Submit your Article

The recently concluded Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) Summit in Thailand saw several important sideline meetings between heads of state and government.  Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli held a bilateral meeting with Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra. The two leaders discussed a wide range of issues:  economic cooperation, trade, aviation, tourism, culture, and development partnerships. 

During the visit, eight Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs) were signed—two at the government level and six between non-governmental entities. Among them, Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba and Thailand’s Minister for Culture Sudawan Wangsuphakijkosol signed an MoU to foster cultural collaboration. Deuba also signed an agreement on tourism cooperation with Thai Minister for Tourism and Sports Sorawong Thienthong.

Other MoUs were inked between Nepal Netra Jyoti Sangh and Mahidol University, Janata Agro and Forestry Nepal and Kasetsart University, the Federation of Nepalese Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FNCCI) and the Board of Trade of Thailand, and Kathmandu University and Siam University. The Confederation of Nepalese Industries (CNI) also reached an agreement with the Federation of Thai Industries, and the Nepal Chamber of Commerce signed one with the Tourism Council of Thailand. These commitment partnerships are expected to enhance cooperation across various sectors.

 Prime Minister Shinawatra announced Thailand’s intention to increase investments in Nepal’s aviation and tourism sectors. She expressed interest in expanding Thai Airlines' flights to Kathmandu and launching direct flights to Lumbini. She further emphasized Thailand’s plans to prioritize investments in Nepal’s energy, hospitality, and aviation industries. Calling the visit historic, she highlighted the shared goal of deepening connectivity and trade relations.

PM Oli said the visit strengthened Nepal-Thailand relations. He voiced confidence in future collaboration in areas such as culture, tourism, education, and energy. Reflecting on six decades of diplomatic ties, he called for greater engagement, including stronger people-to-people connections. He also encouraged Thai investors to explore opportunities in Nepal’s hospitality and aviation sectors.

Overall, Prime Minister Oli’s visit to Thailand proved to be highly significant. One of the most notable events on the sidelines was his  one-on-one meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The two leaders met privately for 45 minutes, and Oli appeared pleased and content afterward—indicating the success of his visit.

Foreign policy must remain dynamic and responsive, as global geopolitics continues to evolve. It is crucial that Nepal reaches a national consensus on its foreign policy framework. Such a policy should transcend individual leaders or political parties. Whether led by Oli, Sher Bahadur Deuba, or Pushpa Kamal Dahal, Nepal’s foreign policy should remain consistent, reflecting the nation’s long-term interests rather than shifting with changes in leadership.

There are fundamental bases for foreign policy, and these should be discussed among all stakeholders to reach a consensus. This is a crucial time for such dialogue. While formulating our foreign policy, we must consider factors such as our geography, social norms, cultural and religious aspects, political system, international affiliations, and commitments under the United Nations Charter. If this approach is taken, the policy will be more broadly accepted.

Foreign policy may vary depending on the nature of a country’s relationship—whether we share borders, cultural and social ties, or strategic interests with major powers and donor nations.

Our foreign policy should be firmly aligned with the principles of Panchsheel and the Non-Aligned Movement. At this juncture, Nepal must prioritize sustainable development, peace and security, democratic governance by the people’s representatives, and overall national progress—guided by our geography, social structure, political system, and economic aspirations. As society advances, with improvements in education, healthcare, and global competitiveness, it is essential that our foreign policy reflects these changes. 

Nepal is experiencing a growing economic disparity between its urban and rural areas, where rapid development in cities contrasts sharply with the stagnation in rural regions. The concentration of infrastructure, services and job opportunities in urban centers exacerbates inequality, while rural areas remain underdeveloped and lack basic facilities. This uneven development has led to a significant rural-to-urban migration, with people leaving villages in search of better opportunities in cities, further depleting rural economies.

Urban centers have become magnets for rural populations due to the concentration of essential services such as education, healthcare and employment opportunities. The hope of improving living conditions drives internal migration, as rural residents believe cities offer a better standard of living. This urban-centric development model not only leaves rural areas behind but also accelerates the growth of overcrowded cities, contributing to further challenges like rising unemployment and inadequate housing.

In response to this issue, Nepal adopted a federal system of governance to decentralize power and resources. The goal was to empower provincial and local governments, assuming that they would be better equipped to address local needs and promote equitable development. By transferring authority and funds to local governments, it was hoped that development would be more localized and tailored to the specific needs of rural areas. Unfortunately, the anticipated benefits have not fully materialized.

Despite the decentralization of power, rural development has not seen significant improvements. In many cases, local governments have struggled to use the funds effectively, and instead, the transfer of power has led to the decentralization of corruption. Local authorities have misused public resources meant for development, often siphoning off funds for personal gains. This problem, which was initially concentrated in the central government, has now spread to local levels, undermining the objectives of decentralization.

Corruption at the local level has further deepened economic inequality. Political elites and well-connected individuals in both urban and rural areas often benefit from the misuse of state resources, while ordinary citizens continue to face hardship. Funds that could have been used for infrastructure development, job creation, education and healthcare are diverted through corrupt practices, leaving rural communities trapped in poverty and underdevelopment. This corruption weakens public trust and limits the potential for inclusive growth, which could have uplifted the rural population.

Moreover, the lack of transparency and accountability in local governance has made it difficult to ensure that development projects are carried out effectively. In many cases, development funds are not properly monitored, and there is little oversight to ensure that they reach the intended communities. Without effective monitoring mechanisms, local leaders are often able to exploit the system for personal gains, while the rural poor continue to suffer from a lack of access to essential services.

The failure to achieve equitable development and inclusive growth can also be attributed to weak governance structures at the local level. Local leaders often lack the capacity to manage development effectively, and there is a significant gap in skills and knowledge required to implement projects that could drive real change. In the absence of strong institutions and effective leadership, rural areas continue to miss out on the benefits of federalism and decentralization.

To address the growing disparity between urban and rural areas, Nepal needs comprehensive reforms. One of the most critical steps is to strengthen anti-corruption mechanisms at both the local and national levels. Transparency in how development funds are allocated and spent is crucial to ensure that resources are used effectively. Independent bodies should be established to monitor the use of public funds and hold local leaders accountable for any misuse. Additionally, capacity-building programs for local leaders and administrators are essential to improve governance and ensure that development projects are implemented effectively.

Another important reform is the improvement of infrastructure and services in rural areas. This can be achieved through better planning, prioritizing rural development and ensuring that basic services such as healthcare, education, and transportation are accessible to all. Rural communities should not be left behind in the pursuit of national development, and government policies must reflect this commitment to equitable growth.

