Submit your Article

Nepal and Germany today signed a technical and financial cooperation agreement on 41 million euros in grant.

German Ambassador to Nepal Udo Volz and Joint Secretary and the head of the Foreign Aid Coordination Division at the Ministry of Finance Dhani Ram Sharma signed the agreement on behalf of their respective governments, reads a statement issued by the German Embassy in Kathmandu.

The agreement builds upon the commitments made during the government-to-government negotiations held in Berlin on September 4-5, 2024, in accordance with international law.

The agreement encompasses several projects in the areas of energy, sustainable economic development and health, according to the statement.

One is the Power Distribution Strengthening Program (PoDiSP)which aims to enhance electricity distribution and consumption in and around the cities of Pokhara, Butwal, and Bharatpur. 

An additional 20 million euros has been allocated for this initiative to a previously granted 10 million euros. 

The agreement also includes an additional 12 million euros to strengthen the GRAPE (Green Resilient Agricultural-centeredPrivate Sector Economic Development) project. Another notable project is the Strengthening of Quality Infrastructure for the Health System, with a budget of 1.5 million euros.

The projects will be implemented by the German Implementing Agencies – Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ), GMBH, Kreditanstalt für Wiederaufbau (KfW), and Physikalisch- Technische Bundesanstalt (PTB).

During the agreement signing ceremony, German Ambassador Udo Volz expressed his appreciation of the longstanding German-Nepal Development Cooperation. “With these new commitments, we further deepen our cooperation with the country and the people of Nepal in the areas of Energy, Sustainable Economic Development and Health,” the ambassador said. 

Joint Secretary Sharma stated that the agreements reflect the strength of Nepal-German relations and demonstrate the shared commitment to inclusive and sustainable development. "We are deeply grateful for Germany’s continued support in key sectors that matter most to the people of Nepal," he noted, the statement further reads.

The agreement signing ceremony was held at the Ministry of Finance at Singha Durbar. 

Representatives from GIZ, KfW and PTB, and from relevant Nepali line ministries were also present on the occasion.

Nepal defeated Malaysia to clinch Women's Twenty20 International Series cricket on Wednesday.

Nepal won the series defeating Malaysia by five wickets in the fifth and decisive match held at Bayuemas Oval Cricket Ground of Malaysia this morning.

With this victory, Nepal won the five-match series by 3-2 against Malaysia.

Nepal achieved the target of 104-run posted by Malaysia in 18 overs at the loss of five wickets.

For Nepal, Rubi Poddar scored 26 runs, Puja Mahato 23 runs, Rubina Chhetri 15 runs (not out) and Samjhana Khadka 13 runs.

Ainna Hamizah, Nur Dania Syuhada, Aisya Eleesa Erni Firdaus and Nur Alya of Malaysia took one wicket each.

Earlier, choosing to bat first after winning the toss, Malaysia gathered 103 runs in 20 overs at the loss of seven wickets.

Winifred scored the highest 40 runs for Malaysia while Mahira Izzati Ismail made 19 runs, Ainna Hamizah 15 runs and Nur Dania Syuhada 11 runs. 

Similarly, Kabita Kunwar and Rajmati Airee took three wickets each and Rachana Chaudhary claimed one wicket.

To put it bluntly, Nepal’s disaster management system is a chronic liability for the nation’s economy and development. Year after year, the same pattern repeats: infrastructure buckles under predictable monsoon pressure, commerce grinds to a halt and the government scrambles to provide the bare minimum response. From a commoner’s perspective, this is not just a humanitarian crisis; it’s a fundamental risk to growth, and public trust.

Let’s look at last week’s flood as a case study. Over 120 millimeters of rain in the Kathmandu valley, and what happens? The Bagmati river overflows, settlements get submerged and thousands of travelers get stuck. Major roads, the arteries of trade and mobility, are paralyzed. The cascading impact on businesses, logistics and supply chains is enormous. Missed deliveries, spoiled goods, delayed projects: these translate directly into lost revenue.

