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Nepal are set to begin their journey in the AFC U-23 Asian Cup Qualifiers tonight, facing host nation Tajikistan in their opening match. 

The game will take place at Pamir Stadium in Dushanbe and is scheduled to kick off at 8:15pm Nepal time.

Nepal are in Group 'K' of the qualifiers, alongside Tajikistan, the Philippines, and Syria. 

The tournament is being held in a single round-robin format. 

Nepal will play their second match against Syria on September 6, followed by a clash with the Philippines on September 9. 

Syria and the Philippines are also set to face each other today in their group opener.

The top team from each of the 11 groups will earn a spot in the AFC U-23 Asian Cup, to be held in Saudi Arabia next year. In addition, the four best first-runner up teams across all groups will also qualify for the tournament. 

Nepal’s squad includes Krishal Moktan, Amit Tamata, and Bishal KC as goalkeepers; Bibek Gurung, Bishal Nepali, Lahan Subba, Nigma Lama, Ram Thapa, Shankar Tharu, and Semanta Thapa as defenders; Abhishek Syangtang, Ayush Ghalan, Aaron Thapa, Niraj Karki, Dipesh Gurung, Kritish Ratna Chhunju, Pujan Thapa, Sanjeev Lama, Santosh Khatri, Sujan Magar, and Sumit Shrestha as midfielders; and Rohan Khadgi and Nirajan Dhami as forwards.

Nepal has been studying hydrogen fuel since 2008. After nearly 17 years of research, the government has begun work on producing green hydrogen fuel. A memorandum of understanding has been signed with South Korean company G-Philos to establish a green hydrogen plant and fuel cell facility in Nepal.

The Investment Board Nepal (IBN) is preparing a detailed project report (DPR) to explore producing hydrogen fuel using around 20 megawatts of electricity. According to IBN spokesperson Pradyumna Prasad Upadhyay, the proposed project is estimated to cost about Rs 6 billion. Initially, only a small-scale production will be attempted, with plans to expand depending on the feasibility study.

The agreement was signed on Thursday by IBN CEO Sushil Gyawali and G-Philos CEO Ga Woo Park. As per the agreement, the company will prepare the DPR within 10 months of receiving a survey permit from the board.

G-Philos had submitted its proposal on April 15 for the establishment, development, and operation of a green hydrogen and fuel cell plant in a public-private partnership model. The 63rd meeting of the IBN decided to grant the survey permit.

Biraj Singh Thapa, a researcher and associate professor at Kathmandu University, welcomed the agreement, noting that KU has been conducting green hydrogen research and even demonstrated a hydrogen-powered car. He highlighted that the Hydrogen Policy 2023, along with tax exemptions on machinery and equipment and a five-year income tax holiday announced in the current budget, has drawn foreign interest in Nepal’s hydrogen sector.

According to the policy, machinery and equipment imported for green hydrogen production are exempt from all taxes and duties. This, Thapa added, is expected to attract both foreign and domestic investors. The 20 MW feasibility study will also assess whether the fuel can be used domestically or exported, and identify a potential plant location.

Kathmandu University established a Green Hydrogen Lab in 2020 to research the use of hydrogen in fertilizer factories, iron ore processing, and as a coal substitute in cement industries. Hydrogen has long been considered a potential renewable energy source, and its production could help Nepal meet its commitment to achieving net-zero carbon emissions.

Several institutions have studied Nepal’s hydrogen potential. Tribhuvan University and Western Michigan University jointly concluded that hydrogen could be produced using hydropower, reducing petroleum imports. The Asian Development Bank carried out a similar study in 2020, while the Water and Energy Commission Secretariat assessed possibilities in 2021. A study in 2022 further explored hydrogen-based fertilizer production.

Globally, countries including India, China, and the United States have already developed hydrogen roadmaps and policies. Nepal’s Hydrogen Policy 2023 also recognizes significant potential for hydrogen and related products from hydropower.

Hydrogen is produced by splitting water into hydrogen and oxygen using electricity. Roughly one kilogram of hydrogen can be extracted from nine kilograms of water, requiring about 50 kilowatt hours of electricity. With abundant water resources and surplus electricity, Nepal is well positioned to produce hydrogen.

Hydrogen can be stored as a liquid, gas, solid, or metal hydride, making it suitable for domestic use or export. Studies suggest that hydrogen could replace at least two percent of Nepal’s diesel imports. Given the size of the domestic diesel market—worth around Rs 71bn—green hydrogen could play an important role in diversifying Nepal’s energy mix and enhancing energy security over the next decade.

Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has floated a proposal to make Nepal a full member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO).

Addressing the SCO Plus meeting held in Tianjin, China on Monday, he said that Nepal is now eager to become a full member of the organization.

Saying that the SCO should be made more united, integrated and flexible, Prime Minister Oli recalled that Nepal has been participating as a dialogue partner since 2016.

“We want SCO to be more united, integrated and flexible which can face growing geopolitical, economic and environmental challenges.”

Meanwhile, Prime Minister Oli underscored the need to revive multilateralism.

“No country can remain secured alone, no people can be prosperous by dividing themselves,” the Prime Minister said. That is why multilateralism is the need of the hour.”

Expressing concern over the climate crisis, Prime Minister Oli said that the melting of ice in the mountains is putting the lives of billions of people at risk.

On a different note, he stated that terrorism, cyber attacks, pandemics and environmental crises are common problems.

Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli's economic and development advisor Dr Yubaraj Khatiwada has made it clear that no agreement was made on the issues relating to Nepal's support to China's Global Security Initiative (GSI) during the bilateral meeting held between PM Oli and Chinese President Xi Jinping. 

Dr Khatiwada said that the Nepal government is committed to its Constitution and non-aligned foreign policy, so Nepal can not be a part of any country's security strategy.

PM Oli had held a meeting with Chinese President Xi in the course of his visit to China for attending the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Plus Summit in Tianjin on August 30.