Furthermore, local governments must be provided with the tools and training necessary to manage development funds effectively. Capacity building should focus on transparency, financial management and project implementation to ensure that rural areas benefit from the decentralization of power.

In conclusion, Nepal’s growing economic inequality, fueled by the urban-rural divide, requires urgent action. The decentralization of power through federalism has not led to the expected improvements in rural development, largely due to corruption, mismanagement, and weak governance. To bridge the gap between urban and rural areas, Nepal must strengthen its institutions, promote transparency and build the capacity of local leaders. Only then can the country achieve true inclusive development and provide equal opportunities for all its citizens, regardless of where they live.

For many who grew up in rural Nepal, the sharp, tangy taste of kabro (Ficus lacor) pickle brings back warm childhood memories. This seasonal treat was once a favourite among children, who often ate the young shoots and fruits straight from the trees. The fresh leaves, buds, and fruits were not just tasty—they were part of everyday cooking in many homes.

But eating too much kabro had its side effects. Many children joked about how it could cause an upset stomach or diarrhea. Still, this wild ingredient had a special place in both the kitchen and traditional medicine. Sadly, like many other native foods, kabro is disappearing from Nepali households, replaced by modern and processed foods.

What is kabro?

Kabro, or Ficus lacor, is a large, fast-growing tree found in Nepal, India, Bhutan, Myanmar, and across Southeast Asia. It belongs to the Moraceae family, which also includes figs and mulberries. The tree grows well in tropical and subtropical climates. Apart from feeding humans, it also supports wildlife—its fruits are a favourite of many birds and animals.

In Nepal, making pickles from kabro is an age-old tradition. The young buds, leaves, and fruits are harvested during specific seasons and used to make a tangy, slightly bitter pickle that goes perfectly with rice and dhido (a traditional buckwheat porridge).

The best time to pick kabro is when the buds or leaves are young and reddish in colour. Once they mature, they are mostly used as animal fodder.

Ingredients for kabro pickle

• Tender kabro shoots or young leaves
• Turmeric powder
• Salt
• Timur (Sichuan pepper)
• Red chilies
• Cardamom
• Ginger and garlic paste
• Mustard oil
• Lemon juice

Methodology 

Wash the young leaves and shoots properly. Lightly boil them to remove some of the bitterness and soften the texture. Let them cool, then mix with turmeric, salt, and other spices. Sauté the mixture in mustard oil until it smells rich and aromatic. Add lemon juice for a tangy twist. Leave the pickle in sunlight for a few days to let it mature. The result is a delicious blend of bitter, sour, and spicy flavours—a taste that brings back memories for many Nepalis.

Kabro in traditional Medicine

Kabro isn’t just a tasty pickle. It has long been valued for its healing properties in traditional medicine. In small amounts, kabro supports digestion and relieves bloating. It’s often used to treat indigestion and gastric discomfort. Packed with antioxidants, it helps strengthen the immune system. The bark and leaves have anti-inflammatory properties. Some studies suggest kabro helps lower blood sugar.

A tradition at risk

As more people move to cities and processed foods become common, traditional items like kabro pickle are being forgotten. Reviving them is important—not just for nostalgia, but to protect Nepal’s rich culinary heritage and improve food diversity.

How to bring kabro pickle back

Promote in local communities

Raise awareness of kabro’s health benefits and traditional value.=

Feature in restaurants

Traditional eateries can include kabro pickle on their menus to attract curious food lovers.

Encourage small-scale production

Kabro pickle can be packaged and sold as a specialty item, offering economic opportunities for rural communities.

Kabro beyond Nepal

Kabro isn’t just known in Nepal. Cultures across Asia use it in their own ways. For example, in Northern Thailand, a delicious curry is made using the young leaves of Ficus lacor.

Here’s a simple way to prepare kabro curry with Chicken or Pork, inspired by Thai cuisine. Pick only the soft young leaves, removing the thick leaf stems. Fry Thai curry paste (or make your own curry paste) in a pot until aromatic. Add chicken or pork, and stir until the meat is well-coated and cooked. Pour in water and bring to a boil. Add the kabro leaves and boil until they are tender. Turn off the heat. The curry is ready to serve. This dish has a rich, earthy flavour and is a wonderful way to enjoy kabro beyond pickles.

Bringing back a lost flavor

The kabro pickle is a piece of Nepal’s food history. As we explore new tastes, we should not forget the value of the past. By reintroducing kabro into our diets, we are not only reconnecting with tradition but also making a healthy, sustainable choice. Let’s bring kabro back to our kitchens and preserve this forgotten gem for future generations.

The author is a London-based R&D chef

In recent days, a strong debate has resurfaced in Nepal’s political landscape: monarchy versus democracy. Nepal has a long history of monarchy, particularly under the Shah dynasty, which ruled the country for centuries until the introduction of an interim constitution in 2007. The swift and peaceful transition from monarchy to a democratic republic was remarkable. The last king of Nepal, Gyanendra Shah, stepped down and left the palace without resistance, marking a historic moment in the nation’s political evolution.

Following the abolition of the monarchy, the country embraced a republican democratic system, which was widely welcomed by the public. However, political parties have since struggled to maintain the trust of the people. The transition was marred by inefficiencies, broken promises and poor governance. One key issue has been the adoption of an inflated and disorganized government structure, which has proven both costly and ineffective. The socialist orientation of the constitution has also had unintended consequences for Nepal’s economy and overall development. 

Additionally, while federalism was introduced to decentralize power, the central government has been unwilling to truly empower local governments. This has created overlapping responsibilities and financial burdens at both the federal and local levels. Given the country’s limited economic resources, it has been impossible to meet the high expectations raised during political campaigns. Political parties have often made unrealistic promises, leading to widespread disillusionment. Many Nepalis, in turn, have placed faith in these false assurances, often without access to accurate, fact-based information. The rise of social media has further enabled the spread of misinformation, deepening public confusion and distrust. These issues have played a major role in fueling public support for autocratic monarchists.

According to the Merriam-Webster Dictionary, a monarch is a hereditary head of state with life tenure, whose powers range from symbolic to absolute. In the 21st century, the consolidation of inherited power and rule over the people is no longer acceptable. However, some monarchies continue to exist due to geopolitical factors. These monarchies tend to survive when they remain politically neutral, avoid scandals and maintain a limited ceremonial role. Unfortunately, Nepal’s monarchy has consistently failed in all these aspects.

