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Nepal has sent an official diplomatic note stating that the 10-point labor standards sent by Malaysia are invalid.

The letter prepared by the Ministry of Labor, Employment and Social Security was sent to Malaysia through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs via the Nepali Embassy in Kuala Lumpur.

Concluding that the letter sent by Malaysia is an attempt to implement a syndicate system among manpower entrepreneurs, Nepal has made it clear that it is impossible to implement the standards.

According to the Nepal government, the standards are unacceptable as they affect equal opportunities, transparency and fair competition of foreign employment agencies registered in Nepal.

Malaysia had issued a 10-point criteria for the selection of manpower companies for Nepal, India, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Myanmar on Oct 27. 

Ambassador of the Federal Republic of Germany to Nepal Udo Eugen Volz and Marianne Beck-Volz graciously hosted a reception at the ambassador’s residence in Gyaneshwor on Friday to commemorate the 35th Anniversary of the Day of German Unity and 67 years of diplomatic relations between Nepal and Germany.

Vice President Ram Sahay Yadav graced the occasion as the special guest.

In his welcome remarks, Ambassador Volz stated, “Today, as we celebrate 35 years of German Unity, we also mark 67 years of bilateral relations between Nepal and Germany. Germany has stood by Nepal through challenging times — during the civil war, the 2015 earthquake, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the current democratic renewal. We appreciate the commitment to reinforce democratic values like accountability and service delivery to the people of Nepal,” reads a statement issued by the German Embassy in Kathmandu.

This year also commemorates 51 years of GIZ’s presence in Nepal, 62 years since the establishment of KfW, and 18 years of PTB's engagement in the country.

As key institutions under the German Development Cooperation, Deutsche Gesellschaft fur Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) has been providing impactful technical assistance to Nepal, while Kreditanstalt fur Wiederaufbau (KfW) has supported the country through financial cooperation across diverse sectors.

Likewise, the Physikalisch-Technische Bundesanstalt (PTB) — Germany’s national metrology institute — has been contributing to strengthening Nepal’s quality infrastructure by supporting standards, metrology, testing, and accreditation systems that promote fair trade and enhance industrial competitiveness.

Government bodies, political leaders, diplomats, business people, journalists, and intellectuals, reflecting the enduring partnership and shared values between Nepal and Germany, attended the event.

Lorenzo Viviani’s ‘Leadership and Democracy: A Political Sociology of the Personalization of Leadership’ examines how political leadership is transforming in contemporary democracies. He argues that power is increasingly personalized, shaped by the charisma, image and populist styles of individual leaders. These developments, Viviani explains, redefine leadership, legitimacy and democratic institutions. To understand modern leadership, he emphasizes, one must analyze how the relationship between leaders and voters is evolving and what factors shape perceptions of legitimacy and trust (2024). 

Nepal’s recent political developments can be interpreted within this framework. The youth-led protests of Sept 8–9 raised profound questions about leadership, legitimacy and governance. A major turning point came earlier that month, when the government imposed a social media ban on Sept 4. The subsequent protests not only forced the government’s resignation but also fundamentally reshaped Nepal’s political discourse. A lack of transparency, declining charisma among political leaders and the rise of populist rhetoric were central to this crisis.
Thousands of young people mobilized against the Oli government, accusing it of authoritarian behavior and widespread corruption. Tragically, security forces killed a number of protesters and injured many others on the first day. The government’s response was marked by indifference; no cabinet minister resigned or expressed remorse. 

Instead, officials used harsh language against demonstrators, exposing the regime’s authoritarian tendencies despite its democratic mandate. Public anger intensified, and by the second day, the protests had turned violent. Government and private properties, including the Prime Minister’s Office, the Supreme Court and residences of political figures, were set ablaze. Unable to control the situation, the Oli government resigned, and the prime minister was evacuated under military protection. Prominent figures, including Nepali Congress leader Sher Bahadur Deuba, were assaulted by crowds in an unprecedented display of public outrage.
In the aftermath, an interim government was established under former Chief Justice Sushila Karki, with a mandate to conduct parliamentary elections within six months. From a conflict studies perspective, this transition offers valuable insights into the erosion of democratic legitimacy and the interplay of leadership, governance and populism. 

