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Article 93(1) of the Constitution of Nepal, 2015 states that the interval between the two consecutive sessions of the federal parliament shall not be more than six months. The budget session was prorogued in mid-September 2024, meaning that the deadline for convening the winter session has not passed.

Notwithstanding this provision, the winter session should already have begun in accordance with a prevailing practice of convening the session within three months after the prorogation of the budget session.

With over 20 bills pending, lawmakers have their hands full. The parliament will need ample time for deliberations on each bill and for incorporation of concerns coming from lawmakers as law-making in a democracy is not done at the crack of a whip.

So, what is stopping the government from recommending the President to summon the winter session?

Some existential crisis, fear of criticism or some other factor?  

What’s exactly cooking in the corridors of power?

Media reports point out that the government has some other designs. Rather than stepping up preparations for the session, the two major ruling parties—the CPN-UML and the Nepali Congress—are in talks to introduce an ordinance that will actually ‘facilitate’ the splitting of political parties.

 These dark-room negotiations and delay in convening the session have not gone unnoticed. Speaking at a program of the Federal Parliament Secretariat recently, the Speaker of the House of Representatives expressed dissatisfaction over the delay in convening the session. Describing the government as the child of the parliament, he accused the child of sidestepping, undermining and even boycotting the mother.

Lawmakers from the opposition parties have objected to this style of functioning, accusing the government of seeking to rule through ordinances, ignoring the voices of the people and trying to avoid criticism.

On their part, some ministers and ruling party leaders have conceded that inter-party talks on whether or not to present the bill on splitting of political parties during this session are in progress, indicating that the winter session may convene in about a fortnight.

Summing up, the government should learn some bitter lessons from similar misadventures instead of trying to ‘facilitate’ the split of parties for temporary gains, rule through ordinances and undermine the concerns of the opposition and the people if it indeed wants the polity to stabilize and deliver.

Nepal’s agricultural landscape is under threat as human-wildlife conflict intensifies. One of the most pressing issues is the frequent maize raids by monkeys. Habitat loss, forest fragmentation, and rapid urbanization have driven monkeys to croplands, with maize—nutrient-rich and easily accessible—becoming their preferred target. For farmers already grappling with low profitability and labor shortages, these raids exacerbate an already challenging livelihood.

A closer look at maize raids

Maize, a staple crop in Nepal, is vital for human consumption and livestock feed. Yet, during the monsoon growing season, monkey raids peak, typically in the early morning hours. Traditional deterrents such as scarecrows, noise-making devices, and vigilant guarding have proven ineffective. Many farmers, unable to cope with persistent losses, are abandoning maize cultivation altogether, leaving a gap in agricultural productivity.

Silage production: A transformative solution

Amid these challenges, silage production has emerged as an innovative solution to combat crop losses and livestock feed shortages. Silage involves cutting fresh maize fodder, compacting it, and storing it in airtight conditions to allow controlled fermentation. Within three weeks, the process yields high-quality, long-lasting livestock feed. By harvesting maize early—before it becomes an attractive target for monkeys—farmers can protect their crops and secure a reliable feed source for livestock. This dual benefit addresses both food security and the challenges posed by monkey raids.

Benefits beyond crop protection

Silage production offers a cascade of advantages for farmers and livestock. It alleviates livestock feed shortages, particularly during the dry and winter seasons when forage is scarce. This consistent, high-quality feed enhances livestock health, digestion, and milk production, boosting farm productivity. Additionally, silage production reduces the labor required to guard fields, freeing farmers to focus on other income-generating activities. The process is cost-effective, requiring minimal resources like plastic sheets, pits, or drums for storage. Though initial training is necessary, the long-term benefits far outweigh the investment, promoting self-sufficiency and resilience among farmers. This innovation reduces dependence on expensive external feed, alleviates financial strain, and supports a stable agricultural system.

Global lessons for local solutions

Kenya’s experience offers valuable insights. Kenyan farmers, facing similar primate raids and feed shortages, have successfully adopted silage production. Early harvesting and silage conversion have minimized crop losses and ensured consistent livestock feed. Community-based silage programs, supported by government and non-governmental organizations, have empowered farmers economically and improved livestock productivity. Nepal can draw inspiration from these initiatives to address its challenges.

Expanding silage adoption in Nepal

Despite its benefits, silage production is limited in Nepal, primarily practiced in government farms and large agricultural enterprises. Expanding its adoption among smallholder farmers requires coordinated efforts. Training and awareness programs are essential to educate farmers on silage-making techniques and benefits. Government agencies, agricultural cooperatives, and nonprofits should organize workshops and demonstrations to promote its adoption. Financial support, such as subsidies for materials like plastic sheets and storage drums or low-interest loans, can help farmers invest in this cost-effective technology. National policies encouraging silage production and incentives for early maize harvesting are critical to scaling this solution.

A sustainable path forward

Silage production is a win-win solution for Nepalis farmers, safeguarding maize crops from monkey raids and securing reliable livestock feed. This practice enhances farm productivity, reduces labor burdens, and builds resilience against feed shortages. To scale this solution, stakeholders must work together to provide training, financial support, and necessary tools.

Farming in Nepal is more than a profession; it is a way of life. By embracing innovative practices like silage production, farmers can safeguard their livelihoods, strengthen rural economies, and ensure agriculture remains a cornerstone of Nepal’s economy and culture. The path is clear: Protect crops, sustain livestock, and build a resilient future for Nepalese agriculture.

The judiciary in Nepal has been under increased criticism in recent years due to claims of political meddling, corruption and incompetence. Historically seen as the last bulwark of justice and the last judge of constitutional norms, the court has revealed weaknesses in its defenses. These cracks expose a deeply ingrained misconception: that Nepal’s court is completely impartial and impervious to corruption. In actuality, Nepal’s judiciary’s independence is still a complicated illusion that is influenced by both internal and foreign factors. It should serve as a check on authority, a defender of the law, and an upholder of justice, as is the case in many democracies. But in Nepal, a number of issues make it less successful, which makes people wonder if it really reflects these principles or if it is just a façade. The independence of a court is essential for upholding the rule of law. 

However, political interests frequently exert pressure on Nepal's court, undermining its independence. Appointments and decisions can be influenced by political parties and their leaders, raising questions about potential bias. A conflict of interest arises when judges are chosen based more on their political connections than their qualifications, raising questions about their capacity to make unbiased decisions.