Some monarchists have argued that Nepal should adopt a democratic monarchy and reinstate former King Gyanendra Shah. This is a baseless argument, rejected by most freedom-loving citizens. History shows that monarchs who seek absolute power are eventually forced to relinquish it or see it dramatically reduced. For instance, in 1920, King Christian X of Denmark dismissed his prime minister and government over a policy disagreement, which led to mass protests and a constitutional crisis. He was ultimately forced to back down. King Leopold III of Belgium spent five years in exile due to his refusal to comply with his government’s decisions.

The Shah dynasty in Nepal has never demonstrated a commitment to constitutional democracy. Instead, its kings repeatedly sought absolute power. Nepal's monarchy might have survived had King Gyanendra not staged a coup in 2005 to seize full control. This pattern of authoritarianism dates back further: King Mahendra executed a coup in 1960, dissolving democratic institutions and concentrating all power in his hands. King Birendra also maintained absolute rule through the Panchayat system, using political manipulation to hold onto power. Any credible historian can confirm that the Shah dynasty consistently pursued authoritarian governance.

Moreover, Nepal’s monarchy has been plagued by scandals—from the tragic royal massacre to allegations against Paras Shah involving illegal drug use, extrajudicial killings, sexual violence, extramarital affairs and ties to criminal networks. These controversies further eroded any moral legitimacy the monarchy once had.

The Shah dynasty has failed to govern Nepal effectively since the time of geographic unification under Prithvi Narayan Shah in 1768. After his reign, successive generations of the royal family were embroiled in internal power struggles, often marked by violence and betrayal. It was not uncommon for royal family members to conspire against or even kill one another in pursuit of power and personal gain. This violent legacy is one of many reasons why the Nepali people should not trust the monarchy or the Shah dynasty.

Even after the political reforms of the 1990s, the monarchy continued to act as an absolute authority, refusing to adapt to democratic norms. A large network of individuals benefited from the palace and the monarchical system, creating vested interest groups that further damaged the monarchy’s reputation. As a result, the institution lost the public’s trust,

The recent rise in pro-monarchy sentiments has negatively affected Nepal's progress toward prosperity and democratic development. Many Nepalis are understandably frustrated by ongoing political instability and economic hardship. However, this frustration has led some to overlook the value of democracy and entertain misguided notions of restoring the monarchy. There is no evidence that bringing back the monarchy would resolve even a fraction of Nepal’s current problems.

Certain political parties and crook networks have exploited pro-monarchy rhetoric to destabilize the democratic system and gain political advantage. Figures like Rabindra Mishra, Rajendra Lingden and Kamal Thapa appear to be leveraging this unrest to expand their influence. For them, whether the system is democratic or autocratic is irrelevant—they enjoy social, economic and political privileges either way. Their primary interest lies in gaining power, even if it means fueling division, protest or violence.

What the Nepali people truly desire is a prosperous nation where they can live freely and securely. Access to quality education, healthcare, public safety and a government that genuinely represents the people are the real needs of the moment. Yes, there is deep dissatisfaction with corruption, lack of opportunity, political instability and the unethical behavior of current leaders. But these issues are far more likely to be addressed within a democratic framework than under an autocratic monarchy.

The monarchy in Nepal was historically corrupt, repressive, autocratic and ineffective. Under its rule, people had no voice or freedom to speak out. Restoring such a system would be a step backward, not forward. Ultimately, Nepal’s future lies not in a return to monarchy but in strengthening its democratic institutions, promoting good governance and focusing on inclusive economic development.

Twenty commercial banks in the country collectively earned a net profit of Rs 43.49bn over the first eight months of fiscal year 2024-25. According to Nepal Rastra Bank (NRB), the net profit over the period is 2.81 percent more than Rs 42.3bn that these banks reported in the same period of the previous fiscal year. 

Net profits of 11 commercial banks went up in the period, while nine saw a decline in their respective net profits. Nepal Bank Ltd logged the highest gain of 132.9 percent, with its net profit rising from
Rs 1.28bn in the first month of the previous fiscal year to Rs 2.98bn in the same period of the current fiscal year. Nepal Investment Mega Bank ltd (45.68 percent), Prabhu Bank (39.65 percent) and Global IME Bank Ltd (37.76 percent) also made significant net profit gains in the review period.

On the contrary, NIC Asia Bank (NIC) reported the biggest drop of 67.75 percent in its net profit.
NIC Asia’s net profit fell to Rs 819.99m in the first eight months of the current fiscal year, down from Rs 2.54bn in the same period of the previous fiscal year. Agricultural Development Bank Ltd (62.66 percent), Rastriya Banijya Bank Ltd (40.09 percent) and Kumari Bank Ltd (31.98 percent) also reported a significant drop in their net profits.

Nabil Bank led the pack with a net profit of Rs 4.78bn over the first eight months of the current fiscal year. Global IME Bank (Rs 4.72bn) and Nepal Investment Mega Bank  (Rs 4.08bn) were the other banks with net profits in excess of Rs 4bn. 

Meanwhile, three commercial banks reported profit below Rs 1bn. Agricultural Development Bank reported the lowest net profit of Rs 738.03m, followed by NIC Asia Bank and Kumari Bank Ltd with net profits of Rs 819.99m and Rs 969.11m, respectively. Bankers say rising non-performing loan levels and declining investments have hit profitability of banks. 

March 27, a family trip from Kathmandu to Dang became a grim metaphor for Nepal’s institutional decay. What should have been a 10-hour journey stretched into a 21-hour nightmare, with a single 14-kilometer stretch Daunee consuming ten agonizing hours, an indictment of criminally neglected infrastructure. The exhaustion of travelers—sleep-deprived, hungry, and choking in dust—mirrors the nation’s broader dysfunction: structurally intact yet crippled by systemic rot. The collapse is not limited to roads. Just days earlier, a devastating fire at a Dang plywood factory destroyed nearly Rs 400m in assets and left over 500 workers jobless. 

Chief District Officer Krishna Prasad Lamsal’s desperate pleas for firefighting support from neighboring districts and municipalities laid bare the shocking lack of emergency preparedness. These are not isolated incidents. In Kathmandu, Janamorcha and Rastriya Prajatantra Party cadres blockaded Ratnapark and other areas, paralyzing the capital’s transit, while Prime Minister KP Oli squandered a high-level economic forum on rustic analogies of buffalo - ticks and political jibes rather than substantive policy. Together, they expose a governance trifecta: crumbling infrastructure, unchecked political obstructionism, and executive unseriousness.