In response to a question relating to China's statement which hinted that Nepal supported China's GSI, Dr Khatiwada said, "PM Oli's visit is chiefly for the participation in SCO Summit. Generally, in the sidelines of such a conference, no agreement and memorandum of understanding is made. It is not done either. Therefore, it is false to make publicity that Nepal supported GSI while no agreement was made on it."       

However, discussion was held on how both sides could forward the effective enforcement of Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI) Framework Agreement, he said, expressing concern over baseless rumour made viral on social networks. He urged everyone to spread the facts and understand sensitivity and veracity of news.

Dr Khatiwada further shared that other issues that featured during the bilateral discussion were strengthening of connectivity between Nepal and China, industrial and infrastructural development,  collaboration on health sector,  agriculture, investment, tourism, science and IT, sports, disaster management, people-to-people connection and Nepal's socioeconomic transformation. 

Just a few days ago in Siraha, rainfall prompted farmers to plant as much as possible despite the shortage of irrigation. On 2 Dec 2022, the headworks of a canal were rebuilt at Khuttikhola in Lahan Municipality-10, with assurances that it would provide irrigation. The Water Resources and Irrigation Development Division Office, Siraha, had signed an agreement with Multitech Construction Company for the construction of the headworks at a cost of Rs 85m, ultimately paying Rs 86m upon completion.

Nearly four years later, however, the structure has failed to provide any support to farmers.

Instead, politics has overshadowed the canal project. Construction remains uncertain due to disputes. Since the headworks were built at a location downstream of the water level, no water has been able to flow into the canal. This prompted the Office of the Auditor General to raise questions about the design in its 2024 annual report. “During the on-site inspection of the project, the headworks were built at a higher elevation than the river water level. This indicated that water could not be collected or distributed through the headworks without design improvements and additional construction work. As the design and contract placed the headworks at a higher elevation than the river water, operation assurance must be ensured,” the report stated.

During the foundation stone-laying ceremony, officials had declared the project would cost Rs 180m, promising that water would flow through the canal and even create a water park. The plan was to use the remaining funds for culvert construction and canal drainage. At that time, a culvert was also built from Grameen Chowk to the West Canal near JS Campus. But after the Auditor General’s report raised concerns, no additional budget was approved.

In the current fiscal year 2025/26, the Madhesh Province government allocated only Rs 1.5m for the canal. On Aug 4, the Irrigation Office, Siraha, awarded a contract worth Rs 800,000 to Shivam Construction of Lahan Municipality-1 for canal cleaning and drainage. However, when the gate of the headworks was opened and tested after the work was completed, river water did not flow into the canal. Instead, water that had accumulated in the canal flowed back into the river.

The gate has been ceremonially opened twice after performing pujas, but without success. Local resident Hanif Rain said, “Millions were spent on this project. The irrigation chief, technical staff, and contractor colluded in its construction.” He made a video of the issue and shared it publicly.

Another local, Devraj Pokharel, said, “There was no transparency or community discussion. Everything was done for their own convenience. If the canal is deepened further, locals will suffer. The Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority should investigate and take action.”

After canal cleaning began, Hemant Yadav, chairperson of the Lahan Nagar Committee of the CPN-Maoist Center and leader of the Kisan Sangharsh Samiti, claimed water would flow within a week. But even after two weeks, no water has reached the canal. He now argues that if the canal is properly managed, water will flow. Meanwhile, the roads along the canal have begun sinking after excavation. However, Hasmat Ansari, head of the Siraha Irrigation Office, insists that more digging is needed due to level mismatches.

A technical team from the Irrigation Office recently re-examined the site. Irrigation sub-engineer Sanjeev Kumar Yadav said, “There is soil blockage up to 90 cm in places. Removing it will allow some water to rise. The culvert at Grameen Chowk will need to be demolished to divert water to the West Canal.”

According to Survey Office Lahan’s fieldbook, a culvert is recorded on land parcels Lot No 82 (15 katta 6 dhur) and Lot No 21 (1 bigha 17 katta 2 dhur). However, the landowner or responsible office is not mentioned. The culvert divides the canal southward and westward from Grameen Chowk. The Irrigation Office claims the canal could irrigate over 935 bighas across wards 2, 11, 12, 19, 20, 21, 22, and 23 of Lahan Municipality, along with areas of Laxmipur Patari, Sakhuwanankarkatti, and Bhagwanpur rural municipalities. The canal itself was dug more than 60 years ago. Today, much of it lies in market areas where locals have filled sections to create farmland.

Locals warn that releasing floodwater directly into the canal will increase risks in surrounding areas. According to elders, the canal dates back to the time of Prime Minister Chandra Shamsher. Initially, it provided some irrigation, but the headworks were washed away by floods within months. No further budget was allocated afterward. Later, when Bal Krishna Khand was irrigation minister, local leaders requested funding for new headworks. The ministry instructed the Water Resources and Irrigation Office to form a committee, but staff secretly appointed UML leader and then-mayor Muni Sah as chairperson. Despite repeated ministry requests, the committee received no funds.

On 2 Dec 2020, the Irrigation Office signed a contract for new headworks. On 8 Nov 2021, Mayor Sah laid the foundation stone, awarding the project to BP JV Lahan-7 for Rs 28m from the 2020/21 municipal budget. The contractor, who signed the agreement on 27 Dec 2020, was required to finish by 1 Nov 2021. However, due to poor construction, the concrete structure collapsed before completion, further blocking the canal. Crores of rupees in government investment were wasted.

In the 2022 local elections, Congress candidate Mahesh Chaudhary defeated Sah to become mayor. Chaudhary resumed canal work by allocating Rs 80m from the 2024/25 municipal budget. The plan included building an underground drainage system to channel water south from the headworks and improving roads. Initially, there was no opposition when the DPR was published, the contract announced, and the foundation stone laid. But once construction began, a Kisan Sangharsh Committee was formed, and protests erupted. During demonstrations, structures built on the canal were vandalized.