The government’s response? Only warnings and temporary road closures. That’s risk mitigation at its most reactive, not proactive. This signals a systemic weakness. If the capital city can’t guarantee basic resilience for its infrastructure, what does that say to entrepreneurs or multinationals considering Nepal as a regional hub? It’s not just embarrassing; it’s a red flag.

What’s truly troubling is that none of this was unforeseen. Meteorological departments both local and international had issued alerts. Risk maps were available. The knowledge was there, but execution was absent. In the private sector, such a disconnect between planning and action would be deemed operational failure. Heads would roll. In the government, it’s business as usual, and that’s a problem.

The root cause isn’t the rain or the rivers or even climate change in isolation; it’s governance. Subpar infrastructure isn’t a quirk of nature; it’s the result of weak regulations, poor enforcement and a culture of shortcuts. When roads collapse or bridges fail, it’s often because substandard materials were used, inspections were skipped or contracts were awarded based on connections rather than competency. This is inefficiency that costs lives but also eats into GDP.

Every broken bridge or flooded market is a direct hit not only to the public purse, but to the broader economy. Taxpayer money gets funneled into rebuilding the same structures year after year, a recurring expense with no strategic return. Meanwhile, the opportunity cost is massive: funds that could go into education, healthcare, technology or even modernizing infrastructure are instead funneled into endless repairs.

And the cycle is disturbingly predictable. Disaster strikes, there’s a flurry of aid, some short-term fixes, and then the urgency fades. Budgets shift elsewhere, reports are filed and forgotten, and nothing really changes before the next crisis. This isn’t just bureaucratic inertia; it’s a structural risk that anyone would flag immediately. You can’t build a future on such shaky ground.

As climate volatility makes weather patterns more extreme and unpredictable, designing for “average conditions” is a recipe for failure. For Nepal to position itself as a viable market, it must engineer infrastructure to withstand not just the probable, but the possible. This means higher upfront costs, yes, but also far greater long-term returns and resilience.

Unplanned construction along rivers and unstable slopes is no longer a public safety issue; it’s a long-term occupational risk. Relocation of vulnerable communities should be done with foresight and dignity, not as a panicked reaction when disaster hits. Every major development project must include a robust climate risk assessment as part of due diligence. To ignore this is, quite literally, to invite future losses.

Accountability remains the missing ingredient. Nepal’s disaster agencies are good at issuing warnings but poor at delivering results. Coordination is weak, resources are stretched and responsibility is diffuse. In the private sector, a failure to deliver on risk management would mean restructuring, tighter oversight and clear consequences. The public sector must adopt a similar approach if it wants to foster sustainable growth and protect both lives and livelihoods.

This endless loop of crisis and neglect is not just unsustainable; it’s a major drag on competitiveness. It normalizes inefficiency, stifles innovation and discourages the kind of long-term planning that underpins successful economies. 

Why do the same roads collapse every year? Why does reconstruction always cost more than prevention? 

These are some of the questions the government must address, without further delay.

Accepting this as normal guarantees the same losses, year after year. If Nepal wants to break the cycle, disaster management must become a strategic priority, not an afterthought. This means investing in maintenance, building up local response capabilities, keeping risk maps updated and ensuring seamless coordination between agencies.

Relief efforts can only do so much; they’re a band-aid on a festering wound. True preparedness, the kind that saves lives and preserves economic stability, starts long before the rain begins to fall. Every failed bridge, every flooded street, every preventable tragedy should be a catalyst for investigation and reform, not just another line item in next year’s budget. Nepal can no longer afford to treat disaster management as a seasonal inconvenience. It’s a catastrophic risk and the cost of inaction is mounting.

The author is an engineer and certified project management professional advocating for enhancing project management practices in Nepal

The Nepali national cricket team is taking on Kuwait today under the ICC T20 World Cup and East Asia Pacific Regional Qualifier with the target to participate in the T20 World Cup third time.