Federalism’s broken promise

The 2015 Constitution of Nepal, informed by seminal federalism theories, promised transformative decentralization. Yet nine years into implementation, subnational governments remain systematically disempowered—chronically under-resourced, understaffed, and stripped of meaningful autonomy, while political elites (KP Oli, Deuba, Dahal, MK Nepal, BR Bhattarai, JN Khanal) engage in perpetual factionalism at the expense of federal governance.

This institutional failure manifests in alarming macroeconomic indicators: public debt now stands at 47 percent of GDP (Rs 27trn), exceeding the 35.43 percent sustainability threshold identified by NRB seasoned economist Laxmi Prasad Prasai (2024), with annual debt servicing consuming Rs 402bn. Concurrently, Nepal’s recent grey-listing by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) for failing to combat sophisticated financial crimes including systemic tax evasion and fraud further underscores institutional decay. Compounding this crisis is a perverse bureaucratic culture where civil servants demand additional ‘facilitation fees’ from citizens for routine services, despite receiving full salaries and allowances. This rent-seeking behavior, institutionalized at all levels of government, epitomizes how Nepal’s federal transition has been hijacked—not by constitutional design, but by entrenched interests that perpetuate centralized predation under the guise of federalism.

Critical infrastructure—Narayanghat-Butwal Highway, Nagdhunga Tunnel, Melamchi Water, Mugline–Pokhara Highway—remains mired in delays. Meanwhile, 6,200 youths leave the country daily for foreign employment, a stark exodus underscoring Nepal’s failure to secure its own future. The Local Government Operation Act (2018) remains a paper tiger, with provincial postings treated as bureaucratic exile. Subnational governments face chronic 23 percent budget shortfalls, while resources are allocated based on electoral patronage rather than developmental need.

The path forward

Nepal stands at an inflection point. Federalism’s promise has been hijacked by a new mind set of centralism, where even hiring school teachers requires Kathmandu’s approval. Three urgent reforms are critical:

• Administrative federalism: Devolve personnel and fiscal authority to subnational governments, ending Singhdurbar’s suffocating control,
• Fiscal federalism with teeth: Guarantee provincial revenue autonomy and performance-based funding, and
• Enforced accountability: Implement independent audits of federal spending, as long demanded by the Financial Comptroller’s Office.

Without immediate corrective action, Nepal risks transforming its federal experiment from a beacon of post-conflict hope into yet another case study in constitutional failure. The stranded travelers, the jobless workers, and the millions trapped in this institutional purgatory deserve more than a government that mistakes inertia for governance. The time for reform is now—before the paralysis becomes permanent.

In 2081, Nepal navigated a transformative yet turbulent digital landscape, balancing ambitious technological and governance advancements with persistent challenges in digital rights, privacy, and cybercrime. The country strived to cement its place in the global digital arena while grappling with the complexities of regulating an increasingly connected society.

Ambitious digital vision and infrastructure expansion

The government’s commitment to digital progress was evident in its declaration of 2024–2034 as the ‘IT Decade’, a vision backed by Rs 7.25bn allocated for ICT projects in FY 2081/82. This funding fueled broadband expansion, IT park development, and efforts to create a thriving ICT hub aimed at generating jobs and boosting digital payments and e-commerce. Internet penetration soared to 99.38 percent, a remarkable achievement, though rural areas still faced connectivity gaps, highlighting the ongoing digital divide. Initiatives like integrating national databases and automating public services advanced digital governance, with the Nagarik App, formalized under amendments to the Good Governance Act, enabling seamless access to public services via electronic devices. 

Policy and legislative developments

Significant policy advancements shaped the year. The Social Media Operation, Usage, and Regulation Bill, 2081 tabled in Parliament aimed to regulate social media platforms and to moderate social media content. Likewise, draft Information Technology and Cybersecurity Bill, 2080, aimed to regulate online spaces and enhance cybersecurity was released for public consultation. However, both the bills drew criticism for potentially restricting free speech and privacy. Similarly, the Media Council Bill, 2081, sought to promote self-regulation in online media but raised concerns about its regulating agency’s independence and alignment with federalism. A concept paper on Artificial Intelligence (AI) and the Draft AI Policy, 2081, outlined plans to leverage AI across sectors, emphasizing clear policies and global standards. Regulatory efforts also targeted virtual currencies to curb money laundering, while amendments to the Industrial Enterprises Act recognized startups as distinct entities to foster innovation. The E-Commerce Act, 2081, was finally made into law to regulate online transactions and ensure transparency for consumers and businesses.

The draft E-Governance Blueprint and Draft Digital Nepal Framework 2.0 laid out bold plans to modernize public services, enhance digital infrastructure, and address past challenges like weak coordination and limited technical capacity through phased implementation and skill development. The Council of Ministers provided conceptual approval for drafting the Electronic Good Governance Commission Bill to combat corruption, and the Supreme Court’s ruling to uphold mandatory national identity cards for public service access, despite legal challenges, reinforced the push for centralized digital systems—though it sparked debates over accessibility.

Digital rights and privacy at stake 

Digital rights faced significant hurdles, with freedom of expression under strain. Prosecutions under the Electronic Transactions Act (ETA) targeted individuals for political comments, alleged defamation, or disruption, raising fears of a chilling effect on free speech. Critics argued the ETA is being misused to suppress dissent, a concern echoed in the Press Council Nepal’s expanded scrutiny of YouTube and online media, which sparked debates over regulatory overreach. The judiciary’s actions, such as the Sidhakura contempt case, further intensified scrutiny of media freedom. The lifting of the TikTok ban on 22 Aug 2024, was a victory for digital rights, but the lack of transparency around the decision left questions unanswered. The Ministry of Communication and Information Technology’s Directives on Managing the Use of Social Media, 2080, required platforms like TikTok and Facebook to establish local offices and moderate content, yet only TikTok, Viber, and WeeTok complied. A 30-day ultimatum for social media registration in 2081 marked a shift toward stricter enforcement, with potential bans for non-compliant platforms like Meta and X. Minister for Communications and Information Technology, Prithvi Subba Gurung, warned of shutting down social networks if they failed to register by April 13, 2025, emphasizing the urgency of compliance.

In 2081, Nepal faced significant internet disruption, including a major outage on National ICT Day, May 2, caused by disagreements over RTDF taxation between ISPs and the Ministry of Communications (MoCIT).

Further internet connections were disrupted in various places due to natural calamities, beautification of the city, and floods damaging the power supplies, leading to the shutdown of several base transceiver stations (BTS) and cutting off communication in affected areas.

The Supreme Court’s Sept 2024 ruling against unauthorized data access by Nepal Telecom reaffirmed privacy rights, but international reports like CIVICUS highlighted Nepal’s obstructed civic space, citing media censorship and reprisals against activists.