Political appointments

Political meddling in the selection of judges is the main grievance directed at Nepal’s judicial system. Although political forces frequently exert excessive influence, the constitution has procedures intended to guarantee neutrality in appointments. There is a contradiction of independence inside dependency since the Judicial Council, which is in charge of nominating judges, has members who are also chosen by political players. This system, which is supposed to maintain a balance of power, unintentionally makes it possible for political objectives to influence the court. The politicization of Nepal’s court is another mistake. 

Decisions that are influenced by politics undermine the justice and impartiality that the legal system is supposed to provide. Politicians frequently have excessive control over judicial nominations, guaranteeing that their supporters hold important posts. As a result, judges may feel pressured to support the interests of those who made their appointment possible, which undermines their capacity to act impartially and independently.

Myth vs reality

One of the main myths that is still spread is that corruption does not exist in Nepal’s courts. Although the court is generally regarded with respect by the people, persistent allegations of bribery and corrupt activities cast doubt on its impartiality. Subtle and pernicious corruption spreads through a number of avenues, from lower courts to higher judicial seats. The rule of law is allegedly undermined and public faith is eroded when judges are accused of favoring parties with financial incentives or influence.

Justice fatigue

The widespread backlog of cases in Nepal’s courts is another serious problem. Despite the basic right to a fair and prompt trial, many litigants must wait a long time for justice. Overwhelming caseloads, little resources and a shortage of staff are problems for courts. Some call this ‘justice fatigue’—a situation when litigants completely lose trust in the legal system—is brought on by the procedural delays. The idea that justice postponed is still justice is erroneous; in actuality, it is justice denied.

Obstacles to reform

Political opposition and bureaucratic delay have made Nepal’s judiciary reform a difficult process. Because of entrenched vested interests and a lack of political will, several attempts at structural transformation have failed. Constitutional clauses intended to protect judicial independence have been construed selectively, frequently in a way that benefits the powerful. Enacting significant change is difficult since it involves not just changing the legislation but also the culture in which the judiciary functions.

Restoring trust

Systemic reforms are necessary to rebuild public trust in Nepal's judiciary. Important initial measures include tackling corruption openly, ensuring that judge appointments are made on the basis of qualifications rather than political ties, and implementing technology to expedite case handling. More accountability, which may be attained by open audits and supervision, may also lessen the likelihood of corruption and rebuild confidence.

In summary, Nepal’s judiciary is at a turning point as it struggles with the myths of independence and incorruptibility. Both institutional change and a change in public opinion are necessary to achieve an independent and equitable legal system. Only until these ingrained misconceptions are confronted and dispelled by an unshakable dedication to justice and openness will Nepal’s judiciary be able to live up to these values. Significant obstacles confront Nepal’s court, undermining its function in the democratic process. Public trust is undermined by problems with accountability, independence and openness as well as political meddling. The judiciary must distance itself from political influence and make a commitment to impartiality and openness in order to operate efficiently. Nepal’s judiciary cannot genuinely become a pillar of justice until these changes are implemented.

Commercial banks in Nepal are experiencing a decline in dividend capacity due to weak credit demand and high non-performing loan levels amid a prolonged economic slowdown. Most banks declaring dividends for the fiscal year 2023/24 have reduced their payouts, with some opting not to distribute dividends at all.

Of the 20 commercial banks in the country, 11 have decided to distribute dividends from their earnings in the previous fiscal year, while five have opted not to distribute dividends. Four are yet to announce their decision on dividend payouts. Among the 11 banks which provided dividends to their shareholders, seven have reduced their rates compared to the previous fiscal year.

Himalayan Bank Ltd, Machhapuchchhre Bank Ltd, NMB Bank Ltd, Rastriya Banijya Bank Ltd and Prabhu Bank have announced they would not distribute dividends from last fiscal year’s profits. Among these, Machhapuchchhre had distributed 14 percent dividend in 2022/23 (13.3 percent bonus shares and 0.7 percent cash for tax purposes). Rastriya Banijya Bank had provided 5.5 percent cash dividend last year. Himalayan, NMB, and Prabhu Bank did not distribute dividends last year either.

Four commercial banks—Kumari Bank Ltd, Nepal Investment Mega Bank Ltd, Nepal Bank Ltd and NIC Asia Bank Ltd—are yet to make their dividends announcements. Despite low credit expansion, commercial banks posted a profit of Rs 64.15bn in 2023/24, a 13.4 percent compared to net profit of Rs 56.57bn in 2022/23. However, most banks could not increase their dividend payouts as they had to set aside substantial funds for provisioning for their non-performing loans.

Commercial banks set aside a combined Rs 201bn for provisioning in 2023/24, compared to Rs 147bn in 2022/23. Himalayan, NMB and Prabhu have not distributed dividends for two successive fiscal years. Himalayan is not in a position to distribute dividend because non-performing loans of its merging partner—Civil Bank—was 27 percent at the time of the merger which necessitated provisioning of substantial funds. The two Class ‘A’ banks started joint operation after merger on Feb 24 last year.

Four banks have increased their dividend payouts compared to the previous fiscal  year. Standard Chartered Bank Nepal has announced a dividend of 25.5 percent (6.5 percent bonus shares and 19 percent cash) from its profits of 2023/24 compared to 19 percent cash dividend a year earlier. Payout of Nepal SBI’s dividend payout has increased slightly from 10.55 percent (3.75 percent bonus shares and 6.8 percent cash) to 10.65 percent (3.8 percent bonus shares and 6.85 percent cash). Prime Commercial Bank Ltd and Agricultural Development Bank (LTD), which didn’t provide dividends from the earnings last year, have announced five percent cash dividend and 10.53 percent dividend (three percent bonus shares and 7.53 percent cash), respectively, this year. However, Everest Bank Ltd, Nabil Bank Ltd, Global IME Ltd, Laxmi Sunrise Ltd, Sanima Bank Ltd, Citizens Bank International Ltd and Siddhartha Bank Ltd have reduced their dividend rates.

Since Sept 2019, the United States has provided over $700m in foreign aid through programs administered by the US Department of State and USAID. These aid initiatives have focused on health, economic growth, democracy and governance, and food security, according to a spokesperson for the US Department of State.

The US is committed to deepening its long-standing partnership with Nepal in supporting its democratic resiliency, promoting economic opportunity, and protecting and advancing its sovereignty, the Spokesperson  said in an email interview.  “Our robust people-to-people ties are the cornerstone of our relationship, fostering friendship, understanding, trust, and goodwill.”