The committee later filed a case at the Rajbiraj High Court, which issued an interim order to continue work in a balanced way without damaging the canal’s appearance. The writ was eventually dismissed, as the court ruled the petitioners’ demands were insufficient.

Chinese President Xi Jinping has said that China does not want to be involved in the Nepal-India border dispute, underlining that both sides should resolve the issue on their own.

Chinese President Xi Jinping said so during a meeting with Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, Amrit Bahadur Rai, Secretary at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said.

During the meeting, Prime Minister Oli raised the recent agreement reached between India and China to reopen the trade through Lipulekh pass.

Mentioning that the territory belongs to Nepal, PM Oli told President Xi that the Nepali government has expressed serious objection to the issue.

In response, President Xi said that the Lipulekh route has been a traditionally used route.

Secretary Rai, however, said that China has made it clear that it will not take any sides in the Nepal-India border row.

Nepal's Prime Minister, KP Sharma Oli, has raised a strong objection to the recent agreement between India and China to resume trade through the Lipu Lekh Pass, a disputed territory claimed by Nepal.

PM Oli who is in China to attend the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit 2025, as well as activities to commemorate the 80th anniversary of the victory in the Chinese People's War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression and the World Anti-Fascist War, met with Chinese President Xi Jinping on Saturday, where he emphasized that the Lipu Lekh Pass is part of Nepalese territory.

A statement from Nepal's Ministry of Foreign Affairs outlined Oli's position: "Referring to the recent understanding reached between India and China on border trade through Lipu Lekh Pass, the Rt. Hon Prime Minister stated that the territory belongs to Nepal and that the Government of Nepal has lodged a strong objection."

This issue stems from the agreement signed on August 19 during the visit of Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi to India. Both countries agreed to resume trade from Lipu Lekh, a site that remains disputed between Nepal and India. Following the agreement, Nepal’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs immediately issued diplomatic notes to both nations, expressing its objections.

In 2020, Nepal published a new political map incorporating Kalapani, Lipu Lekh, and Limiyadhura as part of its territory.

It remains unclear how the Chinese side has responded to Prime Minister Oli's statement. Prior to his departure to China for the SCO summit, PM Oli had confirmed that he would raise the Lipu Lekh issue with both India and China. It is unclear yet whether Oli and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi will meet on the sidelines of SCO meeting.

In the bilateral meeting, Nepal PM expressed the hope that projects listed under the Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI) would be advanced, adding that Nepal seeks Chinese support in the areas of fertilizer, petroleum exploration, human resource development, climate resilience and other areas.

Speaking highly of the China-Nepal good-neighborly friendship in the past seven decades, Xi said that the high-quality Belt and Road cooperation between the two countries is advancing steadily at present, according to China. China is willing to work with Nepal to carry forward the traditional friendship and facilitate the greater progress of the China-Nepal Strategic Partnership of Cooperation Featuring Ever-lasting Friendship for Development and Prosperity, Xi noted.

Joint efforts should be made to enhance connectivity programs covering port, highway, power grid, aviation, communications and other fields, and cooperation in sectors including industry, agriculture and animal husbandry, new energy, environmental protection, oil and gas, artificial intelligence, education, health, as well as law enforcement and security, should be advanced, he added.

According to Chinese official media, Oli said that Nepal supports the China-proposed Global Development Initiative, Global Security Initiative and Global Civilization Initiative, and expects China to play a greater role in international affairs.

The Members of Parliament (MPs) have suggested that the government should take diplomatic measures to claim Nepal's territory. 

Speaking in today's House of Representatives (HoR) meeting, the lawmakers asked the Prime Minister, KP Sharma Oli, to clearly communicate with the leaders regarding the agreement signed between India and China on Lipulekh, Limpiyadhura and Kalapani without informing Nepal.     

On the occasion, CPN (Unified Socialist)'s lawmaker Rajendra Prasad Pandey said that the land of Lipulekh, Limpiyadhura and Kalapani belongs to Nepal and holds the land ownership certificate too after the Sugauli Treaty. 

He added that it is also evidently proven from the map kept in the American and British libraries. 

Pandey viewed that a country could be small or big in size but there could be no compromise on the nation's sovereignty. 

He also called for a special initiative from the government to forge a national consensus to claim the Nepali territory. 

Likewise, lawmaker Ranju Kumari Jha of the Janata Samajwadi Party Nepal expressed confidence that the PM will take steps to claim Nepal's land through dialogue and diplomatic efforts during his China visit. 

Similarly, lawmaker Prem Suwal of the Nepal Workers Peasants Party urged the government to safeguard Nepal's territory as stated in the Sugauli Treaty.

Lawmaker Maina Karki also drew the government's attention to settle the border issues through diplomatic means.

In May 2024, Kathmandu was declared as the world’s most polluted city, according to real-time data from the Air Quality Index (AQI). Ranking 162 on the index, Kathmandu surpassed Chiang Mai in Thailand and Medan in Indonesia, raising alarms about the growing air quality crisis in South Asia.

Similarly, the World Bank released a report in June 2025 stating that air pollution is a major factor for death and disability in Nepal. “Single-sector solutions are not sufficient to meet any clean air target. Public policy and investment need to optimize air quality actions across sectors, prioritizing those with the most cost-effective solutions,” the report states.

Air pollution reduces life expectancy by 3.4 years for the average Nepali and causes approximately 26,000 premature deaths annually. In addition to health, air pollution impacts labor productivity, tourism, and the aviation sector. The economic cost of poor air quality is equivalent to more than 6 percent of Nepal’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) each year.

Experts attribute the surge in pollution levels to a combination of increasing temperatures and widespread forest fires that have led the Kathmandu Valley to the state. This alarming spike underscores a broader regional crisis: air pollution in South Asia is cutting lives short at an unprecedented rate.