The Oli administration had failed to meet public expectations, relying on nationalist rhetoric as a political survival strategy rather than pursuing genuine reform. His government’s verbal attacks, manipulative politics and outdated economic vision alienated the public. Instead of strengthening institutions, it punished opponents selectively and used the justice system for retribution. Transparency collapsed, and bureaucratic inefficiency appeared to serve as a shield to corruption.
The decline of charisma among Nepal’s political elite further deepened the crisis. Charisma, in this context, refers not to personal appeal but to visionary leadership and moral authority. Long-standing political leaders failed to articulate a compelling national vision. The traditional rhetoric of democracy, development and prosperity no longer inspired the youth. Dominated by aging figures with conventional mindsets, major parties have struggled to deliver tangible progress, leading to public disappointment. When leaders lose moral grounding and credibility, authority inevitably weakens. 

Figures such as KP Oli, Sher Bahadur Deuba and Pushpa Kamal Dahal saw their influence erode as perceptions of self-interest and moral decay grew. Their visible wealth and comfort contrasted sharply with public hardship, reinforcing cynicism. The resulting collapse of charisma contributed to governance instability and accelerated democratic erosion.
Neo-populist trends also played a critical role in Nepal’s recent upheaval. Both emerging and established leaders adopted populist strategies to gain influence. Within the Nepali Congress, Gagan Thapa’s campaign for youth leadership directly challenged the establishment authority of senior figures such as Sher Bahadur Deuba. While the movement mobilized younger voters, it often prioritized personal ambition over institutional reform and civic education. 

Although frustration with the older generation’s corruption and stagnation is understandable, turning to populist shortcuts risks further democratic erosion. Leaders propelled by populist appeal frequently weaken institutions, restrict civil liberties and centralize power, even when elected through democratic means. Consequently, Thapa and his allies, despite their electoral legitimacy, risk undermining Nepal’s fragile democratic foundations if populism continues to define their political trajectory.
As Viviani observes, political power has become increasingly personalized. Nepal’s youth movement and subsequent political transition exemplify how populist manipulation of public discourse can disrupt democratic stability. 

Fueled by technology and vast, often misleading information flows, young protesters demanded instant transformation and prosperity. 

However, the absence of civic education and unrealistic expectations led to frustration and destructive outcomes. The violence and instability that followed severely damaged Nepal’s international standing. Foreign investors, already cautious, became even more hesitant. The destruction of historic landmarks, private enterprises and public infrastructure symbolizes not renewal but regression. Ultimately, the crisis has left Nepal more polarized, ego-driven and fragile, posing serious challenges for the nation’s democratic future.
Nepal’s recent political crisis reflects the growing personalization of power that Viviani describes in Leadership and Democracy. The 2025 youth-led protests, sparked by government repression and corruption, exposed the collapse of transparency, moral leadership and public trust. As traditional leaders lost credibility and populist figures rose, Nepal’s democracy weakened further, marked by violence, institutional decay and deep generational frustration with unfulfilled promises.

The government has made it clear that Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) will also benefit from the cross-border transmission line to be built between Nepal and India.

An agreement has already been signed between Nepal and India to jointly construct two additional 400 KV cross-border transmission lines—Inaruwa-Poornia and Dododhara-Bareilly.

For this, a joint venture company is to be established between Nepal Electricity Authority and Power Grid Corporation of India Limited. 

According to the agreement, NEA's share in the joint venture company will be 51 percent in the section to be built in Nepal, shared Sandeep Kumar Dev, Joint-Secretary at the Ministry of Energy, Water Resources and Irrigation.

Similarly, the NEA will have a 49 percent stake in the transmission line to be built in the Indian section.

The ministry has said that the construction of trans-country transmission lines has been given priority to ensure a market for the electricity generated from the power projects for which power purchase agreements have been concluded.

The image of journalist Suresh Rajak, who was killed during the royalist movement on March 28 this year, comes into my mind as the world marks the International Day to End Impunity for Crimes Against Journalists 2025. Rajak lost his life in a horrific fire incident in suspicious circumstances while he was filming the demonstration from inside a house for a television channel. Despite the Federation of Nepali Journalists (FNJ) forming an investigation committee and repeatedly demanding a state-led inquiry, a proper investigation to identify and prosecute those responsible has yet to begin. In this article, the writer first provides an overview of journalist killings in South Asia, including Nepal, in 2025, followed by an analysis of the current status of justice for slain and disappeared journalists in Nepal. Finally, the article examines the underlying causes of these incidents and explores possible ways to ensure accountability and protect journalists.