According to the Spokesperson , the $500m Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) Compact, along with the Government of Nepal’s additional $197m contribution, is another great example of the US commitment to Nepal.  The Spokesperson said the MCC projects will bring high quality, green energy and improved roads to the people of Nepal to power continued economic growth. “$260m in US International Development Finance Corporation loans and equity investments will support agricultural and small and medium sized enterprises, particularly women-run enterprises.”

With the re-election of Donland Trump as president of America, foreign policy watchers in Nepal and India are keenly watching whether there will be any changes in US policy toward South Asia and Nepal. The Spokesperson  assuaged the doubt by stating that the US do not have any changes in policy to announce at this point of time. Nepal recently signed the Cooperation Framework for Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), raising eyebrows in New Delhi and Washington. Both New Delhi and Washington have advised Nepal to accept the support under BRI in a transparent way to prevent debt burden.

Commenting on Nepal’s BRI agreement, the Spokesperson said, “It is up to the Government of Nepal to determine which agreements and partnership will benefit its people.” He, however, added that such partnership between two countries should be open, transparent, and mutually beneficial. That is the basis of our partnership with Nepal, and we will continue to seek opportunities to support Nepal’s ongoing development efforts.

During Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli’s visit to China on Dec 2-5, the two sides came up with a statement which has been a topic of discussions in the political and diplomatic circles. The statement says that Nepal firmly supports China’s efforts to achieve its national reunification and opposes Taiwan’s independence.

Though the issue of Taiwan independence and shift from one China policy to one China principle was mentioned in the joint statement during former Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s China visit last year, China’s “national reunification” effort is a new development.

Addressing this issue, the Spokesperson said that their approach to Taiwan has remained consistent across decades and administrations. “The United States has a longstanding one China policy, which is guided by the Taiwan Relations Act, the three Joint Communiques, and the Six Assurances.” The Spokesperson further added that their one China Policy is distinct from China’s one China principle. “We do not take a position on the ultimate resolution of Cross-Strait differences, and we maintain that Cross-Strait differences must be resolved peacefully, free from coercion, and in a manner acceptable to the people on both sides of the Strait.” 

Nepal received foreign investment commitments worth Rs 20.77bn for 319 projects over the first five months of the current fiscal year 2024/25. According to the monthly report on Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) approvals published by the Department of Industries (DoI), a total investment commitment of Rs 2.11bn was recorded in the fifth month (mid-November to mid-December) alone.

FDI commitments for 138 projects worth Rs 2.13bn came via the automatic route, while investment commitments for 181 projects worth Rs 18.64bn were made through the normal approval route. These projects have proposed to create 9,206 new jobs.

Likewise, commitments of another Rs 1.54bn have been made for share purchase approvals for 27 projects.

The investment commitments have been made across six sectors—manufacturing, agriculture and forestry, tourism, services, infrastructure, and information and communication technology (ICT).

According to the report on foreign investment commitments, the tourism sector attracted the highest number of projects and the largest investment during the review period. Out of the 319 projects receiving FDI commitments, 145 (or 45 percent) were in the tourism sector. In terms of the committed amount, a significant 62 percent—equivalent to Rs 12.76bn—was directed toward tourism. The service sector ranked second, with total FDI commitments of Rs 4.83bn for 40 projects, followed by the manufacturing sector, which received commitments worth Rs 1.81bn for 22 projects.

While the ICT sector ranked second in terms of the number of projects, it attracted investment commitments of only Rs 678.71m.

However, just over a third of the total commitments are actually realised. According to Nepal Rastra Bank (NRB), only 37.89 percent of the total FDI pledged over the past decade was realised. Between fiscal years 2014/15 and 2023/24, Nepal received total FDI commitments worth Rs 395.92bn. Of this amount, only Rs 126.29bn translated into actual investment.

In the fiscal year 2023/24, Nepal received Rs 61.9bn worth of FDI commitments. Only 13.57 percent of the committed amount, or Rs 8.4bn, was realised.

Rs 1.61bn repatriated in five months

Foreign investors took home Rs 1.61bn over the first five months of 2024/25 as returns from their investments.

According to the report, foreign investors transferred Rs 382.25m as royalty, Rs 851.6m as dividend and Rs 380.86m as service fee.

FDI approvals over first five months of FY 2024/25

To be a journalist in Nepal is to take on a role that is both revered and challenging. The profession is often seen as a picture-perfect job—one that demands precision, integrity, and diligence. Journalists are regarded as the eyes and ears of society, trusted to bridge the gap between events and the public. From the layperson to those in positions of power, journalists hold a unique place in society. Yet, while the profession commands respect, it is fraught with complexities that make it one of the most demanding careers in Nepal.

Despite being regarded as a prestigious profession, journalism in Nepal is not always valued as it should be. The job can be exciting and even addictive, but it’s also fraught with scrutiny. In my personal experience as a journalist, I have often found myself being questioned more than I question others. Even when working as a camera person, I’ve felt the weight of critical eyes observing me. The profession’s appeal diminishes when you face relentless questions about why you wrote a certain piece, whether you are targeting someone, or which political party you support. Over time, these inquiries overshadow the essence of journalism, making it a challenging profession to sustain.

Working conditions for journalists in Nepal are often disheartening. Many media houses exploit their employees, compelling them to work long hours for insufficient pay. Some even require journalists to work without pay for extended periods, promising eventual compensation that may never fully materialize. Monthly paychecks, when they do arrive, are frequently delayed, incomplete, or barely enough for survival. While not all media houses operate this way, such exploitation is widespread. These practices lead many early-career journalists to abandon the profession in favor of more stable opportunities.

Journalism in Nepal has evolved significantly, influenced by advancements in technology and shifts in societal expectations. Citizen journalism has taken root, content creation has surged, and online-based journalism has flourished. Digital creators who double as journalists have become part of everyday conversations. While these developments have opened new avenues, they have also introduced challenges.  

Citizen journalism and platforms like YouTube have further complicated the landscape. While these platforms have democratized information sharing, they have also been marred by unethical practices such as spreading fake news, using clickbait, and sharing misinformation. These issues have tarnished the credibility of online journalism and affected the public perception of traditional journalists. Being labeled as a YouTuber has become a point of contention for many professional journalists in Nepal. While some established journalists have embraced YouTube as a way to expand their reach, there is a clear divide between those who transitioned to the platform after years of professional experience and those who started on YouTube without formal training. 