The data from the Air Quality Life Index (AQLI), developed by the University of Chicago’s Energy Policy Institute reveals that air pollution remains the single greatest external threat to life expectancy in South Asia. The report shows that the average life expectancy in the region is reduced by three years due to air pollution. In the most polluted areas, that figure exceeds eight years. Across India, Bangladesh, Nepal, and Pakistan, the health burden from particulate pollution is nearly twice that of childhood and maternal malnutrition, and more than five times greater than that of unsafe water and sanitation.

This data makes clear that particulate pollution is the world’s greatest external risk to human health. Its impact on life expectancy is comparable to that of smoking, more than four times that of high alcohol use, five times that of transport injuries like car crashes, and more than six times that of HIV/AIDS.

Nearly 2bn people in South Asia are breathing air that far exceeds the World Health Organization (WHO) guideline for PM₂.₅—fine particulate matter known to damage lungs and the cardiovascular system. Most countries in the region are also failing to meet their own, far more lenient, national air quality standards.

In Nepal, PM₂.₅ concentrations reached 38.3 µg/m³ in 2023—a 10 percent increase over the previous year. According to the AQLI report, “The average Nepali could gain three and half years of life if the country met WHO air quality standards. In heavily polluted districts such as Mahottari and Rautahat, residents could gain more than five and half years of life expectancy,” the report states.

In response, the government has implemented an Air Quality Management Action Plan 2020 for the Kathmandu Valley. The strategy focuses on strengthening emissions monitoring and data collection, regulating polluting sectors like transport, brick kilns, and construction and promoting sustainable urban planning and eco-friendly infrastructure. Experts warn that without aggressive action, the health crisis will worsen.

Globally, pollution increased slightly in 2023, with wildfire-driven particulate matter emerging as a new challenge, even in developed countries. In Canada, PM₂.₅ levels doubled, marking the highest pollution in 26 years. Wildfire smoke affected vast swaths of the US, pushing several Midwest and Southern counties into the ranks of the nation’s most polluted—surpassing California for the first time in five years.

“We are now stuck living with air pollution concentrations that are the dangerous ghost of the fossil fuels burned since the Industrial Revolution,” says Michael Greenstone, AQLI co-creator and Milton Friedman Distinguished Service Professor at the University of Chicago. “Even countries that have earnestly spent decades cleaning up their air can’t escape these ghosts and the shorter and sicker lives they deliver.”

A significant barrier to tackling pollution is the lack of real-time air quality data. According to AQLI again, nearly 70 percent of the world’s population lives in countries with fewer than three air quality monitors per million people and that leaves 5bn people—many in the most polluted regions without access to basic information about the air they breathe

“Access to information is critical,” says Christa Hasenkopf, director of the Clean Air Program at EPIC. “While data can catalyze action, it must be backed by political will, ambitious policy, and consistent enforcement.”

If global air quality were brought in line with WHO guidelines, the average person could gain 1.9 additional years of life, saving a combined 15.1bn life-years worldwide. Yet, for South Asia, the need is especially urgent. Pollution in the region rose 2.8 percent from 2022 to 2023, following a brief dip the year prior. Despite temporary improvements, the trend remains dire—reinforcing that particulate pollution is not just a public health concern, but a full-blown humanitarian crisis.

Each year, the AQLI takes on a different topic related to air pollution. This year, the report focused on access to air quality information—a topic EPIC has been deeply involved with over the last decade, including through the AQLI. When people understand that the air they breathe is harmful to their health, they can take steps to reduce the hazard by purchasing air purifiers, wearing masks, limiting time outdoors, and using the data to inform policy actions.

“The analysis shows that improving life expectancy in South Asia will require policies that bring air quality in line with current standards and, over time, move toward stricter limits. Evidence from other regions demonstrates that targeted, sustained action can rapidly reduce PM₂.₅ and deliver measurable gains in longevity”, says AQLI Director Tanushree Ganguly. “Throughout history, countries have grown and developed while improving air quality. Targeting fossil fuels at their source will help clean local air and combat climate change. But countries need better data and stronger policies to make that happen.”

Nepal’s rapid progress in digital finance is a well-documented success story. Mobile wallets and QR codes have fundamentally reshaped daily commerce, creating one of South Asia’s most dynamic payment infrastructure. This achievement has laid a vital foundation for a modern economy. Yet, this very success has created a significant imbalance. The nation's fintech ecosystem is heavily tilted toward payments, while the equally crucial domains of credit and investment remain underdeveloped.

While we have solved the problem of how to pay, the more pressing challenge of how to grow remains largely unaddressed by technology. This is more than a theoretical concern. It has tangible economic consequences. The country’s small and medium enterprises (MSMEs), the engine of job creation, face a credit gap estimated in the billions of dollars. Millions of households have savings in low-yield accounts that could be mobilized for productive investment. This imbalance represents a significant missed opportunity for fostering entrepreneurship, democratizing wealth, and accelerating economic growth.

The roots of this lopsided development are twofold: regulatory frameworks that haven’t kept pace with technology, and an institutional focus that has naturally prioritized payments. Key legislation like the Bank and Financial Institutions Act (BAFIA) was designed for a traditional banking era and lacks specific provisions for emerging models like digital-only lenders or peer-to-peer platforms. The Securities Act is similarly silent on innovations like crowdfunding or robo-advisory. This legal ambiguity leaves innovators in a grey area, unable to scale their solutions within a clear, regulated framework.

In addition to this, the institutional focus has logically centered on strengthening the payment systems, which has been essential. However, this has meant that the equally important areas of digital credit and investment have received less strategic impetus. The launch of the Regulatory Sandbox recently is a landmark step forward, but its initial focus on payments, while understandable, limits its potential. What was intended as a gateway for innovation risks becoming a walled garden if its scope is not expanded. To build a more resilient and dynamic digital economy, a balanced approach is essential. This requires a clear vision and decisive action on two fronts: modernizing policy and reimagining the tools for innovation.