Together with Rajak, South Asia witnessed the killing of nine journalists in 2025, according to a report from the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) published on 1 Nov  2025. The IFJ also confirmed that by November 2025, India recorded the highest number of journalist killings in South Asia, with four journalists—CH Naresh Kumar, Dharmendra Singh Chauhan, Raghvendra Bajpai, and Mukesh Chandrakar—losing their lives in targeted attacks, bombings or crossfire incidents. In Bangladesh, two journalists—Md Asaduzzaman Tuhin and Khandaker Shah Alam—were killed, while in Pakistan, two media workers—Abdul Latif Baloch and another unidentified journalist—lost their lives. If we look at the global picture,  a total of 99 journalists have been killed so far in 2025, according to the IFJ’s latest statistics. More than half of these deaths—50—occurred in Gaza, Palestine, followed by eight in Ukraine and six in Sudan.

According to UNESCO, 85 percent of journalist killings remain unpunished worldwide. As the majority of journalists killed this year were reporting from war zones, the prospects for justice in these cases are even slimmer.  Globally and regionally, impunity remains the norm rather than the exception.

Let’s return to the case of Nepal. In 2024, Nepal witnessed another tragic killing of journalist Suresh Bhul (30). While local authorities claimed that cattle theft was the reason behind the lynching, reports from Reporters Without Borders (RSF) revealed that Bhul had been receiving threats from local elected officials due to his activism for the right to information and his critical stance on local governance issues.

Decades of impunity

During the decade-long Maoist insurgency (1996–2006) and the post-conflict period, journalists were often targeted by both warring sides and political actors. According to Freedom Forum, 23 journalists were killed between 1996 and 2016—14 during the conflict and nine after the Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA) of November 2006. Also, the period witnessed enforced disappearance of three journalists during the period, per data from the Freedom Forum. The Federation of Nepali Journalists (FNJ) has varying data. According to the FNJ, a total of 38 journalists were killed and four had become victims of enforced disappearances up to 2018. Since then, two more journalists—Suresh Rajak and Suresh Bhul—were murdered in 2024 and 2025, respectively

Despite the long list of journalists killed in Nepal, justice has been delivered in only a handful of cases, with convictions achieved in just a few—Dekendra Raj Thapa, Uma Singh, Birendra Shah, Arun Singhaniya and Yadav Poudel. Journalist Dekendra Raj Thapa, abducted and killed by Maoist cadres in 2004, finally received some semblance of justice after 17 years when the Dailekh district court, on 12 Dec 2021, sentenced perpetrators  to life imprisonment. In the case of Uma Singh, a radio journalist murdered on 11 Jan 2009, the Janakpur high court upheld the Dhanusha district court’s verdict, sentencing  culprits to life imprisonment with property confiscation. Progress was made in the 2007 killing of journalist Birendra Shah, with Narendra Faujdar arrested on 27 Oct 2024, and Hareram Prasad Kurmi on 10 Sept 2020, while few other perpetrators had already been sentenced to life imprisonment. 

In another landmark verdict, the Janakpurdham high court, on 21 Sept 2022, sentenced the culprits  to life imprisonment for masterminding the 1 March 2010 murder of media entrepreneur Arun Singhaniya.  In the case of Yadav Poudel, a journalist killed on 3 April 2012, in Jhapa, the appellate court in Ilam, on 8 July 2014, sentenced the perpetrators to life imprisonment. Further, cases of slain journalist Jagat Prasad Joshi and media entrepreneur Jamim Sah remain sub judice in court whereas cases related to the killing of journalists Krishna Bahadur Sen and Gopal Giri are pending before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), reflecting long delays in transitional justice mechanisms. For the remaining majority of cases, the justice process has not even begun.

Justice delayed, justice denied
According to the research article ‘Understanding journalist killings’ by Sabine C Carey and Anita R Gohdes, published in 2020, journalists are frequently targeted because their reporting exposes corruption, human rights violations, organized crime or other politically sensitive issues that may threaten the power, reputation or interests of local authorities and influential actors. Such reporting can challenge entrenched networks of power, making journalists vulnerable to intimidation, threats or lethal attacks. Interestingly, the majority of these cases do not lead to prosecution, largely due to a combination of factors, including the lack of political will on the part of the state, weak law enforcement, insufficient legal protections and an overall lack of accountability.

Way forward

The way forward to address impunity for crimes against journalists in Nepal begins with recognizing and celebrating the rare successes where justice has been achieved, such as in the cases of Dekendra Raj Thapa, Uma Singh, Birendra Shah and Arun Singhaniya. Next, the processes of TRC and other transitional justice mechanisms must be expedited to resolve pending cases like those of Krishna Bahadur Sen and Gopal Giri. Simultaneously, the justice process should commence for the majority of unresolved killings and disappearances, including long-standing cases such as Milan Nepali, Iswor Budhathoki and Suresh Bhul. Strengthening investigative capacity, shielding judicial processes from political interference, protecting witnesses and prioritizing prosecutions even in remote areas are essential for breaking the cycle of impunity.