In a related development, the Department of Transport Management, following an appeal by a law student under the Right to Information Act, rectified its practice of publishing personal data such as citizenship numbers in driving test results. The department admitted this breach of privacy laws and committed to upgrading its software to prevent future violations. 

Rise of mis/disinformation and deepfake materials 

Social media also became a breeding ground for misinformation, deepfakes, and racially motivated attacks, with manipulated videos, false narratives, and unchecked mis/disinformation spreading widely. As Nepal’s digital ecosystem grows, combating false and misleading information, particularly during critical moments like elections or public protests, remains a significant challenge. These threats underscore the need for comprehensive strategies to enhance media literacy, promote responsible digital practices, and introduce effective policies addressing disinformation and digital manipulation.

Surge in cybercrime and systemic vulnerabilities

The year was marred by a cybercrime surge, with the Nepal Police Cyber Bureau recording 19,730 FIRs in FY 2080/81—a tenfold rise from five years earlier—and 13,426 complaints within nine months of 2081/82. Cases spanned financial fraud, phishing scams, social media impersonation, and hacking, with incidents like the theft of Rs 34.2m from F1 Soft’s bank account and data breaches by Khalti employees exposing systemic vulnerabilities. Fraudulent schemes exploiting trusted brands, fake government grants, and illegal crypto transactions targeted vulnerable groups, particularly youth and students. The NRB pushed for stronger KYC procedures, real-time monitoring, and public awareness, but the volume of cases strained resources.

Major cybersecurity and infrastructure threats

In 2081, Nepal faced significant cybersecurity challenges, marked by high-profile incidents such as DDoS attacks on government servers and recurring cyberattacks on local government websites, disrupting essential services. Notable breaches included the hacking of the National Vigilance Center’s website, resulting in the loss of registration data, and a malware attack on the Passport Department, causing delays in passport services. Other incidents exposed vulnerabilities in the teacher personnel records system and Tribhuvan University’s online exam platform. Additionally, over a dozen ministry websites went offline due to negligence in renewing licenses, and funding shortages threatened the stability of key digital infrastructure, such as the Integrated Data Management Center and Disaster Recovery Centre. A particularly alarming breach involved the hacking of Nepal’s public grievance platform, Hello Sarkar, by the Russian hacker group ‘Ghudra’, which sold sensitive citizen data on the dark web. Despite the adoption of a National Cybersecurity Policy in 2080, Nepal’s cybersecurity ranking fell to 100th globally, highlighting the government’s struggles to improve its digital security infrastructure.

In 2081, Nepal’s digital journey was a paradox of progress and peril. Ambitious ICT and e-governance initiatives laid a foundation for a connected future, but rural connectivity gaps, regulatory overreach, and rampant cybercrime demanded urgent action. The tension between digital advancement and democratic freedoms underscored the need for balanced policies that protect rights while fostering innovation. As Nepal advances toward its ‘IT Decade’ goals, the lessons of 2081 emphasize inclusive access, transparent governance, and robust cybersecurity as critical to shaping a resilient digital future.

Nepal defeated Oman by eight wickets in the ICC U-19 Men's Cricket World Cup Asia Qualifier on Monday.

In the match held at the Upper Mulpani Cricket Ground, Oman, who were invited to bat first after losing the toss, posted 117 runs.

Chasing 188,  Nepal achieved the target losing two wickets.

Niraj Kumar Yadav top-scored for Nepal with 46 runs off 31 balls hitting five boundaries and two sixes. Another opener Sahil Patel made 44 runs.

Capitan Niraj Bhatta remained unbeaten at 12 and Santosh Yadav at 10.

Saumya Bhavin Sampat claimed two wickets for Oman.

Earlier, Oman scored 117 runs in 38 overs.

For Oman, Jeet Shah scored highest 52 runs off 78 balls with six boundaries. Similarly, Siddhartha Shankar contributed 16, and Pratheish Ramesh 10 while other batters failed to score in double digits.

Yuvaraj Khatri took five wickets for Nepal. Likewise, Santosh Yadav claimed two wickets, and Linda Dayananda Mandal, Aparajit Paudel and Ashok Dhami took one wicket each.

In the first, Nepal beat the UAE by five wickets.

Similarly, Afghanistan defeated Hong Kong by eight wickets in the second match in the Lower Mulpani Cricket Ground and Oman by eights wickets in the first match.

Nepal’s political landscape has been in a constant state of flux, and finds itself at a critical juncture in its democratic journey. Over the past three decades, Nepal has transitioned from a monarchy to a constitutional monarchy, and eventually to a federal secular republic. However, the ongoing political turbulence—punctuated by protests, dissatisfaction, and competing ideologies—has left the Nepali people disillusioned with the political system they once hoped would deliver on its promises.

Nepal’s political transitions have always been marked by external influence, particularly from India, which has had a notable role in the country’s path to democracy. So, decoding the intent and what went about in the recent one-to-one bilateral meeting between Prime Minister KP Oli and PM Narendra Modi holds further portrayal.

Legacy of political transitions

New Delhi has constantly portrayed a notable share in Nepal’s transition to democracy. The absence of a twin pillar foreign policy of a constitutional monarchy and multiparty democracy in 2006 paved the way for the current federal secular republic.

On March 17 at the CPN-UML secretariat meeting chaired by PM Oli emphasized the importance of united efforts by republicans to counter the monarchist movement against the federal republic in addition to claims that India has played a role in the pro-monarchy movement. He also urged the party’s youth wing volunteers to “attack anyone trying to snatch away the rights that we fought for.”

Nepali Congress (NC) President and former PM Sher Bahadur Deba said that India does not support the royalist movement in Nepal.

Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba while in Delhi raised a question about potential Indian support to the pro-monarchy protest with her Indian counterpart S Jaishankar, who denied any backing for the protests. Though PM Oli has not been officially invited to visit New Delhi, he had a bilateral meeting with Indian PM Modi on April 4 on the sidelines of the Sixth Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) summit in Bangkok. 

The 35-minute one-to-one discussion came at a time when protests were going on in Nepal demanding the restoration of monarchy and a Hindu state with a catchphrase of anti-corruption drive and end of federalism. This was a second bilateral meeting between Oli and Modi after the sidelines meeting during the 79th United Nations General Assembly in New York in Sept 2024. The difference is that the first was held with officials while the latter was one-to-one.