The Nepal-Kuwait match under the tournament beginning today in Oman will be held at 8.45 pm Nepali time.

Earlier, Nepal had participated in the 2014 and 2024 world cups.

Nepal are in Group 'B' in the ICC T20 World Cup Asia and East Asia-Pacific Qualifier with Kuwait and Japan.

Nine teams are participating in the tournament. The participating teams have been divided into three groups.

Group 'A' consists of Malaysia, Qatar and UAE, while Group 'C' includes Oman, Papua New Guinea and Samoa Islands.

The top two teams from each group will advance to the Super Six.

The Nepali team comprises captain Rohit Paudel, vice-captain Dipendra Singh Airee, Kushal Bhurtel, Lokesh Bam, Kushal Malla, Asif Sheikh, Adil Alam, Karan KC, Nandan Yadav, Sandeep Lamichhane, Sandeep Jora, Arif Sheikh, Lalit Narayan Rajbamshi, Gulshan Jha and Sompal Kami.

When thousands of youths marched onto the streets on September 8, many in school dresses, they challenged the traditional power structure using digital platforms. Two things were particularly uncommon in this protest: First, the term “GenZ” and the second, the use of digital platforms. GenZ, often referred to as the first tribe of digital natives, are the demographic cohort after millennials. Analysts describe GenZ as compassionate and thoughtful, yet also anxious in a world of global crises and constant information flow. Second, their reliance on digital tools for communication and mobilization was a defining characteristic during the recent protest.

This decentralized and leaderless protest was a grassroot movement coordinated by GenZ through digital platforms. Platforms like Discord, YouTube and TikTok acted as a central point for information sharing, coordination and collaboration, building consensus and amplifying actions.

As Virginia Matthews once noted, GenZ channels their political power via online identities and digital activism. This holds true in global stage too, movements such as #MeToo and #BlackLivesMatter have shown how digital platforms can amplify voices and turn local frustrations into global advocacy.

Fueled by deep-seated frustration over corruption, inequality and systematic failure, the protest moved beyond the political ideology. It highlighted the ability of digital space to form a common voice, organize and pressure change—faster than conventional politics. It unified young people across cities and even inspired older generations and Nepalis living abroad to offer their support.

Why it matters

The significance of this protest goes beyond the moment of anger and frustration over corruption, inequality and growing influence of a generation in reshaping Nepal’s future.

The oldest members of GenZ are moving through universities, entering the workforce and even stepping into government, just like the previous generation but at a faster pace. They bring entrepreneurial spirit, a comfort with technology and impatience with outdated systems.

Many GenZ are already running digital startups from clothing brands on instagram to gaming companies and e-commerce platforms. For them, digitalization has provided unique opportunities to develop skills, remove social barriers and create sustainable growth. The restriction in the access to the digital world not only limits their potential but also their access to information and social support. The recent protests set a powerful reminder that comprehensive digital education is fundamental for civic participation, economic opportunity and accountable governance.

The protest also exposed how fragile Nepal’s governance system remains. When the public records and digital infrastructure were affected by the protest, it highlighted the vulnerability of paper-based systems. In contrast, data centers and backup availability protected countless documents. For a generation raised online, digitalization is not a luxury or convenience but a necessity, it is more about security, accountability and future stability of the nation.

What the protest revealed?

Education gaps

The protests clearly highlighted that Nepal's GenZ workforce is technologically-driven. This spotlighted the mismatch between GenZ potential and Nepal’s education system. While the jobs like software development, digital marketing and fintech are emerging, most schools place little emphasis on developing these skills. Schools’ curriculum rarely include practical IT training and entrepreneurial skills. If this continues, Nepal risks losing its first generation of digital natives to opportunities abroad. GenZ may be fluent in digital platforms but there is a gap in translating it into the production skills required for Nepal’s digital economy.

