the RSP into the corridors of power – one that India’s regional diplomacy has not previously had to navigate in such a form.

Although the new mandate sends some optimism in New Delhi's strategic circles. Analysts view the emergence of RSP, compounded by Shah's technocratic priorities – its emphasis on improving infrastructure, digital connectivity, and boosting GDP – could also open new avenues for cooperation. RSP ambitiously wants to be vehicle of change of a new Nepal and the trajectory of India-Nepal relations will therefore depend on how India adapts to this evolving landscape, making the RSP’s rise not a just a domestic phenomenon but a critical strategic test for New Delhi’s regional diplomacy in Kathmandu. 

Ammu S. Anil is a Senior Research Fellow at the MMAJ Academy of International Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, and a Visiting Fellow at NIICE Nepal, Lalitpur.

Mahesh Ganguly, Teaching Assistant and Research Fellow, IIT Bombay. 

The Embassy of the Federal Republic of Germany in Nepal has signed agreements with four organizations to implement development initiatives under its Small Grant Development Project 2026, with total funding of EUR 86,330 aimed at supporting marginalized communities across Nepal..

Anurodh Nepal in Lahan Municipality will implement one of the projects, “Empowering Marginalized Women through Eco-Craft Skills and Cooperative Enterprise.”

The initiative seeks to empower marginalized Madhesi and Dalit women by providing training in bamboo and banana-fiber eco-craft production, entrepreneurship, and cooperative management, reads a statement issued by the Embassy of Germany in Kathmandu. 

The initiative will also promote women’s economic independence, reduce gender-based violence through awareness, and foster a sustainable, women-led cooperative for long-term livelihood generation. 

The embassy will contribute up to EUR 13,860 to the project.

In Pokhara Metropolitan City, the Nucleus for Empowerment through Skill Transfer (NEST) Pokhara will implement a program aimed at economically empowering women who serve as caretakers for persons with disabilities, mental illness, and other vulnerable family members in marginalized settlements of Wards 2 and 8. 

The project will establish cooperative-managed livelihood enterprises and provide skills training along with small-scale production equipment such as sewing machines and beekeeping kits. 

The embassy is supporting the initiative with up to EUR 24,300.

The project GreenRide to Prosperity by Lakshyadeep will focus on improving the livelihoods of marginalized households in Itahari Sub-Metropolitan City, Ward No. 15 (Padariya Tole), mostly from the Tharu, Risidev, Bishwakarma, Shah and other communities who struggle to meet basic needs. The project will train selected individuals in e-rickshaw driving, support them in obtaining driving licenses, and provide e-rickshaws to economically vulnerable families The German Embassy supports the project with up to EUR 24,270, according to the statement. 

Meanwhile, The Lutheran World Federation Nepal will implement a project to support newly arrived refugees by improving water, sanitation, and hygiene facilities while strengthening health services, psychosocial well-being, and livelihood resilience. The embassy is providing up to EUR 23,900 for this initiative.

“Germany and Nepal enjoy a strong partnership with many facets,” stated Ambassador Udo Eugen Volz. “These new small-scale grants are designed to complement our larger government-to-government collaborations by investing in smaller projects that are rooted in local communities and built for long-term impact. They specifically target support for marginalized groups across Nepal.”

The general election of 2026 marks a defining moment in Nepal’s democratic journey. While elections routinely change governments, they only occasionally signal a deeper shift in the nature of democratic politics itself. The verdict from the Nepali electorate seems to represent just such a transition, suggesting that Nepal is evolving from the politics of democratic transition to one focused on democratic performance—where citizens evaluate leaders less on their historical legacies and more on their capacity to provide effective governance, economic opportunities, and national advancement.

For the Nepali Congress (NC), this outcome demands sober introspection. As a party that once led Nepal’s democratic struggles, it must now reassess its role in a rapidly changing society. This process should transcend nostalgia for past glories or short-term electoral tactics, centering instead on a fundamental question: How can Nepal’s democratic institutions best support the nation’s next phase of development and prosperity? Such moments call for humility, broader perspective, and a forward-oriented sense of national duty.

Accepting the verdict with democratic grace

Elections embody the essence of democratic sovereignty. Through their votes, citizens not only select representatives but also convey their vision for the country’s future. This collective judgment merits unwavering respect. In this election, I sought renewed trust from voters in a constituency that had backed me before. The electorate has chosen another direction, and I accept that choice with humility and grace. I am profoundly grateful to those who offered their support and encouragement, especially against a sweeping national tide. Their faith remains a lasting source of inspiration and obligation.

It is fitting to extend congratulations to the Rastriya Swatantra Party’s leadership for their historic mandate. Victories of this magnitude bring both prestige and weighty duties. Voters have signaled a clear demand for renewal and better governance. We can hope—and must expect—that this new leadership meets the challenge with gravity and dedication, mindful that even robust mandates, like the 2017 left alliance, can stumble amid internal divisions and governance hurdles.