First, the regulatory environment needs to evolve. A clear roadmap for amending key financial acts is necessary to create legal categories for new fintech players. This would provide them with a clear path from sandbox experimentation to full-scale, regulated operation, fostering responsible innovation while safeguarding the financial system. Alongside legislative updates, a more consolidated approach to fintech governance could be considered. A dedicated unit or department focused on the full spectrum of financial technology from payments to credit and investment could provide the specialized expertise and coherent policy direction needed to guide the market’s next phase.

Second, the Regulatory Sandbox should be empowered to become a true engine for full-spectrum innovation. Building on its initial success, its scope must be broadened. The next cohort of the sandbox could be transformative if it invited innovators to tackle the economy’s most significant gaps. Imagine a stream dedicated to MSME finance, testing PAN-based digital micro-loans that leverage alternative data to extend credit to viable businesses. Another could focus on retail investment, piloting robo-advisory services and micro-investment platforms to bring first-time savers into the capital markets. A third stream could enable regulated crowdfunding platforms, allowing the Nepali diaspora to invest directly in promising local startups.

Global experience shows this path is both practical and powerful. India has created specific licenses for P2P lenders, while Kenya’s M-Shwari pioneered mobile credit, demonstrating that innovation and regulation can and must evolve together. These examples provide proven models for safely incorporating new financial tools into the mainstream economy. The challenge now is to build upon the remarkable success of our payment infrastructure. Payments are the rails, but the real economic journey involves what runs on them: credit that fuels businesses, and investments that build wealth. By modernizing legal frameworks and expanding innovation initiatives, Nepal can correct its current imbalance. The goal is to create a financial system that is not only digitally efficient but also inclusive, dynamic, and capable of funding the nation's growth for decades to come. The time for this next digital leap is now.

The author is a director of Nepal Rastra Bank

I came here to grow. To learn. To lead. To bring life back into the soil. I thought agriculture would root me in purpose in people, in innovation, in change. But semester after semester, the only thing that’s truly growing is my frustration. Let me tell you what it’s really like to be an agriculture student in Nepal. The rotting truth that nobody wants to talk about.

When I entered our college what I found was a dying curriculum, tired teachers, empty labs, and a system that feels like it's forgotten us. We’re being taught from manuals written a decade ago. New knowledge? New technology? Nowhere in the syllabus. Precision farming, climate smart agriculture, vertical farming we hear these terms but never touch them. Our lab classes are dry theory on paper. The microscope is broken. The seeds are missing. The equipment is "coming next year." Always next year.

And our teachers when they’re here are often overworked. Some semesters, we don’t even get them. One teacher arrives, rushes through a six month course in two days, and then vanishes. We copy notes. Memorize slides, highlight sentences we don’t understand. Then we walk into exams like sheep heading for slaughter. Sit for practical exams that are anything but practical. Write definitions of tools we’ve never seen.

Time runs out. The course is never completed. Yet the exam arrives like a storm, and we’re left scrambling. Nobody teaches how to think, how to apply, how to survive. Just pass or fail. More than 70 percent of students fail repeatedly—and no one asks why.

There’s no mentorship. No industry linkage. No exposure. No internships. And every time we raise questions, we hear the same thing: “budget chaina.” They say they do not budget for basic learning, for upgraded classrooms, for the internet, for practical tools. But they have plenty of budget for events, speeches and elections. And the main thing for this is politics. Yes, politics poisons everything. Student parties dominate every corner of our campus life. If you’re not a member of some political group, you’re not getting on stage, you’re not leading any events, you’re not getting your name on any notice. And if you are, you get everything even if you haven’t earned it.

They say student unions are meant to protect us. What we see is power games. Vote campaigns. Threats. Fights that erupt into real violence. Heads get smashed. Classrooms get locked. And you’re either with them or invisible. Opportunities? Leadership roles? Exposure? Reserved for those in politics. The rest of us just survive. Sometimes, fights break out. Literal ones. Blood on campus floors. People hospitalized over student elections. And we call this education. We are silenced in the name of discipline. Told not to complain. Told this is how it’s always been. But we are tired. We are breaking down.

No one talks about the mental load we carry. The anxiety. The burnout. The breakdowns in hostel rooms. The pressure to succeed in a system designed to make you fail. The constant academic pressure, the humiliation of failing, the fear of asking questions, the silence in classrooms where curiosity once lived. Many of us are depressed. Many have panic attacks before results. But there is no counselor. No system. No one notices unless we collapse.

I am an agriculture student who once believed in change. I still do but not like this. I don’t want the juniors to walk this same road, only to lose their voice halfway. Because no student should come here full of life only to leave burnt out, bitter and broken. Admissions in agriculture campuses are declining year after year not because agriculture isn’t important, but because we’ve made it unbearable.

We wanted to grow. But this system is built to bury us. And unless something changes, more of us will keep withering in silence. To the system, we are not machines. We are not vote banks. We are not pages to be marked red for wrong answers you never bothered to teach us. We are not your failed harvest. We are the seeds of change. So stop burying us alive. We are students. We are the future of agriculture and we refuse to rot in silence.

When I was growing up in Kathmandu, science often felt distant and confined to textbooks. We memorized the contents for exams and conducted experiments in the labs with limited resources. We rarely talk about how we apply science in our daily lives, and the significance of scientific research in the advancement of the nation.

Today, as a PhD student in the United States, I see that gap more clearly than ever. A few months ago, I got an opportunity to visit the US Capitol in Washington, DC, to meet with the lawmakers as part of the science advocacy effort. During the visit, I talked about the necessity of investing in scientific research and how that is connected to better health and stronger societies. It was a surreal moment for someone who began an academic journey in Nepal. But more importantly, it made me understand how much Nepal can gain if we start valuing scientific research as part of our national development plan.