Continuing instability

The destruction of the private assets during the GenZ protests highlighted the uncertainty facing entrepreneurs and investors. This widespread fear is rooted in an unstable political-economic environment—most prime-ministers served less than two years in the last decade. This cycle of uncertainty poses a threat to aspiring entrepreneurs to innovate with confidence and ensure support for their products/services. As Nepal aims for graduation from the club of least developed countries in 2026, an unclear and uncertain roadmap threatens to drive both the talent and investment away. The urgency to build stronger and resilient systems to withstand social and political shocks is indeed necessary.

Misinformation and trust

The protest demonstrated how quickly the unverified rumors can spread in times of unrest even as the digital platform helped in forging coordination and sharing verified updates. This highlights the lack of strong foundation in digital literacy, fact-checking mechanisms and responsible online engagement. Without safeguarding, misinformation can distort public understanding and further weaken institutional trust.

Digital readiness

Although the GenZ protest showcased the power of technology to organize and mobilize, it also revealed the uneven digital readiness. The persistent digital divide among urban and rural areas, limited connectivity and uneven digital access among the youth limited the equal participation. Such divides led to an uneven voice among GenZ, these gaps are not only a matter of equality, but also of national progress. Without bridging these gaps, the transformative potential of GenZ to address long-standing issues such as inefficiency, corruption, and inaccessibility might remain limited.

Looking ahead

The GenZ protest revealed the beginning of a digital movement. If nurtured in time, GenZ could lead Nepal’s first true digital transformation. This includes e-government services to make public institutions more transparent, connecting local entrepreneurs with global buyers through digital marketplace and establishment of innovation hubs for young people to design solutions for pressing needs. However, all this depends on today’s choices. Without infrastructure, investment, digital literacy and supportive policies, the movement’s potential will be lost. What is needed is a strong commitment that turns the protest energy into a blueprint for a more open, efficient and inclusive Nepal.

The author is a graduate student in International Cooperation and Development and an EdTech researcher

Due to floods and landslides triggered by incessant rains since the night of Oct 3, movement along highways and roads has been difficult. Tourists visiting Nepal have been stranded in several parts of the country. However, as rainfall has now subsided, life is gradually returning to normal, and tourists are also able to reach their destinations, said Deepak Raj Joshi, Chief Executive Officer of the Nepal Tourism Board (NTB).

According to the NTB, most tourists currently in Nepal are trekking in regions such as Manaslu, Annapurna, Sagarmatha, and Langtang, while others are in Pokhara, Chitwan, and Kathmandu. CEO Joshi said there are currently around 21,000 tourists in Nepal, and all are safe. Since the beginning of October, around 3,500 tourists have been arriving daily—similar to last year’s figure. Although the board had expected daily arrivals to exceed 4,000 this season, the prolonged monsoon and reduced travel by GenZ tourists have had some impact.

“The situation for tourists in Nepal is now stable,” Joshi said. “Some tourists were stranded when road and air transport were disrupted due to the October 3 rains, but everyone is now in contact and safe. Road transport has resumed, and all major highways except the BP Highway have reopened.” Domestic flights at Tribhuvan International Airport, which were suspended throughout Saturday, also resumed on Sunday.

Some tourists had been stranded on Saturday, but local hotels, administrations, and communities provided support—offering discounted or even free accommodation. Joshi said this positive response has also helped promote Nepal as a destination that informs, assists, and protects tourists even during difficult situations.

Following the heavy rainfall warnings issued by the Department of Hydrology and Meteorology, the NTB reported no major damage, crediting the safety measures adopted for tourists. The board has been disseminating information through trekking agencies and tourist police offices in major destinations such as Jomsom, Namche, Lukla, Gorkha, and Pokhara. It is also coordinating through social media and hotline numbers to assist tourists. “We have been receiving information through calls from tourists, travel agencies, and tourist police,” Joshi added.

One foreigner and five Nepalis have gone missing due to continuous rains. According to Joshi, a Korean national and his companion, Pemba Sherpa, who had come to Nepal for trekking, went missing while attempting to climb Mera Peak in Taplejung. Search and rescue operations are underway. Similarly, four Nepalis who had gone trekking in Langtang are also missing, and search efforts are ongoing.