Complex political landscape

Nepal’s political arena is highly polarized, with three dominant ideological camps vying for influence. The first group consists of the status quoists, who advocate for the current federal secular republic. The second group is the reformists, who are pushing for structural political changes to address governance issues, corruption, and inefficiencies. Finally, the growing pro-monarchist movement that calls for the restoration of the monarchy, albeit in a symbolic role, with an elected Head of Government. These factions reflect a deep division in how the country’s future should be shaped.

This polarization, while enriching the political discourse, also makes it difficult to reconcile these opposing views. Each faction draws on different historical narratives, cultural values, and visions for Nepal’s national identity. The fundamental issue, however, is not about rejecting democracy but about the effectiveness of the system that was supposed to deliver a better future.

Governance crisis and public discontent

At the heart of the current dissatisfaction is poor governance. The public’s anger is not directed at democracy itself, but at the way it has been implemented. The promises made by the political leaders, from economic development to efficient governance, have largely gone unmet. Corruption remains rampant, institutions are weak, and political leaders are seen as more interested in maintaining their power than in serving the people.

This disillusionment is not just ideological; it is deeply pragmatic. The people are questioning whether the system can truly deliver. The notion of democracy, for many, has become synonymous with inefficiency, corruption, and political infighting. The failure to meet basic expectations has created a breeding ground for discontent, with many wondering whether the existing political framework can ever be fixed.

Global democratic backsliding

Nepal’s democratic challenges are not isolated; they are part of a global trend of democratic backsliding. Countries around the world—India, the US, Sri Lanka, Israel—are witnessing increased political polarization, the rise of populism, and the erosion of democratic norms. In this context, Nepal’s situation reflects a broader pattern of democratic disillusionment that is sweeping across many parts of the globe. This global backdrop, however, also provides an opportunity for Nepal. There is a chance to rethink democratic governance—not by retreating into authoritarianism but by rebuilding a more inclusive, accountable, and citizen-driven democracy. The key lies in re-establishing the connection between the people and their representatives, ensuring that the political system is genuinely responsive to the needs of the people.

What’s confidential about “boosting relations”? 

Headlines say: PM Oli and PM Modi agree to “boost Nepal-India relations” in their meeting on the sidelines of the Sixth BIMSTEC Summit. The one-to-one meeting is a strategic win for PM Modi and a purposeful attainment for PM Oli claiming that all officials including Minister of Foreign Affairs Arzu Rana Deuba encompassed a bilateral meeting that was changed at the last minute by the Ministry of External Affairs, India (MEA). 

What’s confidential about “strengthening mutually beneficial cooperation in areas such as development partnership, energy, connectivity, and people-to-people relations”. The phrase “mutually beneficial cooperation” in public statements may obscure deeper strategic negotiations. The MEA statement said “They expressed satisfaction at the progress in enhancing physical and digital connectivity, people-to-people linkages, and in the domain of energy. They agreed to continue working towards further deepening the multifaceted partnership between our two countries and peoples”. Nepal is a priority partner of India under its Neighbourhood First Policy. This meeting continues the tradition of regular high-level exchanges between the two countries.” 

On X PM Modi posts “India attaches immense priority to relations with Nepal. We discussed different aspects of India-Nepal friendship, especially in sectors like energy, connectivity, culture and digital technology. We also talked about some of the key positive outcomes from this year’s BIMSTEC Summit, especially in areas of disaster management and maritime transport.”

In a post on X, PM Oli said that he was delighted to meet Modi, had a meaningful and positive conversation and described the meeting as intimate. “Had a warm and heartfelt meeting with my dear friend, Prime Minister Shri @narendramodi Ji. Our discussions were highly meaningful and constructive. I express my appreciation over this cordial exchange.” 

During the same stretch of the secluded meeting, there are protests in the streets which have weakened all the political powers whether democratic forces or the communists in Nepal. In addition, the political powers behind the compelling of the 2015 constitution is ineffectual and ineffective. The focus could be with cultural ties, and geopolitical manoeuvring particularly China in view and the ongoing protests in the streets of Kathmandu.

Underlying strategic motives

Limiting China’s engagement that influences Indian security concerns—India is wary of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects and growing political ties. The discrete nature of the meeting could indeed involve such discussions. Renouncing anti Indian oratory as a slogan for nationalism-Anti-Indian sentiment has been weaponized politically. India may be seeking Nepalese leaders to dial this down in return for greater cooperation.

Strengthening of Nepal and India deep cultural, religious and ethnic ties with arrangements even through constitutional reform-This would resonate with India’s soft power diplomacy. Cultural diplomacy is a core part of the “Neighbourhood First” policy. Constitutionally and not physically owned map of Nepal embracing Kalapani-Limpiyadhura-Lipulekh region as an impediment in relationship during Oli’s premiership that transformed ‘territorial claim’ to ‘occupied’-This remains a sticking point. Modi-Oli’s rapport might open doors for de-escalation or reinterpretation of constitutional stances to ease tensions.

Political context and transformation

Nepal may undergo a major transformation but not a principled constitutional shift. There is growing momentum for systemic reform, but not necessarily a dismantling of the ideal framework. All major parties, from NC to UML to Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) to RPP to Madhes-centric alliances with eight parties on board, seem interested in functional reform over structural revolution—more governance efficiency than ideological upheaval. The idea of a "reformed federal secular republic" is gaining quiet traction—a way to appease conservative, nationalist, and regional groups without overturning the constitutional ethos.

PM Modi and Delhi will retain substantial influence over Nepal’s political-economic direction. India remains Nepal’s largest trade partner, transit route, and a soft power heavyweight. Nepal’s fragile economy and political flux create a strategic vacuum India is eager to fill, especially amid China's growing interest.

Conclusion: Balanced, yet urgent

The PMs’ meeting on the sidelines of BIMSTEC is not just a symbolic continuation of bilateral ties but potentially a strategic recalibration. The confidentiality, the exclusion of key Nepali diplomats, and diplomatic subtleties hint at unspoken understandings on contentious topics. The expected transformation in Nepal is likely to be governance-oriented, not ideological, possibly backed or influenced by New Delhi’s geopolitical imperatives.

The Meeting and its timing with one-on-one meetings were strategic and involved a late-stage change by MEA, suggesting high confidentiality. High-level bilateral talks between PM Oli and PM Modi have always been significant due to both nations intertwining cultural, economic, and strategic ties. The MEA and both PMs’ statements reinforce the notion that the meeting, while framed in diplomatic language, likely involved deeper strategic discussions. The late-stage restructuring (excluding the Foreign Minister) raises questions of trust, exclusivity, or sensitive content, especially amidst domestic unrest in Nepal.