The author is a media researcher based in Nepal

The Financial Action Task Force (FATF) has retained Nepal on its Jurisdiction under Increased Monitoring list, commonly known as the gray list, citing persistent strategic deficiencies in the country’s anti-money laundering (AML) and counter ­terrorist financing (CFT) regime.

Issuing a statement after its plenary session last Friday, the global watchdog said while Nepal made a high-level commitment to strengthen its AML/CFT framework earlier this year, the progress has not been sufficient to warrant removal from the gray list. It said Nepal should continue to work on implementing its action plan to address its strategic deficiencies.

After the plenary, the FATF has said that Nepal most improve its understanding of money-laundering and terrorist-financing risks remains limited; enhance supervision of higher-risk sectors such as banks, cooperatives, casinos, real-estate and dealers in precious metals and stones; and demonstrate the identification and sanctioning of materially significant illegal hundi providers without affecting financial inclusion.

Additionally, Nepal has been told to increase capacity and co-ordination of competent authorities to conduct money laundering investigations; demonstrate an increase in such investigations and prosecutions; demonstrating measures to identify, trace, restrain, seize, and, where applicable, confiscate proceeds and instrumentalities of crime in line with the risk profile; and address technical compliance deficiencies in its targeted financial sanctions regime for terrorism financing and proliferation financing.

Nepal had previously exited the gray list back in 2014 after a roadmap of reforms was implemented. Earlier in February, the government had signaled strong political commitment to bolster its AML/CFT systems. Despite some legislative progress, implementation has remained uneven and structural reform has lagged. In particular, Nepal's regulatory oversight of non-financial businesses, beneficial-ownership transparency and enforcement action remain deficient.

About three years ago, the Asia Pacific Group on Money Laundering (APG) conducted a Mutual Evaluation Report on Nepal’s system for preventing money laundering and terrorist financing, and submitted its findings to the Financial Action Task Force (FATF).

The APG’s annual plenary meeting, held in Vancouver, Canada, from 9-14 July 2023, endorsed Nepal’s mutual evaluation report. Based on that assessment, the FATF in Oct 2023 placed Nepal under a one-year observation period. During the assessment, it  identified 40 areas for improvement.

Nepal was expected to implement the FATF’s recommendations and demonstrate progress sufficient to avoid being placed on the gray list during this period. However, the country failed to make significant improvements within the one-year timeframe, leading to its eventual placement on the gray list.

Although being on the FATF’s gray list does not automatically impose sanctions, it acts as a red flag to the international financial community. Banks, foreign investors and correspondent-banks tend to apply heightened due diligence when dealing with entities in gray-listed jurisdictions. 

Building trust through strong anti-money laundering and countering the financing of terrorism frameworks will be critical for Nepal as it seeks to maintain international financial credibility and attract foreign capital.

The Nepal government has been providing a large amount of economic concessions annually through tax exemptions. The Ministry of Finance has stated that approximately Rs 2.5trn are provided in tax exemptions per year.

Tax exemptions are given in various ways. These include exemptions provided by the relevant laws, the Income Tax Act, the Value Added Tax Schedule, and the annual Economic Act. In particular, there is a practice of providing tax exemptions on value added tax and customs duties in grant or loan agreements under bilateral or multilateral foreign aid.

As mentioned in the 62nd Annual Report of the Auditor General, 2025, Section 18 of the Economic Act, 2023 provides for the Government of Nepal to reduce, increase, or partially or completely exempt from revenue the rates of fees, charges, duties, or taxes imposed by the prevailing law. Similarly, Section 14 and Section 15 of Schedule 1 of the Economic Act, 2023 provide for full or partial exemption of customs duties. According to the Customs Department's data system, it appears that Rs 79.87bn was exempted from customs revenue in 2023/24.

According to the details received from the Ministry of Finance, customs duty and value added tax of Rs 4.87bn were exempted from importing goods under the SAFTA facility. In addition, as per Section 18 (2) of the Finance Act, 2023, the Ministry of Finance has granted revenue exemption of Rs 20bn on import value of Rs 34bn to various ministries, departments, local levels, and corporations, including Rs 6bn, in the last four years. Similarly, as per Section 18 (3), it appears that revenue exemption of Rs 7bn has been granted on goods and goods worth Rs 43bn, subject to the terms of the project development agreement, for projects implemented with foreign loans or grants.