September, October, and November are considered the peak months for both domestic and international tourism in Nepal—particularly for trekking and visits to Kathmandu, Pokhara, and Chitwan. However, both domestic and foreign tourists are currently adopting a wait-and-see approach. The board has expressed optimism that the current situation caused by continuous rain, floods, and landslides will be resolved in a few days.

Landslides, a lighting strike and flooding triggered by severe rainfall killed at least 22 people in Nepal and 12 others were reported missing on Sunday, officials said, Associated Press reported.

Several villages in Nepal’s eastern mountain district of Illam were swept away by landslides on Sunday, killing at least 18 people and leaving seven others missing, Nepal police spokesman Binod Ghimire said.

Six people in the same family were killed when a landslide crushed their home while they slept, Illam’s assistant administrative officer Bholanath Guragai said.

Rainfall was hampering efforts to reach the villages and many roads were swept away or blocked by the landslides. Guragai said helicopters from the central government were needed for medical evacuations, according to Associated Press.

Three other people in a separate district were killed as they were struck by lighting and one person died in flooding in southern Nepal.

Until the dawn of Sept 9, Nepal was set to graduate from Least Developed Country status on 24 Nov 2026, after meeting two of three UN criteria. By the dusk of the same day, the infrastructure and wealth of the nation had been brought to ashes by destructive riots, in the guise of GenZ demonstrations. Now is the time to focus on recovering from the damages, addressing challenges, building economic resilience and reforming policies to enable the country to move forward on its own feet, without relying on foreign aid.

For the time being, India and China seem to synchronize their tunings—we are happy. Chances are high for a ceasefire in the Russia-Ukraine war—we are happy. We are likely to see improved regional connectivity and cooperation across the Himalayas and around the Bay of Bengal—we are happy. Sure, these topics sound high. For Nepal, a country sandwiched between two giant neighbours, more important is whether these developments make our pie larger.

As recently as within a century, Nepal and her sons have tremendously supported both India and China. We participated in the Quit India Movement (QIM). Nepali-origin leaders like Dambar Singh Gurung, Bhim Bahadur Gurung and Dhanbir Singh Gurung supported India’s freedom struggles. Lakhan Thapa Magar inspired resistance. Thousands of Gorkhas joined Subhas Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army, contributing bravely to India’s fight against the British colonial rule. At least three major Nepali leaders—BP Koirala, Ganesh Man Singh and Manmohan Adhikari—actively participated in India’s independence movement during the 1940s. They joined protests, supported the QIM and faced arrests.

Nepal sided with the current Beijing-based Chinese government, at a time when the Taipei-based Kuomintang was representing China in the UN. We have unequivocally recognized Tibet and Taiwan as inalienable parts of China. We suppressed the Khampa rebels, who were trying to use Nepali land to stir Tibet. We have supported almost all non-strategic Chinese initiatives. We have asked nothing other than economic cooperation and technical collaboration, from India or China in return.

For almost a century, Nepal has also supported a US-dominated world order. We have actively participated in the UN, stood by resolutions of the UN Security Council and beginning from 1958 provided the largest number of peace-keeping forces, sacrificing 76 volunteers.

Our cooperations with all countries and regions are guided by peaceful and ecofriendly developmental goals. We cooperate with all, against poverty and natural disasters. Nepal is already burdened with natural calamities like earthquakes, floods, landslides, wildfires, vector-borne diseases and lightning. We don’t want to invent or invite man-made problems. We don’t want to produce enemies. We only seek friends. Our friendship with one is not targeted against another.

Our asymmetries in economic size, diversity and quality with both neighbors, inadequacy of trade complementarity and lack of meaningful comparative product or service advantage pose a big challenge to our international trade. We have yet to identify our trade strengths and need to develop technologies that make our resources more valuable. While political non-alignment is the bottomline for survival, the depth of our friendship is gauged by economic interests and technical cooperations.