Unfortunately, the prevalence of misinformation makes it difficult for the public to distinguish between credible journalism and sensationalized content. Nepal’s journalism landscape now includes YouTubers presenting themselves as reporters and numerous individuals going live on media platforms. This blending of traditional and modern journalism has created opportunities but also raised concerns about credibility and ethics. YouTube has undoubtedly created new opportunities for journalists, offering a platform to connect with wider audiences. However, it has also introduced challenges, particularly for traditional journalists who have spent years building their credibility. The platform’s larger audience comes with its own issues, such as the lack of regulation and the rapid spread of misinformation. This has led to an internal conflict within the profession, further complicating the already difficult role of journalists in Nepal.

The challenges of journalism in Nepal go beyond external pressures. The profession often forces journalists to confront truths they cannot always share. Hidden stories, suppressed narratives, and untold accounts weigh heavily on journalists. Exposing these truths can be dangerous, especially when they involve powerful individuals or institutions. As a result, many journalists in Nepal carry the burden of these stories, adding to the psychological toll of their work. The internal struggle to balance truth-telling with personal and professional safety is a defining feature of the profession.

Being a journalist in Nepal means navigating a complex relationship with the public. While journalists are often seen as truth-tellers and watchdogs, they also face criticism and skepticism. People frequently question the motives behind certain stories, assuming political affiliations or personal biases. This lack of trust can be disheartening, especially for journalists who enter the field with a genuine passion for uncovering the truth. The evolving media landscape has further blurred the lines between professional journalism and amateur reporting. With the rise of citizen journalism and social media, anyone with a smartphone can report news. While this democratization of information has its benefits, it has also led to an oversaturation of content, much of which lacks credibility. This has made it increasingly difficult for professional journalists to stand out amid the noise.

Despite these challenges, journalism in Nepal remains a dream for many and a necessity for others. The profession offers unparalleled opportunities to connect with the public, shed light on important issues, and document history. At the same time, it can be a source of lifelong trauma, stemming from exploitation by employers, criticism from the public, and the internal conflicts that come with the job. For some, journalism is a calling that fulfills their passion for storytelling and truth-seeking. For others, it is a means to an end, pursued out of necessity rather than choice. 

Ultimately, what it means to be a journalist in Nepal is to navigate a fine line between truth and perception, between what can be reported and what must remain untold. The profession demands resilience, dedication, and a willingness to operate in the gray areas of truth and ethics. Whether viewed as a blessing or a curse, journalism remains an integral part of Nepal’s societal fabric, shaping how we understand and engage with the world around us. It is a profession that offers both unique rewards and unparalleled challenges, reflecting the complexities of the society it seeks to serve.

Glacial Lake Outburst Floods (GLOFs) in Nepal are becoming a significant hazard in the Himalayas, driven by climate change and an increasing number of glacial lakes. Nepal's GLOF history is marked by several catastrophic events that have caused widespread devastation. The earliest recorded GLOF occurred about 450 years ago in Seti Khola but its details are not available.  A recent article by Byers, Chand, and their team also reconstructed the GLOF history in the Kanchenjunga region, where they found the occurrence of GLOF since 1921. They found at least seven GLOF events in that region with the help of remote sensing and field observation, which were not recorded before. Besides, ICIMOD has compiled 24 events out of which 14 occurred in Nepal and 10 in Tibet (China), causing extensive damage in Nepal. A notable GLOF event occurred in 1985 when Dig Tsho burst, leading to a destructive flood that destroyed infrastructure, including a hydropower plant under construction. Another study by Shrestha and her team recorded 54 events in Nepal. These datasets also indicated that several events occurred and are occurring in remote mountains that were not noticed due to their impact being insignificant and remote in nature. The Thame GLOF that occurred in Aug 16 this year is another noticeable event that caused damage to Thame village and the downstream ecosystem despite the small size of the breached glacial lake.

The underlying causes of GLOFs are tied to the unique geographical and climatic conditions of Nepal. The Himalayas are home to thousands of glaciers, which have formed numerous glacial lakes, particularly in the high-altitude regions. These lakes are formed when glaciers retreat, leaving behind large volumes of water contained by unstable moraines. As global temperatures rise, the rate of glacial melting increases, leading to the expansion of these lakes. The moraines that contain them are often weak and prone to collapse, especially under the pressure of additional water, seismic activity or other triggering factors like avalanches or landslides.

GLOFs have severe impacts on both the natural environment and human settlements. The floods can destroy agricultural land and hydropower, disrupt transportation networks and lead to loss of life and property. In addition to physical destruction, GLOFs also contribute to long-term environmental changes, such as the alteration of river courses and the degradation of ecosystems. The socio-economic impacts are profound, particularly in rural and remote areas where communities rely heavily on agriculture and where infrastructure is limited.

Over the decades, Nepal has tried to monitor and mitigate the risks associated with GLOFs. The establishment of early warning systems, such as the one implemented at Tsho Rolpa back in the 1990s, one of Nepal's largest glacial lakes located in Dolakha district in the Tamakoshi river basin, is a critical step in disaster risk reduction. Initially, an experimental siphon system was installed in 1995 to release the water and lower the lake volume, but it stopped working after 15 months. In 1997, the then government installed additional siphones and an early warning system. An automatic early warning system was installed in 1998 with a GLOF sensing system and a GLOF warning system along the Rolwaling and Tamakoshi river valleys. Engineering interventions, such as the lowering of lake levels by three meters through controlled drainage, have also been employed to reduce the risk of outbursts through the GLOF risk reduction project, with funding from the World Bank, the Netherlands International Development Agency and the government of Nepal. However, a lack of continuous funding, research and proper coordination among agencies, along with the period of Maoist insurgency, hindered the progress of mitigation work. Again, in 2015, the Early Warning System was revitalized with the installation of hydrological, precipitation and automatic weather stations at different locations in the downstream region.