Pointing out that the Ministry of Finance has not kept updated records of the items and amounts exempted from revenue on materials and equipment imported into the facility, the Accountant General has suggested, “The exemption should be granted only if the master list is approved by the relevant project before inviting bids and whether the goods and goods imported into the facility were used in the same project or not. There should also be monitoring and since the scope of revenue exemptions is increasing, its impact should be analyzed and the integrated data of revenue exemptions should be presented to the parliament to promote transparency.”

In addition to the exemptions, the Ministry of Finance and its subordinate bodies have yet to recover Rs 435.22bn in revenue and principal and interest on loans that exceed the limit. Out of this, the revenue arrears are Rs 254.4bn, of which Rs 123.80bn (48.73 percent) have been filed for judicial review by taxpayers, so a large portion of the arrears are under consideration by judicial bodies. The government has been saying that the principal and interest on loans and investments made by public corporations, committees, boards, cooperatives and local levels that exceed the limit is Rs 181.18bn. The Accountant General has been saying that the amounts that exceed the limit, principal and amount, and revenue arrears should be recovered through legal procedures. Stakeholders say that due to non-payment of revenue, apart from the exemptions given by the government, the country is also facing an uncomfortable situation due to additional budget expansion in the education and health sectors.

The government has been giving tax exemptions to target groups as an incentive. According to Pandey, spokesperson for the Ministry of Finance, the main reason for giving tax exemptions is the provision given by the law and the constitution. “The purpose of this is to encourage any industry or business. In addition, incentives are also provided to certain classes and groups. Some exemptions are provided for tricycles and motorcycles used by people with disabilities,” he said. “This system of giving tax exemptions is not to benefit any specific person but is based on the law. Schedules have been placed in the Value Added Tax Act. Which classify taxable, non-taxable and zero-taxable transactions.”

Former Revenue Secretary of the Ministry of Finance, Ram Sharan Pudasaini, suggests that the annual tax exemptions have been misused to some extent and that it has increased inequality, suggesting that tax refunds and budget grants should be used instead. “The government is providing annual tax exemptions worth nearly two and a half trillion rupees through laws and various economic acts. This amount of tax exemption is excessive and there is no control and monitoring over it, which may have led to increased misuse,” he said.

Pudasaini also raised questions about the effectiveness of the tax exemptions currently being given. He commented that there is no analysis, audit or monitoring of whether the justification and purpose of the tax exemptions have been fulfilled and whether the benefits have reached the target group or not. Pudasaini noted that the current technology of granting tax exemptions by decision of the Ministry of Finance or the Council of Ministers is not right and suggests that tax exemptions should be given only in a very limited, targeted, short-term manner and especially in connection with investment and job creation. 

The government currently does not have an account of the amount of exemptions given by the schedule of the Value Added Tax Act on daily consumer goods, such as pulses, rice and green vegetables.

Stakeholders have been saying that the state is losing a large amount of revenue annually through tax exemptions. External donor agencies such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) have also shown concerns regarding the large amount of tax exemptions. 

An IMF study has suggested reconsidering the system of tax exemptions given in Nepal on a large scale, says Tanka Prasad Pandey, spokesperson for the Ministry of Finance. 

“There are many such long lists of tax exemptions. In the past, there was no exact calculation of how much the government was giving such exemptions. However, the IMF has studied this issue and mentioned detailed details in its report. The study suggests reconsidering the system of tax exemptions given in Nepal on a large scale,” he said.

The Government of the Federal Republic of Germany has pledged an assistance of 39,000 Euros to support communities impacted by the devastating floods of October 2025 in Ilam, Nepal. 

Ambassador Udo Volz, on behalf of the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany, signed the grant agreement with Country Director Shakeb Nabi of Deutsche Welthungerhilfe for an Emergency Relief Support Project in Ilam, reads a statement issued by the Embassy of Germany.

The project will assist disaster-affected communities in Ilam district, ensuring lifesaving assistance and enhancing resilience against future disasters. 

The project will support households in highly affected areas in Ilam District, with a focus on marginalized groups, women and children. That includes the provision of food as well as essential items such as mattresses, tarpaulins, warm clothes, dignity kits and blankets, according to the statement.

The local implementation partner is Rural Reconstruction Nepal. 

The project is slated to be completed by December 2025.