As I shared my journey as an international student from Nepal to the United States and my research on gut microbiota and high blood pressure with the staff of the lawmakers at Capitol Hill, they were all ears. I basically emphasized how investment in science can create not only opportunities for students like me, but it fuels discoveries that benefit people worldwide by finding solutions to problems that affect global health. What struck me the most was how the staff members listened attentively and promised to brief the lawmakers on our conversation regarding the inevitability of sustained investment in scientific research.  

So why does this matter in the context of Nepal?

It is because the challenges Nepal is facing are directly connected to science.

Take health, for example. Hypertension or high blood pressure and diabetes are common pressing issues that affect almost every household in Nepal. Thousands of people lose their lives to these conditions every year. It is not only shortening the lives of people but also burdening the family. Research can help us understand why these conditions are rising in Nepal and give us an idea to develop affordable and effective treatment strategies and prevent future incidence.

Or consider climate change. Nepal is on the frontline of its impacts. Floods and landslides are increasing, and air pollution in the major cities always exceeds the safe limits. These conditions affect our livelihood, economy, food and health systems, so they demand scientific solutions. We cannot be fully prepared to face these challenges by relying on foreign studies, which may not fully reflect Nepal’s geography and social structure. We need to have a culture of supporting scientific ideas and promoting national research.

This is where advocacy comes into play. Advocacy is not always about meeting with the members of parliament or government officials. It is about communicating science, which is understandable to everyone, and making the science visible. It could also mean explaining and communicating scientific ideas via articles, blog posts, podcasts or through videos in a layman’s language to the public, students and leaders. All these actions should reflect the importance of scientific research. Advocacy also includes visiting schools and colleges to inspire young minds, organizing science fairs or festivals and events. It could also mean urging the policymakers to stop seeing scientific research investment as an expense but a crucial requirement in the development of health, education and the national economy. The more openly we talk about science, research, and policy, the better prepared we become in addressing challenges that hold back scientific progress. 

On the bus ride back from Capitol Hill, I realized that scientific progress is often undervalued in Nepal. We still depend upon neighboring countries to import basic kits for research activities. We need to support national entrepreneurs to invest in developing research tools in their home country, so the budding scientists do not have to wait for months to get access to the research tools.

Our universities and schools are full of talented students and researchers, but without sufficient resources, funding, advocacy and support, meaning their talent hardly reaches the public or policymakers. We must value scientific research by supporting young scientists, funding local research projects and ensuring that scientific research outcomes are regularly discussed with the public and policymakers.

Through my own journey, I have come to believe that speaking up for science is as important as doing science. Through the American Physiological Society’s Early-career Advocacy Fellowship, I have been committed to strengthening my advocacy efforts, designing advocacy tools and writing for the public to become a long-term advocate for scientific research. Beyond this fellowship, I am writing science blog articles, visiting high schools to demonstrate science experiments and serving as a science fair judge. These experiences have deepened my belief that science belongs to all, not just to those who wear lab coats.

Science is not distant. It is in the medicines that save lives, the clean water that keeps us healthy and the policies that protect us from floods and pollution. Whether in the halls of the US Capitol or the classrooms of Kathmandu, the message is the same: science matters. If we are to meet the challenges of tomorrow as a nation, we must start advocating for and investing in research today.

It has been nearly six decades since the UN General Assembly adopted the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights popularly known as ICCPR. Article 19 of ICCPR states: “Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in form of art, or through any other media of his choice.”

In Nepal’s case, the 1990 constitution, for the first time, recognized citizens’ right to demand information held by public agencies on matters of public importance. Actually, Nepal was ahead of other South Asian countries when it came to providing constitutional guarantee to Right to Information. Now, other South Asian countries are making a huge progress on RTI but Nepal is lagging behind. In Nepal, progressive constitutional provision remained largely unimplemented in the absence of a supportive law. Successive governments after 1990 did not pay any attention to formulate such legislation due to a lack of awareness about its importance for the effective functioning of the democracy.

The 2015 constitution further strengthened this right, stating that every citizen shall have the right to demand and receive information on any matter of personal and public interest, with exception of information legally designated as confidential. To support these constitutional guarantees, the Right to Information Act was enacted on 21 July 21 followed by the National Information Commission in 2009. Nepal now has both legal and institutional frameworks to protect people’s right to information. Yet, in practice, progress has been limited.

Government and non-governmental agencies, particularly the National Information Commission, have been active in raising awareness about the importance of RTI for democracy. Numerous training and seminars have been conducted, mainly targeting government officials. While these efforts have raised some awareness, they are often repetitive and ineffective. Nonetheless, journalists and activists have increasingly used RTI as a tool to expose corruption, which is a positive development.

The tendency to seek information from government bodies has grown, but it remains largely confined to activists and has yet to spread widely among ordinary citizens. Serious challenges continue to hinder effective implementation of the law. The most fundamental issue is the persistent failure to instill in political leaders and government officials that people have a right, not a privilege, to access information of public importance.  Political leaders rarely encourage transparency; instead, they often side with bureaucrats in suppressing information. In many cases, leaders have even instructed agencies to withhold information rather than disclose it.

There still is a mindset among the politicians and bureaucracy that granting or denying access to information is at their discretion. In reality, the law has clearly stated what type of information may be withheld. This includes information that jeopardizes sovereignty, integrity, national security, public peace and stability, or that interferes with criminal investigation, inquiry and prosecution, or sensitive economic, trade and monetary matters. Beyond these exceptions, government agencies are obligated to provide information without restrictions. Instead of adhering to the law, many government agencies impose unnecessary conditions with the deliberate intent of suppressing information. Politicians and officials alike fear that if full disclosure were made, their corruption and irregularities would be exposed.