The community-based Flood and Glacial Lake Outburst Risk Reduction Project, also known as the Imja Glacier Lowering Project in the Dudhkoshi basin, was implemented between 2013 and 2017 to mitigate the risks of glacial lake outburst floods (GLOFs) and to reduce human and material losses in Solukhumbu district and catastrophic flooding events in the Tarai and Churia range. The project was implemented by the Department of Hydrology and Meteorology (DHM) in partnership with different stakeholders and funded by Global Environment Facility-Least Developed Countries Fund (GEF-LDCF), UNDP. Imja was considered one of the most potentially dangerous glacial lakes for GLOF, which is rapidly increasing in size and volume due to glacial melt and the action of lake water that continuously triggers the calving of the glacier. Key activities of the project included the establishment of early warning systems, community training for disaster preparedness and the construction of protective infrastructure. The project also emphasized community participation, ensuring that local knowledge and needs shaped the initiatives. Through these efforts, the project successfully improved local capacities to respond to flood risks, ultimately contributing to enhanced safety and security for affected populations. By excavating a channel through the moraine that holds back the lake, the project successfully lowered the water level by 3.6 m, thereby enhancing drainage capacity and reducing the risk of catastrophic flooding downstream. This intervention significantly improved safety for local communities, alleviating fears and allowing residents to pursue their livelihoods with greater security. Additionally, the project facilitated environmental monitoring of glacial dynamics, contributing to a better understanding of the ongoing changes in the region due to climate change. It also promoted awareness of GLOF risks and enhanced community capacity for disaster preparedness through training programs focused on emergency response. Furthermore, the project emphasized the importance of sustainable practices, reinforcing the need for ongoing research and actions to manage the impacts of climate change on Nepal’s glaciers. Overall, the Imja Glacier Lowering Project stands as a proactive model for disaster risk reduction, highlighting the critical integration of scientific research, community engagement, and sustainable environmental management in safeguarding vulnerable populations in the Himalayas.

Additionally, the government, in collaboration with different organizations, has undertaken research and mapping projects to identify high-risk lakes and develop preparedness strategies. The government has identified four additional glacial lakes—Thulagi in Gandaki basin and Lower Barun, Lumding and Hongu in the Koshi basin—to implement the structural intervention along with the early warning system and capacity-building. The government has proposed about $36.1m to the Green Climate Fund and the initiative is expected to start in 1-2 years.

Despite these efforts, challenges remain in effectively managing the risks associated with GLOFs. The remote and inaccessible nature of many glacial lakes makes monitoring difficult, and the unpredictable nature of GLOFs complicates forecasting efforts. Furthermore, the rapid pace of climate change poses a growing threat, as the continued retreat of glaciers is likely to create new glacial lakes and increase the volume of existing ones. As temperatures continue to rise, the frequency and intensity of GLOFs are expected to increase. Not only large-sized glacial lakes but small lakes may also have significant impacts. Thousands of such lakes in the high mountains have significant implications not only for Nepal but also for the downstream countries in the Himalayan region that share river basins with Nepal. Collaborative regional efforts are essential to address these transboundary risks. Updating current inventory, categorization of potentially dangerous glacial lakes, and regular monitoring mechanisms should be established under the government in collaboration with research institutions. 

Last Sunday was SAARC Day, the day in which the promulgation of the SAARC Charter is celebrated. It was an important occasion to remind the citizens of South Asia that they should not lose sight of the high principles behind regional cooperation. The day was even more remarkable because it was the 40th anniversary of the SAARC Charter, an important milestone though unfortunately, only on paper. I am saying so because we all know that SAARC as a regional organization could be seen as, at the best, life support. 

The truth is that SAARC has been on life support for many years. We know that the main reason is the fact that India, the main and most powerful player in the region, does not attach importance to it. 

For Prime Minister Modi of India, the SAARC process is a hindrance, a burden especially because, as we all know, Pakistan is the second biggest nation in the bloc. While such a posture by New Delhi might offer the best way to meet India’s strategic goal both geopolitically and economically, the truth is that the whole region is missing out on a huge opportunity.  By now, there is a consolidated amount of evidence that regional cooperation is effective for those countries who invest in it. 

We do not need to make the case of the European Union that has reached the levels of cooperation and integration almost akin to a confederation of nations. Africa counts on several successful examples of regional integration. While ECOWAS, the regional cooperation architecture made up by western African nations, is not living its best times due to a series of coups in several of its members, there is the East Africa community and there is also the Southern Africa development community.  

No matter the challenges, both communities have made strides in terms of joint initiatives aimed at developing the respective member-states from a shared and common perspective. The picture in Central and South Americas is mixed and more complex but at the moment President Lula of Brazil is portraying himself as a big champion of regional cooperation. One of his most recent successes is the fact that MERCOSUR, a regional trade organization of five nations in South America, signed a groundbreaking trade agreement with the EU.

Closer to South Asia, we have the benchmark of regional cooperation, the ASEAN. As an observer of Asian affairs, I am not particularly fond of ASEAN due to the fact that its members lack ambition in terms of future vision and they tightly control the whole process. Yet, I do recognize not only the potential of ASEAN but also its success story in terms of becoming a platform in which the member-states shape their common interests and, together, reap some benefits from it. I wish only that SAARC could follow some of the steps of all these organizations starting from the perspective of regional cooperation. 

In a process in which nation states collaborate and partner with each other, cooperation among themselves is the first pillar of a much more ambitious political process, regional integration. This complex, daunting end goal where countries would cede their own sovereignty is something that only Europe has been trying to pursue. As we know it is a really difficult journey, one in which sovereign states are voluntarily pulling together bits of their decision-making that are normally decided in the national capitals. 

Coming back to SAARC, we need to be realistic on what it is possible to achieve. Setting aside the highly inspiring journey of integration being undertaken by the members of the EU, SAARC must focus on replicating the ASEAN model where the capitals are fully and only the ones in charge. On the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the SAARC Charter, all the heads of state and governments have issued congratulatory messages. It is a good thing, though symbolic. 

Actually, considering the current status of play in relation to the SAARC, I am even surprised that they actually reminded themselves of the existence of the regional organization. Now it is high time to do something to reactivate the SAARC but, with PM Modi disinterested and disengaged, how to start? First of all, SAARC is not only the Leaders’ Summit which, shamefully, the last one was held in Kathmandu 10 years ago, in Nov 2014. 

It is also an umbrella organizations with a myriad of bodies, institutes and entities that are still operating no matter the challenging environment and lack of support surrounding them. The SAARC Secretariat in Kathmandu should do a much better job at highlighting their work and their undertakings. Doing so would remind the citizens of the region that, no matter the ongoing impasse existing on the top of the SAARC, the institution is still active and works steadfastly toward a shared common future. Yet the secretariat also works under difficult circumstances and, objectively, we cannot expect much from it. 

That’s why there is an opening for leaders like Oli to reintroduce the whole concept of SAARC to the South Asian people. PM Oli, by partnering with like minded heads of state and government, should simply ignore India’s neglect toward SAARC and re-create a new narrative about the strategic importance of this organization. This could become a strategic interest for Nepal, a new cornerstone of its foreign policy. 