Germany remains committed to supporting the people of Nepal, also in difficult times. During the floods in September 2024, Germany provided 100, 000 Euros for disaster response, dedicated to relief efforts in Sarlahi and Rautahat Districts, implemented by One Heart Worldwide.

With the end of monsoon season, colder air has started to move into the country. Migratory birds have arrived in Nepal along with this cold weather.

More than 100 species of birds migrate to Nepal every year. Most of them are waterfowl and ducks. Other birds like eagles, hawks and vultures also arrive in Nepal searching for favorable weather.

So far, more than 900 species of birds have been recorded in Nepal.

Many species of birds’ rest in Nepal before going to other countries, while small crane species, locally known as Karyangkurung, do not rest in Nepal but fly directly to India.

Birds that come to Nepal during the winter season prefer to stay in large rivers and lakes like Koshi, Karnali, Narayani, Rapti, Fewa Lake, Jagadispur Lake, Ghodaghodi Lake, and Barju Lake.

Here are the photographs of some migratory birds taken in various lakes and rivers in different places of Nepal.

A joint Nepal-India Chhath ghat has been constructed along the Bigahi River located on the border of Mahottari and Dhanusha.

An attractive ghat, about two kilometres long, has been constructed on the bank of the Bigahi River, for convenience of the devotees observing the Chhath festival on October 27.

Matihani Municipality Mayor Hari Prasad Mandal said that the Chhath ghat has been constructed for the residents of Wards 6, 7, and 8 of Matihani Municipality in Nepal, Tulasiyahi of Mukhiyapatti Musaharnia Rural Municipality–3 in Dhanusha, and for the locals in Madhawapur and Rampur areas in India.

He stated that although they live in separate countries, citizens of Nepal and India have been constructing a common Chhath ghat as they practice shared religion, culture, festivals, marital traditions and joys and sorrows.

"The no-man's land has separated our two countries, but our costumes, language, culture and festivals are the same. There is a culture of celebrating cultural festivals together, and this ghat is an example of that," said Mayor Mandal.

Citizens from Matihani and Tulasiyahi in Nepal and Madhawapur and Rampur in India have come together to decorate this shared ghat between Nepal and India.

Jit Narayan Majhi, the Chairman of Matihani, Ward 7, said that more than two thousand devotees from both countries are expected to perform the Chhath Arghya rituals at this ghat and over ten thousand devotees will be present to observe the festival. 

During this festival, devoted to the worship of the Sun god and the goddess Shashti Devi (commonly called Chhathi Devi), the fasting devotees will offer 'arghya' to the setting sun on the evening of Kartik Shukla Shashthi which falls on October 27 and to the rising sun on the morning of Saptami on October 28, after bathing at this very ghat.

The country exported 1,015 megawatts of electricity on Monday, the day of Laxmi Puja of the Tihar festival. 

According to the Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA), the total demand for power reached 1,650 megawatts on Monday evening.

The NEA stated that the highest demand for power in the evening of Laxmi Puja was 1,602 megawatts last year. This year's demand was 48 megawatts more compared to last year. 

Currently, Nepal is exporting its surplus energy to the Indian and Bangladeshi markets.

Nepal clinched the ICC Men's T20 World Cup Asia and East Asia-Pacific Qualifier title. 

The national team remained undefeated throughout the tournament and clinched the title with a commanding 124-run victory against Samoa in the final match held today at the Oman Cricket Academy Turf-1 in Al Amarat.

Batting first after losing the toss, Nepal posted a massive total of 211 runs at the loss of four wickets in the allotted 20 overs.

Chasing the target of 212 runs, Samoa managed to score just 87 runs at the loss of seven wickets in their 20 overs.

Aasif Sheikh led the scoring for Nepal with 69 off 41 balls, hitting seven fours and four sixes. Dipendra Singh Airee also impressed with 53 runs off 33 balls, including two fours and four sixes. Lokesh Bam added 39, captain Rohit Paudel remained not out with 21, and Kushal Bhurtel contributed 17 runs. For Samoa, Daniel Brugess, Saumani Tiai, Darius Visser, and Noah Mead claimed one wicket each.

In Nepal’s bowling effort, Lalit Rajbanshi took three wickets, while Karan KC, Sandeep Lamichhane, and Rohit Paudel took one each. Samoa's top scorer was Sean Solia with 40 runs.

Before the final, Nepal had an impressive run in the tournament. In the group stage, they defeated Kuwait and Japan. During the Super Six round, Nepal defeated the UAE by one run, beat Qatar by five runs, and overcame Oman by 38 runs.