The national challenges are both status quo defenders and the supporters of change to rethink what democratic governance means in practice and in Nepal. It implicitly asks:

• Can Nepal create a democracy that delivers?
• Can it preserve diversity without fragmentation?
• Can it reform without losing headway?

The answer lies not in returning to past systems, but in building a new democratic consensus—inclusive, accountable, and rooted in justice. Structural flaws remain with federalism without proper devolution of power; judiciary questioned for political bias; weak checks and balances in governance and institutional corruption; economic struggle; environment vulnerability; food security; infrastructure connectivity and chain of supply and political instability. 

Thus, a call for constitutional reform seems timely—but it must avoid top-down imposition. Instead, reform should be participatory, deliberative, and aimed at creating a more functional democracy, not just changing symbols or structures.

The author is a retired major general of the Nepali Army

Nepal suffered a three-run defeat at the hands of Kuwait in the final of Quadrangular T20I Series on Sunday.

In the match played at the Mission Cricket Ground in Mang Kok, the Rhinos managed to score 171 runs at the loss of nine wickets in the allotted 20 overs in the chase for 175 runs.

Basir Ahamad top-scored for Nepal at 80 runs off 43 balls with eight boundaries and four sixes before being caught by Clinto Anto in 19. 3 overs.

Similarly, Nandan Yadav contributed 37 runs and opener Asif Sheikh made 21 runs. Other batters failed to score in double digits.

Anudeep Chenthamara took three wickets for Kuwait. Similarly, Yasin Patel and Naveenraj Rajendran claimed two wickets each. Likewise, Mohammad Aslam took one wicket.

Earlier, Kuwait, who were invited to bat first after losing the toss, scored 174 runs losing seven wickets in the allotted 20 overs.

Opener Ravija Sandaruwan scored highest 63 runs off 36 balls for Kuwait hitting six boundaries and four sixes. Another opener Clinto Anto made 26 runs, Meet Bhavsar 16 and Usman Patel 23 runs.

Captain Mohammad Aslam remained unbeaten on 13 and Naveenraj Rajendran on eight.

Nandan Yadav and Sompal Kami took two wickets each while Karan KC and Kushal Bhurtel claimed one wicket each.

Nepal have decided to field first after winning the toss against Kuwait in the final match of the Quadrangular T20I Series underway in Hong Kong.

Rohit Paudel, skipper of Nepal, won the toss and invited Kuwait to bat first in the Mission Road Ground in Mong Kok on Sunday.

Nepal’s playing 11 consists of Rohit Paudel (captain), Asif Sheikh, Kushal Bhurtel, Kushal Malla, Dipendra Singh Airee, Gulsan Jha, Wasir Ahmed, Sompal Kami, Karan KC, Nandan Yadav and Lalit Rambasi.

Nepal are playing against the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in the ICC U-19 Men's Cricket World Cup Asia Qualifier that begins in Kathmandu from today. 

Host Nepal will face the UAE in the first match today to be held at the Lower Mulpani International Cricket Ground.

Along with the host Nepal, the UAE, Oman, Afghanistan and Hong Kong are participating in the tournament. 

The Nepali team led by Naren Bhatta includes Abhishek Tiwari, Neeraj K Yadav, Sahil Patel, Sibrin Shrestha, Roshan Bishwakarma, Darsh Sonar, Dilsad Ali. Santosh Yadav, Ashok Dhami, Dayanand Mandal, Aparajit Poudel, Yubaraj Khatri and Bipin Prasad Sharma.

In the second match of the day, Oman will face Afghanistan at the Upper Mulpani International Cricket Ground.

Meanwhile, the senior national team of Nepal are playing against Kuwait for the title of the Quadrangular T20 series in Hong Kong today.

The final match of the tournament will start at 11:15 am Nepali time at the Tin Kwong Road Recreation Ground in Hong Kong.

Nepal reached the final after the match against hosts Hong Kong on Saturday was affected by rain and both teams shared one point each. 

Nepal’s economy is showing signs of steady recovery and resilience, according to latest reports from the World Bank, Asian Development Bank (ADB) and Nepal Rastra Bank (NRB). While the outlook is positive, these institutions say the country still faces some serious hurdles that need to be addressed to maintain this momentum.

The World Bank’s Nepal Development Update (April 2025) has forecast economic growth of 4.5 percent for the current fiscal year, up from 3.9 percent last year. It expects average growth of 5.4 percent over the next two years. The World Bank has attributed this rise to improvements in the services sector, boosted by stronger domestic trade, rising imports and solid performance in hydropower and construction. The ADB’s Asian Development Outlook (April 2025) offers a similar but slightly lower estimate of 4.4 percent growth. It highlights increased hydropower production and better agricultural output—especially in paddy farming—as key drivers of the growth. Both institutions have said that Nepal has managed to bounce back well, despite challenges like natural disasters and travel disruptions caused by the upgrade of Tribhuvan International Airport.

The NRB’s latest report supports this optimistic view. Inflation has eased to 3.85 percent in mid-March of 2025, down from 4.82 percent a year before—well below the central bank’s target. Foreign exchange reserves are healthy, enough to cover more than 17 months of merchandise imports and 14 months of merchandise and services imports, while exports are up by 57.2 percent. These indicators suggest that the country’s economic fundamentals are becoming more stable.

The growth prospects, however, are not without risks. The World Bank has warned that global issues, such as political conflicts, rising prices, and heavy dependence on remittances and tourism, could affect Nepal’s growth. It also said the FATF greylisting has hampered Nepal’s efforts to access international capital markets after having a BB- country rating. The ADB added that ongoing tariff rises may cause a global economic downturn, affecting Nepal’s tourism receipts and remittances, and lower foreign aid could negatively impact growth as Nepal relies on foreign aid to finance development needs. 

The government must prioritize reforms and enhance its spending efficiency to maintain this momentum. Promoting private sector growth through clearer laws and regulations, bolstering the financial system, harnessing hydropower potential, and upgrading tourism infrastructure could generate employment opportunities and lessen dependence on remittances. Similarly, the government should act swiftly to implement the Financial Action Task Force’s recommendations to secure Nepal’s removal from the ‘gray list.’ Failure to address this could lead to severe repercussions.

Nepal is facing serious problems, with politicians often fighting both on the streets and in the House of Representatives. This situation is causing a lot of frustration among the people. What’s even more troubling is that many of the promises politicians made during the election seem to have been forgotten. They had promised to work for the improvement of the poor and disadvantaged, to provide better governance, and to control the widespread corruption in the country. They also talked about creating jobs for the unemployed and building a prosperous future for everyone.