As per the law, every public office should appoint an information officer. While such officers do exist in government offices, they are rarely empowered. Most lack access to the information they are meant to provide, leaving people empty-handed when they make requests. On paper, government agencies appear to comply with proactive disclosure requirements by publishing reports every three months. In reality, these documents do not reveal anything about actual activities. They are often little more than recycled introductions and lists of duties and responsibilities; reprinted again and again to create the illusion of transparency.

The National Information Commission cannot remain satisfied with this surface-level compliance. Its focus must go beyond repetitive training seasons for government officials. Instead, it should actively monitor the information that government agencies are making public and investigate misleading practices and demand that agencies change their current approach to proactive disclosure. The priority in earlier years was to ensure that agencies appointed information officers and began publishing regular reports. That phase has passed. Now, the challenge is to push for meaningful disclosure of substantive information. The government offices should stop reprinting empty profiles again and again, taking both the public and the Commission for granted.

Another vital component is that people are not aware about the importance of their rights and responsibilities of the government agencies. While publicity campaigns have informed people that an RTI law exists, very few people understand its details and how to use it effectively. Knowledge remains confined to a small circle of political leaders, activists and professionals working in the field. Even students do not have comprehensive knowledge about RTI even though RTI has been incorporated in the school and university curricula. Students know about the RTI only from a narrow examination perspective, with little understanding of its practical application.

The National Information Commission, which is tasked with ensuring implementation of this law, should change its working style. Going beyond its routine seminar and lectures, it should identify bottlenecks and directly confront agencies that are misleading the public by publishing background information while concealing what truly matters. As a journalist, I often visit the websites of government agencies to read their proactive disclosure documents to find new information about works accomplished by them. But they always disappoint me. The format provided by the National Information Commission for the proactive disclosure, which is focused on background and general information rather than the substantive information, itself is problematic. Similarly, it should explain why government agencies are not empowering the information officers to provide the information. Similarly, it should find out why two decades of awareness campaigns have failed to build genuine public understanding. It should study new ways to disseminate the information in the ever-changing information ecosystem.

In conclusion, politicians and government agencies have yet to internalize that the right to information is a cornerstone of democracy. Now, we have to move on to phase two of the implementation of RTI—one that ensures not just the existence of laws and institutions but their effective use as well. Most importantly, people must be able to seek information without fear.

At present, many hesitate to approach officials for information, worried that they might be targeted if they do so. With corruption at unprecedented levels, especially at the local level where political leaders and bureaucrats are often complicit, the culture of opacity still persists. Breaking this cycle will require stronger enforcement, fearless oversight and a genuine political commitment.

In Nepal, 27 companies produce oil using both imported and local soybeans, with most of the output exported abroad. In the last fiscal year, Nepal exported more than 500,000 tons of soybean oil. According to the Customs Department, a total of 510,063 tons of soybean oil was exported in fiscal year 2024/25.

RMC Foods Pvt Ltd was the leading exporter, shipping 43,467 tons of oil and capturing 8.43 percent of the total export market. Pashupati Edible Oil Industry ranked second with 38,727 tons (7.47 percent), while Shree Shiva Shakti Ghee Industry followed with 36,106 tons, securing around 7–8 percent of the market share.

Annapurna Vegetable Products Pvt Ltd exported 31,488 tons (6.17 percent), and Swastik Oil Industries Pvt Ltd exported 29,722 tons (5.83 percent). Sushil Vaastani Pvt Ltd (Parsa) exported 28,216 tons (5.53 percent), while Ganapati Vaastani shipped 28,292 tons (5.5 percent). OCB Foods and Feeds Pvt Ltd exported 26,312 tons (5.16 percent), and Baba Vegetable Oil Industries Pvt. Ltd. followed with 25,553 tons (5.01 percent).

Siddhi Vinayak Oil Pvt. Ltd. exported 15,636 tons, accounting for about three percent of total exports. Six other companies—Shri Krishna Oil Refinery Pvt Ltd, Maruti Oil Industry Pvt Ltd, Janakpur Refinery Pvt Ltd, Nandan Ghee & Oil Industry, Bagmati Oil Industries, and Shri Ram Refine Oil Products Pvt Ltd—each held around two percent market share, exporting between 13,500 and 15,000 tons of soybean oil.

Another six companies—Sunshine Foods Pvt Ltd, Kalika Refinery Pvt Ltd, ABC Oil Industry Pvt Ltd, Siddhartha Refinery and Solvent Industry Pvt Ltd, Probiotech Industry Ltd, and Everest Solvent Pvt Ltd—exported between 7,000 and 10,000 tons each, collectively holding around one percent market share. Meanwhile, CG Oil and Derivatives Pvt Ltd and Aarti Vegetable Products Pvt Ltd exported between 3,000 and 5,000 tons, capturing 0.99 percent and 0.73 percent of the market, respectively.

According to the Customs Department, Nepal imported 317,501 tons of soybeans and soybean meal last fiscal year at a cost of Rs 21.145bn. The state collected Rs 1.59bn in revenue from these imports.

A delegation led by Vice President of Vietnam, Vo Thi Anh Xuan, held a meeting with Vice President Ram Sahay Prasad Yadav on Sunday. 

The Vietnamese Vice President arrived in Kathmandu on a three-day visit to Nepal at the friendly invitation of Vice President Yadav on Saturday.

During the meeting held today, they discussed the matters of religious similarities as well as immense potentials of religious and cultural tourism in both countries.  

They also exchanged views on the issue of bilateral, regional and international concern, shared Joint-Secretary at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Prakash Adhikari. 

The two Vice Presidents talked about the bilateral relationship between Nepal and Vietnam, which is based on friendship, goodwill and respect of sovereignty, and is moving ahead with a shared vision in the international forum. 

On the occasion, an understanding has been reached between the two countries to exchange ministry and different level visits. They also discussed that Nepal could learn from Vietnam as the latter is a country having high-economic growth rate as well as possibility of investment, added Adhikari. 