With this win, Nepal, along with the UAE and Oman, have qualified for the ICC Men’s T20 World Cup, which will be jointly hosted by India and Sri Lanka from February 9 to March 8, 2026.

Nepal are playing against Samoa today for the title of ICC Men's T20 World Cup Asia and East Asia-Pacific Qualifier in Oman.

The match will be held at 4:15 pm Nepal time in Al Amerat Cricket Ground of Oman.

This is the last match Nepal are playing in the ongoing tournament. Nepal are on the top spot of the score table with eight points.

Nepal will clinch the title of ICC Men's T20 World Cup Asia and East Asia Pacific tournament if they defeat Samoa today. Samoa have already been out of the World Cup qualifier.

Nepal have already qualified for the T20 World Cup to be organized in India and Sri Lanka from February 7 to March 8, 2026.

Nepal had entered the Super Six by defeating Japan and Qatar in Group-phase matches and won all matches in Super Six so far.

Rohit Paudel (Captain), Dipendra Singh Airee (Vice-Captain), Kushal Bhurtel, Lokesh Bam, Kushal Malla, Ashif Sheikh, Adil Ansari, Karan KC, Nandan Yadav, Sandeep Lamichhane, Sandip Jora, Arif Sheikh, Lalit Narayan Rajbanshi, Gulshan Jha and Sompal Kami are in the Nepali team for today's match against Samoa.

UAE are in second place with six points and Oman in third place with six points.  UAE and Oman have also qualified for T20 World Cup, 2026.

Finance Minister Rameshwar Prasad Khanal has called on the international community to explore Nepal, highlighting the country's abundant natural and cultural heritage.

Minister Khanal conveyed this message during a discussion on 'Sustainable Tourism: For Employment, Livelihood, and Economic Growth,' hosted by the World Bank Group on Thursday.

He emphasized that tourists are greeted with exceptional hospitality and top-notch services.

The event saw participation from representatives of various nations.

The recent wave of youth-led activism in Nepal—the GenZ revolt—has rightly torn open the rotten underbelly of political corruption, nepotism and dynastic power. It has been a blistering attack on Singhadurbar, the symbolic heart of governmental misrule.

Yet, if this revolt stops at the political gates, it will fail to uproot the deeper, more insidious culture of unaccountability that suffocates this country. The next frontier lies not only beyond Parliament but across the entire landscape of privileged power—inside the polished offices of NGOs and INGOs, the judiciary, the armed forces, the bureaucracy, the corporations, and, most critically, the compromised media establishment. The revolution must now move from a critique of politicians to a critique of all elites.

A compromised watchdog

A free and independent press is often called the fourth pillar of democracy. But in Nepal, that pillar has been hollowed out—eaten away by political alignment, corporate control and donor dependency. When a watchdog becomes dependent on the hand that feeds it, it no longer barks; it guards the master’s house.

Many so-called “independent” outlets are owned by business families or political investors whose real interest lies not in journalism but in influence. Editorial lines are quietly auctioned off to whoever offers the most—in advertising, contracts or access. Government and corporate advertising now function as veiled bribes, buying silence or favorable coverage. Investigative journalism—the heartbeat of democratic accountability—has been replaced by a toxic blend of propaganda, sensationalism, and self-censorship.

The NGO elite

Corruption does not stop at Singhadurbar or in media newsrooms; it extends deep into the NGO and INGO world that claims to represent the “voice of civil society.” For far too long, the development sector has worn the halo of moral superiority while operating as a parallel elite structure—opaque, unaccountable and self-perpetuating.

Founders of major NGOs often treat their organizations as personal estates, remaining chairpersons or executive directors for decades, drawing high salaries, controlling grants and filling boards with loyalists who block reform. Just as politicians are not meant to rule for life, civil society and NGO leaders must also retire from their high-paid, benefit-laden positions after a few years. Activism is not a career ladder or a lifetime pension; it is a public service.

Nepal’s NGO ecosystem has become a closed circuit of privilege where the same names circulate across boards, consultancies and “capacity-building” projects. Development work is too often reduced to a marketplace of donor contracts, where accountability is measured by paperwork rather than people’s progress. Audit reports verify numbers, not ethics; receipts, not results. If audits were enough, there would be no corruption anywhere in the world.

Donors also bear responsibility. They must not fund the same NGOs and INGOs for decades, especially those whose operating costs and salaries absorb the bulk of development budgets. Instead, international and domestic funding should support smaller NGOs and local civil society groups, empowering genuine grassroots initiatives rather than perpetuating elite monopolies.