To start with, PM Oli should task Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba to take a tour of the South Asian capitals, starting from those keener to reactivate the SAARC process. New Delhi might get or might not get on board but, at this point, what India wants to do with SAARC is quite insignificant. We need a majority of nations from the region ready to promote the ideals of regional cooperation because doing so is in their best interests. PM Oli could, selectively, also embark on a tour of the region, pitching to his counterparts the importance of the SAARC.He could still, under the pretext of the 40th anniversary of the SAARC Charter, give a major speech on why Nepal and other neighboring nations should invest in a common regional architecture. 

The Secretary-General of SAARC, Md Golam Sarwar, in his congratulatory message for the same occasion, listed a series of priorities, a series of major reforms that SAARC should undertake in order to regain its legitimacy and relevance. PM Oli should embrace this cause and promote a wide debate within Nepal about ways to reactivate and reform the SAARC.

Considering that the HQ of the SAARC Secretariat is in Nepal, it should be obvious that Singhadurbar takes a special interest in the issue. PM Oli could also establish an advisory group made up of national experts, including members of the civil society and former diplomats, to chart out the best options for Nepal to become a true champion of regional cooperation not only for its own sake but for the prosperity of the whole region. If PM Oli decides it is worth investing his time and energy for the cause, helping resuscitate the SAARC could become one of his most enduring and important legacies.

Almost a decade has passed since an earthquake-ravaged Nepal adopted a federal democratic constitution, exhibiting strong political will in the face of adversities, seismic or otherwise. The charter aside, the country has not been able to introduce laws that can make way for a smooth transition from an ages-old unitary system of governance to a federal system.

Let’s go 15 months back, at least, when the National Assembly, the upper chamber of the bicameral parliament, drew the attention of the government of the day, directing it to do the needful for making laws. The directive and successive governments’ commitments to drafting the laws aside, there are, at present, only two regulations under the consideration of the lower chamber of the parliament (the House of Representatives): School Education Regulation, 2080 and Federal Civil Service Regulation, 2080. The process of making scores of laws is ‘moving’ at a snail’s pace, giving an indication of the status of implementation of the new constitution.   

Out of these laws, the Center has been literally sitting on the task of making around 40 laws, followed by provinces (24) and local levels (6).  

The laws awaiting the light of the day cover a wide range of important topics such as citizenship, right to property, acquisition and compensation, and impeachment motion. 

They come under the ambit of different ministries such as home, law, justice and parliamentary affairs, and finance. 

Department ministries aside, it is the ultimate responsibility of the top government leadership to draft these laws and present them in the Parliament, making way for enlightened discussions, changes and authentication. 

Delays, inadvertent or otherwise, in introducing laws will only come in the way of devolution of state powers so crucial for taking the state at the doorsteps of the citizenry. Not only that, such delays will only bolster forces opposed to federalism and the new constitution, thereby contributing to a growing disenchantment against the system and its destabilization. 

So, the onus is on the government leadership to take decisive steps toward implementation of the new constitution by giving momentum to the stalled lawmaking process. 

As Nepal faces the challenges and opportunities of a rapidly changing global economy, artificial intelligence (AI) is emerging as a transformative force. Once confined to global tech hubs, AI is now influencing industries across Nepal, reshaping employment trends and redefining how work is perceived. While its potential is vast, integrating AI into Nepal’s workforce requires a thoughtful approach to ensure its benefits reach everyone.

AI enables businesses to improve efficiency, reduce operational costs and innovate in previously unimaginable ways. AI is finding its way into Nepal’s key sectors, from agriculture to education and tourism. For instance, AI-driven tools are helping farmers predict weather patterns, monitor crop health using drones, and streamline supply chains. These innovations boost productivity and create demand for tech-savvy professionals capable of bridging traditional practices with digital solutions.

The IT sector is also experiencing a surge in opportunities. Nepali companies are developing AI-based services for global clients, such as data analysis, machine learning models and natural language processing. These advancements are generating a demand for skilled workers in data science, AI engineering and software development, signalling a shift in the type of expertise required in the job market.

AI’s influence extends to education, where adaptive learning platforms powered by AI are personalising student experiences. Educators are using AI tools to monitor student progress and refine teaching strategies. These developments equip today’s students with the skills they need for tomorrow’s AI-driven economy, preparing them for careers that may not yet exist.

Despite these opportunities, the rise of AI also presents significant challenges, particularly for workers whose roles involve repetitive, manual tasks. Automation in sectors like manufacturing and retail could lead to job losses, creating a pressing need for reskilling initiatives to help displaced workers transition to new roles.

A significant hurdle is the skills gap that exists in Nepal’s workforce. Many graduates lack the technical expertise and adaptability needed for AI-driven roles, highlighting a disconnect between the education system and industry needs. Furthermore, geographic disparities compound the issue. Urban areas like Kathmandu may benefit more from AI-driven opportunities, while rural populations risk being left behind due to limited access to infrastructure, training and resources.

To address these challenges, a collective effort is essential. Educational institutions such as The British College have integrated AI, coding and data analytics into their curricula. Lifelong learning should become a norm, with industries investing in upskilling their workforce and governments funding reskilling programs to future-proof jobs at risk of automation.

The government has a critical role to play in fostering an AI-ready ecosystem. Policies encouraging AI innovation—such as tax incentives for tech startups and funding for AI research—will accelerate adoption. Equally important is ensuring equitable access to technology in rural areas through improved infrastructure and digital literacy campaigns.

While AI may replace some roles, many others will be created. Careers in AI development, data analysis and machine learning are increasingly in demand, offering Nepal the opportunity to position itself as a regional talent hub. With advancements in remote work, Nepali professionals can now collaborate with global companies without leaving the country, expanding employment opportunities like never before.

AI will also drive the growth of entirely new sectors. Businesses built around AI applications for local contexts—such as intelligent logistics for Nepal’s unique geography or personalised travel experiences in tourism—will likely flourish. Lower barriers to entry for tech startups will fuel entrepreneurship, enabling more individuals to launch innovative ventures.

Nepal stands at a critical juncture. Its ability to adapt to the opportunities and challenges posed by AI will determine the future of its workforce. Industries that embrace innovation and invest in their workforce will thrive, while those that resist change may struggle to remain competitive.

The integration of AI into Nepal’s economy holds the promise of increased productivity, job creation and economic growth. However, achieving this requires a concerted effort to ensure that the benefits of AI are equitably distributed and that workers are equipped for the future. By prioritising education, fostering collaboration between stakeholders and addressing geographic and resource inequalities, Nepal can transform the challenges of AI integration into opportunities for all its citizens.

AI is not merely a tool but a force reshaping how we live and work. If Nepal can rise to the challenge, it has the potential to become a leader in AI-driven innovation, positioning itself at the forefront of South Asia’s technological landscape.