Defeat is a familiar facet of democratic life, serving as a gauge of institutional endurance. The NC has weathered far graver trials—eras of repression, exile, and sidelining—yet it has repeatedly revitalized itself by staying rooted in the people’s democratic hopes. There is strong cause to trust it will do so again, through candid self-examination of recent setbacks, including its own governance lapses and factional strains, to serve the nation with fresh resolve.

The historical arc of democratic politics in Nepal

Placing this moment in Nepal’s extended democratic narrative clarifies its importance. The NC emerged not just as a political entity but as a force for democratic change. In the mid-20th century, it was instrumental in dismantling the Rana oligarchy and ushering in constitutional governance. The 1959 election—Nepal’s inaugural nationwide parliamentary vote under a constitutional monarchy—captured public zeal for representation, yielding a resounding NC win, only for the 1960 royal coup to halt that nascent experiment. Three decades later, the 1990 people’s movement reinstated multiparty democracy after prolonged suppression, reaffirming that sovereignty lies with the people and power must be accountable. The ensuing Maoist insurgency laid bare profound societal inequities, compelling a reevaluation of the constitutional framework.

The 2006 popular uprising drove further transformation, culminating in the republican structure of the 2015 Constitution. Throughout these milestones, the NC stood as a key steward of democratic values, even as shifting public demands now require adaptation from all established (or some may prefer to call, legacy) parties. The 2017 election appeared to promise stability with a dominant left alliance majority, but fractures, fluid coalitions, and delivery shortfalls quickly eroded that promise. Nepal’s democratic triumphs have reshaped political rivalry. The liberties won through generations of activism have heightened citizen expectations for what democracy must achieve.

From democratic struggle to democratic performance

Nepal’s political system has entered a new stage of democratic development. For much of the twentieth century and the early twenty-first, the central challenge was securing democratic freedoms and building constitutional institutions. That struggle shaped the identity of political parties and the experiences of an entire generation of leaders. Today the challenge has shifted. Democratic freedoms are largely institutionalized, and citizens increasingly evaluate political leadership not by historical credentials alone but by governance performance, policy effectiveness, and economic outcomes—such as addressing employment limitations, administrative inefficiencies, and public accountability.

This transition is natural and healthy. Mature democracies gradually move from struggles over political rights toward debates about institutional capacity, economic opportunity, and policy delivery. The electoral shifts of 2026 should therefore be interpreted within this broader evolution. The electorate appears to be signaling a desire for faster progress, stronger institutions, and clearer pathways toward national prosperity, while acknowledging that structural constraints may temper the pace of change. For parties that played historic roles in democratic movements, this adaptation demands self-scrutiny and creativity, including frank reckoning with prior lapses in policy consistency and institutional strengthening.

Listening to the message of change

Every election carries lessons. The message emerging from this one appears to be that many citizens seek new approaches to governance and development. Issues like employment, economic expansion, administrative streamlining, and public oversight dominate discussions, mirroring the ambitions of a younger, better-educated, increasingly urban and interconnected populace. Nepal’s youth confront a stark irony: rising education and global exposure coexist with scant domestic prospects, driving many abroad for work. Remittances bolster families and the economy, yet enduring prosperity hinges on fostering homegrown opportunities, bolstered by targeted investments in education, skills, and entrepreneurship.

For the NC, this moment calls for attentive listening rather than defensiveness. Democratic renewal begins with recognizing that voter expectations evolve. Political institutions remain relevant when they respond constructively to those expectations, addressing both achievements and areas needing reform.

The responsibility of the incoming government

This election has yielded a decisive mandate for the incoming government, which commands a near-supermajority—a rarity in Nepal’s splintered politics. Such a mandate brings both opportunity and responsibility. A strong majority provides the stability necessary to pursue ambitious reforms, implement long-term policies, and address structural challenges requiring sustained commitment. At the same time, it raises expectations and risks if progress stalls due to administrative capacity issues or policy disruptions. When voters grant decisive authority, they expect visible progress in governance, economic development, and institutional reform.

The responsibility of the incoming government is therefore not merely to govern but to demonstrate that democratic institutions can deliver tangible national progress, building on existing sectors like agriculture, hydropower, and tourism. If the coming years bring improvements in governance, job creation, and development, they will strengthen public confidence not only in one administration but in Nepal’s democratic system itself. From opposition or wider civic roles, all democratic participants should aid this constructively, as national gains transcend partisan lines.