Forgetting these promises, political leaders appear more focused on their own fights and struggles for power rather than working on the issues that really matter to the people. This leaves the citizens feeling neglected and disappointed, as they see little change in their lives.

Critical issues surrounding economic development in Nepal remain largely sidelined by the political ambitions of its leaders. Instead of tackling the pressing challenges that the country faces, political parties focus on activities that primarily serve their own interests, elevating their short-term popularity. These pursuits, however, often come at the expense of long-term progress and stability. The result is an economy that remains stagnant, with little hope for meaningful advancements. In fact, Nepal’s economic trajectory is increasingly concerning, as it is not only stagnant but also showing signs of deterioration.

A significant indicator of this stagnation is the excess liquidity in the country’s banks. The banking sector holds a substantial amount of idle capital, which could be utilized to drive growth and development. Instead of channeling this surplus into projects that could boost local industries, create jobs or improve infrastructure, banks continue to sit on their excess reserves. Political leaders who should be guiding the economy toward prosperity fail to intervene or prioritize this issue. Rather than focusing on using these resources effectively to stimulate the economy, their attention remains on consolidating state power and enriching themselves and their allies. This self-serving approach undermines the potential for long-term economic improvement and leads to further inefficiency in financial systems.
 

This cycle of mismanagement has persisted for decades, as political parties swap power but offer little in terms of vision or action to address the nation’s economic challenges. There is a glaring lack of leadership when it comes to creating comprehensive and sustainable economic policies that could foster growth and reduce inequality. The political establishment is not concerned with building a robust economic foundation; rather, it is preoccupied with gaining and retaining power, a pursuit that fails to benefit the nation at large.

As a result, Nepal has witnessed a prolonged period of stagnation, with the country’s economic growth hovering around a meager four percent annually over the past three decades. This rate of growth is insufficient to meet the needs of a growing population, and it has left many people—especially the youth—facing limited prospects. The consequences of such stagnation are profound. Employment opportunities remain scarce, particularly for the younger generation, which has significantly contributed to a migration trend. Young people, regardless of whether they are skilled, semi-skilled or unskilled, are increasingly compelled to seek better job prospects abroad. This exodus has become a key issue, as the country’s brightest talents leave in search of opportunities that Nepal fails to provide.
 

The outflow of skilled labor is particularly damaging, as it depletes the nation of its human capital—one of the most important resources for driving economic growth. This not only exacerbates the immediate problem of unemployment but also hinders the country’s long-term development. Skilled workers who might have contributed to the local economy through innovation, entrepreneurship or professional expertise are instead investing their talents in foreign markets. This brain drain leaves Nepal with a weakened workforce and a limited ability to compete in the global economy.

At the heart of this crisis lies a fundamental failure of leadership. The absence of a coherent and forward-thinking economic strategy has created a vicious cycle where the political class remains disconnected from the needs of the people. Rather than working to create a sustainable economic environment that could provide jobs and opportunities for future generations, leaders remain mired in power struggles and self-interest.

It is evident that Nepal needs a shift in priorities. Political leaders must refocus their efforts on creating a long-term vision for economic development that goes beyond short-term gains. This includes harnessing financial resources effectively, investing in industries that can generate employment and fostering an environment conducive to innovation and entrepreneurship. Only by addressing these issues with a clear, unified approach can Nepal hope to break the cycle of stagnation and build a future that offers prosperity for all its citizens.

In such times, the public may lose trust in the government, and it can be difficult for the leaders to inspire hope. The promises made to improve the living conditions of the poor and to address corruption should not be forgotten. It’s also crucial that politicians remember their pledge to ensure good governance and create jobs for the neediest.

Politicians must focus on actions that directly benefit the citizens to regain the latter’s trust. The politicians need to stop fighting among themselves and start working together for the common good. It’s important for them to take responsibility and make real efforts to fulfill the promises they made during their campaigns. Transparency and accountability are key. The people of Nepal deserve leaders, who are dedicated to making their lives better and improving the country's future.

Ultimately, the people should not feel ignored. Political leaders must be reminded of their duty to serve the citizens and improve their well-being. If they focus on their promises and take meaningful steps toward change, they can restore the trust and hope of the public.

Nepal defeated Kuwait by six wickets in their second match of the Quadrangular T20I series on Thursday. This is the second consecutive win for Nepal.

In the match played at the Mission Road Ground in Mong Kok, Hong Kong, Nepal, riding on the opening partnership of 127 runs between Asif Sheikh and Kushal Bhurtel, achieved the target of 186 runs set by Kuwait in 18. 5 over losing four wickets.

Bhurtel scored highest 81 runs off 50 balls for Nepal hitting six boundaries and six sixes. Sheikh made 53 runs with two fours and four sixes.

Dipendra Singh Airee contributed 31 runs off 12 balls to turn the match in Nepal’s favor.

Captain Rohit Paudel remained unbeaten on four and Gulsan Jha on Nine.

Yasin Patel claimed two wickets for Kuwait. Similarly, Mohammad Aslam and Mohammad Shafiq took one wicket each.

Earlier, Kuwait, who were invited to strike first after losing the toss, posted 185 runs.

Opener Clint Anto top-scored for Kuwait with 41 runs hitting four boundaries and two sixes. Another opener Ravija Sandaruwan made 26 runs.

Similarly, Meet Bhavsar contributed 35, Usman Patel 13 and Bilal Tahir scored 32.

Likewise, skipper Mohammad Aslam remained unbeaten on 17 and Yasin Patel on 3 runs.

Sompal Kami took three wickets for Nepal. Mandan Yadav claimed two wickets and Lalit Rajbansi and Kushal Bhurtel took one wicket each.

Earlier on Wednesday, Nepal defeated Qatar by eight wickets.

Kuwait set 186-run target against Nepal in the second match of the four-nation T20I series.

Kuwait, who were invited to bat after losing the toss at the Mission Road Ground in Mong Kok, Hong Kong, scored 185 runs for the loss of seven wickets in the allotted 20 overs.

Opener Clint Anto top-scored for Kuwait with 41 runs hitting four boundaries and two sixes.

Another opener Ravija Sandaruwan made 26 runs. 

Similarly, Meet Bhavsar contributed 35, Usman Patel 13 and Bilal Tahir scored 32.

Likewise, skipper Mohammad Aslam remained unbeaten on 17 and Yasin Patel on 3 runs.

Sompal Kami took highest three wickets for Nepal. Mandan Yadav claimed two wickets and Lalit Rajbansi and Kushal Bhurtel took one wicket each.

Earlier on Wednesday, Nepal defeated Qatar by eight wickets.