Radical transparency

The moral strength of the GenZ movement lies in its uncompromising demand for radical transparency. That demand must extend to every sphere of power—political, bureaucratic, corporate, media, and NGO. Every institution that receives public, corporate or donor funds must be open to citizen scrutiny.

NGOs and INGOs must publicly disclose their total donor funds, salary scales, consultant fees, and operational expenses. Media houses must declare their true ownership and major advertisers, especially those linked to political or corporate entities. Judges, generals, chief editors and NGO directors—anyone wielding public influence—must be required to disclose their assets. Transparency is not a political weapon; it is the foundation of public trust.

The solution: CWGG

To make accountability a living reality, Nepal needs a Citizen Watchdog and Good Governance (CWGG) body—an independent, non-political civic mechanism that bridges people and power. This body would enforce accountability by receiving and tracking complaints of corruption, mismanagement, and nepotism across all sectors. It would verify impact through youth-led, community-based monitoring before forwarding substantiated cases to the appropriate legal authorities. And it would empower citizens by serving as a civic advisory hub—providing reliable, unbiased information about essential public processes: how to seek justice in domestic violence cases, apply for a driving license, follow legal procedures for foreign employment, take loans from banks or cooperatives, file lawsuits, access free legal aid, register to vote, or start a small business, etc.

In short, the CWGG would replace confusion and exploitation with clarity and empowerment—helping ordinary people make informed decisions and reclaim agency over their lives. Nepal’s fight against corruption is no longer a two-front war between the people and politicians. It is a multi-front moral revolution. The same scrutiny that brought Singhadurbar to its knees must now reach the air-conditioned boardrooms of NGOs, the glass offices of corporate media and the donor-funded corridors of “development.”

Universal ethics

GenZ is the only generation bold enough to confront all these elites and rebuild Nepal on the foundation of radical honesty and collective accountability. The revolution has only begun. The next 'obstacle to democracy' is not just inside Singhadurbar—it is also sitting comfortably in the name of “development,” “governance,” and even “press freedom.”

Nepal’s external sector has shown remarkable resilience, buoyed by improvements in the current account, balance of payments, remittance inflows and foreign exchange reserves over the first two months of the current fiscal year. However, the domestic economy remains sluggish, weighed down by weak internal demand, low credit growth and tepid fiscal performance.

According to the latest macroeconomic update from Nepal Rastra Bank (NRB), the country’s gross foreign exchange reserves surged by 7.6 percent over the first two months of the current fiscal year, reaching Rs 2,881.35bn. In US dollar terms, reserves stood at $20.41bn.

Foreign exchange reserves held by banks and financial institutions (excluding NRB) rose by 13.7 percent, reaching Rs 298.97bn, compared to Rs 263.04bn at mid-July. The share of Indian currency in the total reserves currently stands at 22.5 percent. The reserves of the banking sector are sufficient to cover 19.7 months of merchandise imports and 16 months of both goods and services imports, according to the report.

Balance of payments remained in surplus by Rs 153.68bn as of mid-September, up from a surplus of Rs. 101.77bn in the same period last year. Similarly, the current account recorded a surplus of Rs 130.69bn, more than double last year’s Rs 54.41bn.

Remittance inflows, a key driver of external stability, jumped by 33.1 percent in Nepali rupee terms and 27.6 percent in US dollar terms. In the two-month period, total remittances reached Rs 352.0bn, with Rs 174.67bn received in the second month (during mid-August to mid-September) of the fiscal year alone. Merchandise exports rose sharply by 88.6 percent, while imports increased by a moderate 16.2 percent. Despite the rise in imports, strong remittance and reserve growth have helped maintain external balance.

Inflation, based on the Consumer Price Index (CPI), stood at 1.87 percent year-on-year, reflecting subdued domestic demand and tight liquidity conditions. On the fiscal front, the government’s total expenditure reached Rs 180.17bn, while revenue mobilization amounted to Rs 157.53bn. A visible gap between government's revenue and spending early in the fiscal year does not bode well for the economy.  Private sector credit expanded slightly by 0.9 percent. On an annual basis, deposits grew by 12.5 percent and credit by 7.8 percent.

Interest rates have remained low so far in the current fiscal year with the weighted average interbank rate among banks at 2.75 percent, treasury bill rate at 2.13 percent, average deposit rate of commercial banks at 3.96 percent and the average lending rate at 7.66 percent. While Nepal’s external indicators signal a stable macroeconomic footing, economists warn that sluggish domestic activity and weak credit expansion could hinder sustained economic recovery in the coming months.