Reimagining Nepal’s development path

The central challenge facing Nepal today is the transformation of democratic stability into economic prosperity. Nepal possesses significant resources and opportunities. Its hydropower potential remains among the largest in South Asia. Its natural landscapes and cultural heritage offer exceptional prospects for tourism development. These sectors alone, if developed strategically with sustained investment and policy clarity, could become powerful drivers of growth and employment.

Still, development faces inherent structural limits—landlocked status inflating trade costs, a modest internal market, gradual industrial growth, and heavy remittance reliance. While these inflows aid households, they fall short of a varied, vibrant economy. Institutions have improved, yet administrative prowess and policy steadiness persist as challenges. Such constraints, however, do not define a country’s destiny. Nations facing similar limitations have overcome them through consistent policy direction, institutional strengthening, and political stability. A government with a strong parliamentary mandate therefore has a rare opportunity to pursue reforms with strategic focus and long-term continuity, while navigating risks like geographic vulnerabilities and economic dependencies.

Nestled between Asia’s economic giants, Nepal can tap connectivity, energy trade, and tourism flows. Realizing these opportunities will depend less on geography itself than on the quality of infrastructure, regulatory predictability, and balanced diplomacy. Agriculture remains pivotal and continues to be the primary source of livelihood for rural millions. Improving productivity, expanding agro-processing, and strengthening rural infrastructure are key to easing economic vulnerabilities. No less vital are ongoing commitments to education, skills, and innovation. Nepal’s youthful demographic is a prime resource, with long-term success tied to channeling it into domestic productivity. With political stability and strategic clarity, Nepal can gradually transform its economic base, turning democratic maturity into durable national prosperity, provided all stakeholders collaborate to address ongoing challenges.

Renewal within democratic institutions

The lessons of this election extend beyond any single political party. They highlight the importance of continuous renewal within democratic institutions. Political parties must remain open to generational change, policy innovation, and organizational reform. Public institutions must strengthen transparency, accountability, and professional competence. Democracy thrives by evolving with societal shifts while upholding constitutional essentials. For the NC, this means deliberate contemplation of its place in Nepal’s changing arena. Its historic role in the democratic movement provides a strong foundation, but its future relevance will depend on how effectively it engages with the aspirations of a new generation, including through self-critical evaluation.

Looking ahead

Moments of electoral disruption often appear dramatic in the immediate aftermath, yet they affirm democratic vigor, reminding us that power rests with the people and democratic systems remain capable of renewal. For those of us who have spent many years in public service, the appropriate response is reflection rather than resentment and commitment rather than retreat. The task now is to contribute—within whatever roles we occupy—to the strengthening of democratic institutions and the advancement of national development.

Nepal has already demonstrated remarkable resilience in its journey from monarchy to republic and from conflict to constitutional democracy. The next chapter must focus on translating democratic stability into broad-based prosperity. If the lessons of this election encourage both government and opposition to pursue that goal with seriousness and humility—acknowledging past disruptions and structural hurdles—the electoral transformation of 2026 could endure not as rupture but as the dawn of Nepal’s deepened democratic integration and national evolution.

The External Affairs Ministry of India has stated that India and Nepal have a unique and multifaceted partnership.

Responding to the query of a journalist at a weekly press briefing, External Affairs Ministry spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said that the partnership between India and Nepal will continue to gain momentum in the coming days.

He said that the Indian government will work closely with the new government of Nepal.

Saying that Prime Minister Narendra Modi had a telephone conversation with Rastriya Swatantra Party President Rabi Lamichhane and senior leader Balendra Shah, Jaiswal stated that India wants common peace, progress, and prosperity.

“We have welcomed the successful conclusion of the elections in Nepal. Our Prime Minister has also congratulated the Rastriya Swatantra Party for its remarkable success in the elections through telephone,” he said, adding, “The Prime Minister has stated that India, as a close friend and neighbor, is always committed to working with the people and the new government of Nepal.”

Nepal joined fellow countries today in reaffirming its strong support for the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) and emphasized the need to ensure the safety and security of UN peacekeepers serving in Lebanon under challenging circumstances, according to Nepal's Permanent Mission to the United Nations.

Nepal stated that peacekeepers must never be the target of attack. 

The government strongly condemned attacks against UN personnel, wished the injured peacekeepers a speedy and full recovery. 

It has also called on all parties to exercise maximum restraint, respect international law, and fully implement the relevant Security Council resolutions.

Pakistan congratulated Nepal on the successful completion of its elections.

Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar extended his heartiest congratulations to the people and the leadership of Nepal, according to the Embassy of Pakistan in Kathmandu.

In his message, the Pakistani Deputy Prime Minister said Pakistan deeply values its fraternal relations with Nepal and expressed hope that the two countries would continue to strengthen their longstanding friendship.

Dar also said he looks forward to working closely with his counterpart and the new government of Nepal to further enhance bilateral cooperation, explore new avenues of partnership, and promote regional peace and prosperity.