The United States supports Nepal in maintaining strong relationships with all its neighbors, including China, provided these ties are based on mutual respect and uphold Nepal’s sovereignty and independence, a senior US official has stated. Donald Lu, Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs, highlighted this message during his two-day visit to Nepal, which concluded on Monday.

Speaking with a select group of journalists, Lu said, “We support Nepal in making its own independent decisions without external influence.” His remarks underscore the US stance on fostering Nepal’s ability to act as a sovereign state in its foreign and domestic policies.

During his visit, Lu held meetings with key political leaders, including Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba, CPN (Maoist Center) Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal, and senior government officials. He assured them that US-Nepal collaboration would continue regardless of changes in Nepal’s political leadership. Lu, who has been actively engaged with Nepal for the past four years, played a pivotal role in securing the endorsement of the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) compact in 2022. Reflecting on its progress, he noted, “There has been real progress in implementing the MCC compact, growing the USAID portfolio, increasing US investments in Nepal, and expanding the presence of US volunteers.”

Lu also praised the recent virtual meeting between Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and global tech entrepreneur Elon Musk. He described it as a promising development for boosting investment and trade between the two countries, calling it “fantastic.” Additionally, he commended Nepal’s political parties for advancing the transitional justice process, saying, “The passage of transitional justice bills through consensus marks a significant achievement, though challenges and difficult steps remain ahead.”

On the issue of climate change, Lu reaffirmed the United States’ commitment to supporting Nepal in addressing its vulnerabilities. He recognized Nepal’s expectations for increased development assistance and private sector investment from the US, expressing optimism about further collaboration in tackling climate-related challenges.

However, Lu refrained from commenting on Nepal’s recent agreement with China on Framework Cooperation for the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), citing the lack of public disclosure. “I have many questions about the BRI agreement, but I hope it will be shared transparently so Nepali citizens can understand its contents,” he said. He also declined to comment on provisions in the joint statement issued after Prime Minister Oli’s visit to China, particularly those concerning Taiwan. Nevertheless, he emphasized that transparency in such agreements is essential for ensuring public trust and accountability.

Lu’s visit reaffirmed the US commitment to strengthening ties with Nepal while supporting its sovereignty, sustainable development, and independent decision-making.

The Embassy of the Republic of Korea in Nepal organized the 2024 Korea-Nepal Agriculture Cooperation Seminar in Kathmandu on Sunday to celebrate the 50th Anniversary of Diplomatic Relations between Republic of Korea and Nepal.

Nepal and South Korea signed a bilateral memorandum of understanding (MoU) on cooperation in the agricultural sector on November 2, 2023.

The South Korean Embassy said the memorandum of understanding is aimed at advancing cooperation between the two countries in the fields of agricultural science and technology, agriculture and livestock production and agricultural processing and production.

Nepal Agricultural Research Council and Korea Agricultural Research Council can now advance research activities in the field of agricultural sector. Delegation from KOPIA Division, Rural Development Administration from Korea visiting Nepal and attending the seminar and expressing their views to establish KOPIA Center in Nepal.

Speaking at the program, Korean Ambassador to Nepal Park Taeyoung said that “It is my great pleasure to join you today at this important seminar on agriculture, co-organized by the Embassy of the Republic of Korea and the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock Development, Government of Nepal. This event comes at a significant moment as we celebrate the 50th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Korea and Nepal.”

“Over the past decades, agriculture has been a cornerstone of our cooperation, reflecting our shared commitment to the prosperity of rural communities and sustainable development. This year, to commemorate our 50 years of friendship, Korea has established a ‘Korea-Nepal Model Dairy village in Kamalamai Municipality, Sindhuli District and launched various ODA projects aimed at enhancing agricultural productivity and rural livelihoods,” he said, according to the statement.

He went on to say that the collaboration between Nepal and Korea has been further strengthened by the active engagement of organizations like KOICA, which has worked closely with the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock Development. Through initiatives such as increasing incomes in rural areas, developing the value chain of fruit and vegetable, and supporting rural development, KOICA Nepal Office has been a vital partner in driving meaningful change.

He shared that they are planning to initiate technical research and provide support through the KOPIA (Korea Partnership for Innovation of Agriculture) project from Rural Development Administration of Korea to improve the productivity of rice and potatoes which are essential crops in Nepal.

These two agencies—KOICA and KOPIA—will create synergies together and continue to be instrumental in our efforts to modernize agriculture, enhance food security, and uplift rural communities in Nepal.

The Government of the Republic of Korea is committed to deepening their agricultural partnership by sharing expertise, technology, and resources, he said.

“Together, we can achieve our shared vision of resilient and sustainable agricultural systems, ensuring prosperity for generations to come.”

On Dec 5, Nepal and China signed the Framework for Belt and Road Cooperation (FBRC) during Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli’s visit to China. While both sides have refrained from disclosing the agreement’s full details, the government has repeatedly emphasized that Nepal is not obligated to take loans under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). However, this assurance has not fully dispelled concerns, as the exact modalities of financing remain unclear.

Under the agreement, Nepal’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and China’s National Development and Reform Commission will act as the implementing agencies. It has been clarified that the BRI is not a bilateral treaty; rather, it will be governed by the laws of each participating country. Additionally, Nepal retains the option to collaborate with third countries in implementing the projects listed under the BRI.

The agreement refers to “aid financing,” a term that has sparked diverse interpretations. The ruling coalition insists that loans are not part of the arrangement, but the absence of concrete definitions leaves room for ambiguity. It is also unclear how this framework differs from the 2017 BRI agreement. Officials have revealed that 10 projects have been shortlisted under the BRI, ending years of speculation about its implementation in Nepal.

Chinese state news agency Xinhua offered some insights, citing the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC). According to Xinhua, the agreement emphasizes the principles of planning together, building together, and benefiting together. It seeks to enhance cooperation in critical areas, including the economy, transportation, trade, and industrial development. The NDRC hailed the agreement as a step toward deepening political trust between Nepal and China and fostering high-quality Belt and Road collaboration.

In an interview with CGTN, Prime Minister Oli described the FBRC as a comprehensive umbrella agreement that encompasses diverse sectors such as infrastructure, culture, health, and education. He highlighted its potential to align Nepal’s development strategy with China’s, calling the agreement a significant milestone in bilateral cooperation.