Bilateral trade, investment, digital technology and people-to-people relations were also discussed between them. 

This visit, the first ever highest-level visit to Nepal from Vietnam, coincides with the 50th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Nepal and Vietnam. 

In recent years, words like “sugar” and “pressure” have become part of our everyday conversation. These terms refer to two chronic conditions: diabetes and high blood pressure (hypertension). Once considered the problems of the elderly or the wealthy, they have now become common across all age groups and social classes, posing a serious threat to the health and well-being of millions.

According to the WHO STEPS Survey (2019/20), about one in four Nepalis aged 15 to 69 has high blood pressure, while nearly six percent live with diabetes. Experts believe these numbers are likely higher today due to changes in lifestyle, diet, and increasing urbanization. Perhaps even more worrying is the fact that many individuals remain unaware of their condition until it leads to severe complications such as heart attacks, strokes, or kidney failure.

The changing face of health in Nepal

Nepal has experienced rapid social and economic transformation in recent decades. While infectious diseases and maternal health once dominated public health priorities, a new challenge is emerging: non-communicable diseases (NCDs). Diabetes and hypertension now account for a significant portion of the disease burden. This shift is largely driven by lifestyle changes. Traditional Nepali life involved walking long distances, manual labor, and eating simple, fresh food prepared at home. Today, many people spend most of their time sitting at desks, in vehicles, or glued to digital screens. Physical activity has decreased, and diets have shifted toward high-calorie, processed foods laden with salt, sugar, and unhealthy fats.

Urbanization has brought many conveniences but also new risks. Fast food outlets, sugary drinks, and packaged snacks have become common even in smaller towns. Stress levels have increased as people juggle work, family, and economic challenges. All of these factors contribute to rising rates of obesity, diabetes, and hypertension often affecting people at younger ages than before.

Why are diabetes and high blood pressure dangerous?

Both diabetes and high blood pressure are often called “silent killers” because they typically cause no obvious symptoms in their early stages. Many people feel perfectly fine while the disease silently damages their organs. Diabetes, characterized by high blood sugar levels, can damage blood vessels, nerves, kidneys, eyes, and the heart. Uncontrolled diabetes increases the risk of heart disease, kidney failure, blindness, and amputations.

High blood pressure strains the heart and arteries, increasing the risk of stroke, heart attack, kidney disease, and cognitive decline. Alarmingly, these two conditions often occur together -about two-thirds of people with Type 2 diabetes also have hypertension. The combination of these diseases significantly raises the chance of severe health events and premature death. This dual burden places a heavy strain on individuals, families, and the health system.

The human and economic cost

Living with diabetes or high blood pressure requires lifelong management. Patients need regular doctor visits, medications, blood tests, and lifestyle adjustments. For many Nepali families, especially those in rural areas or with low incomes, the costs of treatment and travel to health facilities are substantial. Moreover, when these diseases lead to complications—such as strokes, heart failure, or kidney failure patients often need hospital stays and expensive procedures. Many lose their ability to work, and their families face income loss and increased care responsibilities. This creates a vicious cycle where illness leads to poverty, which in turn worsens health outcomes.

Early detection: The key to saving lives

Because these conditions develop silently, early detection is critical. Regular screening for blood pressure and blood sugar should be part of routine health care for adults, especially after the age of 35. Unfortunately, many Nepalis do not have easy access to these tests, and awareness remains low. Community health workers and local health posts can play a vital role in educating people and providing screening services. Schools and workplaces are also ideal settings for awareness campaigns and health checks.

Simple steps to prevention and control

The good news is that diabetes and hypertension are mostly preventable and manageable with simple lifestyle choices. Everyone can take steps to protect their health:

• Eat fresh, homemade meals: Limit salt, sugar, and processed foods. Increase fruits, vegetables, and whole grains.
• Stay physically active: Aim for at least 30 minutes of moderate exercise daily. Walking, cycling, yoga, or household work all count.
• Avoid tobacco and limit alcohol: Both increase the risk of these diseases and worsen complications.
• Maintain a healthy weight: Even modest weight loss can improve blood pressure and blood sugar.
• Manage stress: Practices like meditation, spending time with family, or enjoying hobbies can help.
• Regular health checks: Don’t wait for symptoms-check your blood pressure and blood sugar regularly.

What must the government do?

Individual effort alone is not enough. To address the growing NCD burden, Nepal’s health system needs strengthening:

• Expand screening and treatment services in all health facilities, including rural clinics.
• Ensure affordable access to essential medicines for diabetes and hypertension.
• Train health workers to detect and counsel patients effectively.
• Run nationwide awareness campaigns in multiple languages and formats.
• Regulate unhealthy food marketing and consider taxing sugary drinks and junk food.
• Promote physical activity programs in schools, workplaces, and communities.

Nepal has demonstrated remarkable success in tackling infectious diseases and improving maternal health. Similar political will and community engagement can help turn the tide on diabetes and hypertension.

Real stories, real impact

Consider the story of Ramesh, a 52-year-old businessman in Kathmandu. He never thought much about his health until he experienced sudden chest pain and was diagnosed with a heart attack. Tests revealed he had uncontrolled diabetes and hypertension both undiagnosed until then. After months of treatment and lifestyle changes, Ramesh now actively manages his health and advocates for others to get regular checkups. Stories like his are increasingly common. They highlight the urgent need for early detection and prevention across Nepal.

Our collective responsibility

Diabetes and high blood pressure may not cause sudden outbreaks or emergency situations, but their effects are just as devastating. These diseases steal lives slowly and silently, causing suffering for individuals and hardship for families. The good news is that with awareness, commitment, and coordinated action, we can prevent many cases and manage existing ones better. Everyone—individuals, families, healthcare workers, and policymakers—must come together to build a healthier Nepal. We have the knowledge and tools; now is the time to act. Let’s take control of our health before these silent killers take control of our lives.