Officials involved in the negotiations stated that the FBRC reflects Nepal’s proposals, with minimal changes from China. A previous draft implementation plan sent by China in 2020 had stalled due to Nepal’s indecision. In 2023, the Pushpa Kamal Dahal-led government came close to signing the plan, but the effort was abandoned at the last moment. Ahead of Oli’s visit, the Nepalese government formed a task force to revise the document, which ultimately produced the FBRC.

Semanta Dahal, a task force member, explained in an Onlinekhabar article that the Chinese draft resembled a broad agreement rather than a focused implementation plan. The FBRC, on the other hand, prioritizes economic and project development cooperation, retaining only the already-listed projects under the BRI. Dahal noted that a dedicated mechanism for future BRI discussions would be established soon.

The FBRC identifies 10 projects, providing clarity after years of uncertainty surrounding BRI’s implementation in Nepal. These projects include the Tokha-Chhare tunnel, the Hilsa-Simikot road, the Kimathanka-Khandbari road and bridge, the Keyrung-Kathmandu trans-border railway, Amargadhi City Hall, a 220kV transmission line, Madan Bhandari University, Kathmandu Scientific Center and Science Museum, the China-Nepal Industrial Park in Damak, and the Jhapa Sports and Athletics Complex.

Of these, the railway and tunnel projects are long-term endeavors requiring at least a decade to commence. Feasibility studies for these projects are underway with Chinese assistance. Negotiations for road projects are in progress, while the construction of the transmission line depends on a power trade agreement between the two countries. The remaining projects are relatively small, reinforcing Nepal’s cautious approach to avoid taking on large-scale loans under the BRI.

China has established mechanisms like the Silk Road Fund (SRF) and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) to support BRI initiatives. By mid-2023, the SRF had committed $22bn across 75 projects, while the AIIB, with 106 members, had approved $43.6bn for 227 projects globally. These initiatives span transport, energy, public health, and other sectors, promoting connectivity and sustainable development.

In recent years, China has shifted its focus toward smaller development projects that promise immediate returns. This approach reflects a growing reluctance to fund large infrastructure projects that lack financial viability. Consequently, Nepal and China have avoided selecting major projects under the BRI, except for the railway and tunnel.

The FBRC represents a cautious yet significant step in Nepal-China relations. While it marks progress in operationalizing the BRI, questions remain about financing and execution. The agreement signals Nepal’s intent to address its development needs without over-relying on debt. With ten projects identified and mechanisms for future negotiations in place, the FBRC lays the groundwork for collaboration, even as it underscores the challenges of aligning development ambitions with financial realities.

Tikadevi Nepali lives in Lahachowk, Kaski District, where only 33 percent of the population is Dalit. As a single mother, Nepali raised her two sons and one daughter through commercial farming and animal husbandry. Before her, no one in the community had engaged in business by raising cattle and buffaloes.

Nepali’s journey began when the Lahachowk Small Farmers Agricultural Cooperative Society was established. Initially, she raised Murrah buffaloes to sell milk and advance her business. However, she recalls a difficult experience: “People did not buy the milk brought by Dalits, which was very challenging.”

The turning point came when the cooperative served everyone at a community program, reducing the discrimination and allowing Nepali’s milk to be sold in the market. Kamala Kumari Subedi Poudel, president of the cooperative, recounts the incident: “Even the dairy tried to boycott her, saying that if you bring milk, no one else will. But at a cooperative event, we served kheer made from Nepali’s buffalo milk to those who had discriminated against her. After that, no one got sick, and attitudes began to change.”

Iman Singh Gurung, another farmer in the village, started buying Nepali’s buffalo milk and selling it in Pokhara. This helped spread awareness about cow and buffalo farming among other Dalits, who later took loans from the cooperative to start their own livestock farming.

Now 51 years old, Nepali has been selling buffalo milk for nine years. Inspired by her success, other Dalits in the area have also begun raising buffaloes after taking loans, says Chairperson Poudel. Nepali believes that the discrimination she once faced has now been eliminated because of the milk. “Nowadays, everyone eats together at feasts. Discrimination has been reduced due to the milk,” she shared.

Her children have now grown and are helping expand the family’s agricultural enterprise. With the help of her son-in-law, she has also added an additional ropani of land earned from her animal husbandry, vegetable farming, and poultry business. She has also gradually paid off her mortgaged lands and brought them under her name. Nepali's experience shows how enterprise loans not only reduced societal discrimination but also empowered her economically.

The Lahachowk cooperative, which was registered on 31 Aug 2022, initially provided small loans of up to Rs 20,000. However, with support from the Asian Development Bank (ADB) through the government, the cooperative now offers rural agricultural enterprise loans at a concessional nine percent interest rate, with individual loan limits of Rs 5m. This has allowed livestock farmers to expand their businesses.

Today, Lahachowk’s milk is famous in Pokhara, and the region now sells 12,000 liters of milk daily. While the cooperative’s loan limit remains Rs 5m, many commercial farmers now prefer loans from banks, which allow for larger investments. As a result, only three rural agricultural enterprises have received loans from the cooperative, according to Chairperson Poudel.

Lahachowk boasts 44 cooperatives, three of which are run solely by women. Chairperson Poudel noted that women-run cooperatives face fewer issues, as loans are efficiently utilized, and the recovery rate is higher.

Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has said Nepal-China relations were further strengthened with his recent China visit.

PM Oli said it while speaking at a news conference organized at Tribhuvan International Airport after he returned home from China, completing the four-day official visit today. The two-country relations were further strengthened, which benefits Nepal, he argued.

"Various agreements were made on the projects under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) during my visit, from which Nepal will reap utmost benefits," PM Oli reminded, adding that separate discussion and agreements would be made on each project.

The Head of the government also shared that Nepal and China signed the agreement on BRI cooperation framework in Beijing. The agreement was signed by Secretary at Foreign Ministry, Amrit Bahadur Rai, from Nepali side while the Vice Chair of the National Development and Reform Commission, Liu Sushe, from the Chinese side. 

The agreements were made in the program attended by PM Oli and his Chinese counterpart Li Qiang. Similarly, the both Prime Ministers signed the agreement on mutual assistance.

Some of the projects are on Tokha-Chhahare Tunnel Way construction, promotion of trade between Nepal and China, export of thermally processed buffalo meat from Nepal to China and exchange of certificates on completion of 9-story Durbar Square building by China. 

Also included in the agreement are on development projects, and economic and technological aid.

The discussions were held also on the issues like expansion of connectivity, development of industrial infrastructures, agriculture, trade, tourism, investment, science and technology, sports, natural disaster management, expansion of two-country relations at people-to-people level, and poverty alleviation.