We want to live in peace, we don’t want to become Kashmir, Gaza or Ukraine. We are a liberal country; domestically we respect the choice of our people. As to the internal issues of other countries, they are none of our business. When it comes to international relations, we only seek friendship and cooperation, and we don’t seek conflicts. We have never been offensive. We have only supplied peacekeeping forces under the UN banner.

The above description is not an exaggeration. We lived by principles. We supported our neighbors unconditionally, even when the then world powers were humiliating them. What comes, we will continue to stick to our policy of prioritizing neighbors. To safeguard our hard-earned sovereignty, we will stick to a non-alignment policy.

We have border issues with India, which has occupied Nepali territories including Kalapani, Lipulek and Limpiyadhura. We have repeatedly informed this to our northern neighbour and asked them not to deal with India on our occupied territory, especially following the 2015 India-China plan to promote their bilateral trade through Lipulek. The infringement on our sovereignty has ignited widespread patriotic sentiments and a renewed demand for diplomatic action and territorial integrity. The deal can become a turning point in our world view, awakening national consciousness and unity, discarding divisive foreign lenses. 

As a country, we are confined within current geographical borders. As a nation with a broader diaspora of 5-6m, Nepalis already have become a global society, and Nepal needs to look after the interests of all Nepalis one way or the other. The economy alone can no longer link them all. We need to link through subtler bonds: language, culture, arts, history, religion, genetic heredity, to name a few. Such bonds help strengthen nationality in the long run, as seen in the formation of Israel out of the Jews spread across the continents.

A healthy and constant engagement with diaspora can be the safest and fastest way to acquire high-techs. Look, India’s nuclear program benefited from returnees like Homi Bhabha, who was trained at Cambridge and helped build India’s nuclear infrastructure with support from Indian scientists abroad. Pakistan’s program was significantly advanced by Abdul Qadeer Khan, a metallurgist working in the Netherlands, who transferred centrifuge designs and helped develop uranium enrichment facilities. Israel relied on support from the international Jewish diaspora, with scientists like Ernst Bergmann and political figures like Shimon Peres securing French cooperation to build the Dimona reactor. In China, US-trained scientists such as Qian Xuesen returned during the Cold War and played a central role in missile and nuclear weapons development. Nepal doesn’t lack highly skilled patriotic sons and daughters, now working in different world-class technology facilities.

Hitting the streets, shouting slogans and blaming each other or past leaders may bring self-indulgence, but such acts are unlikely to lead the nation to glory. Let us unite, develop Nepali perspectives and move forward. Once we stand on our feet, we are one step nearer to success.

Ever since I started using Facebook in 2015, I’ve realized how deeply social media shapes our narratives and reflects society, often more than we notice. Recently, the government called for a social media ban, requiring platforms to register under the Directive on Regulating the Use of Social Media, 2080, issued by the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology (MoCIT). The directive was heavily criticized for its perceived risk of censorship. With 16.5m Facebook users in Nepal as of Aug 2024 (51.6 percent of the population), questions arise about what exactly we are consuming.

The concept of GenZ has often been misunderstood in Nepal, as seen this past week. GenZ refers to those born between 1997 and 2012. What began as a peaceful movement demanding the restoration of social media and accountability for corruption quickly escalated into unprecedented violence. Government buildings, including Singha Durbar, the Supreme Court, the Federal Parliament, provincial and local offices, along with the homes of politicians and commercial properties, were vandalized and set ablaze. The protests were not limited to GenZ; older generations linked to political parties also joined in.

Tensions intensified after KP Sharma Oli, then Prime Minister, issued a press release, and large sums of Nepali and foreign currency were discovered in the home of Sher Bahadur Deuba, Chairperson of the Nepali Congress, and his wife, Arzu Rana Deuba, then serving as Foreign Minister.

The aftermath left Nepalis grappling with both shock and guilt, sparking intense debate across the country. Young people from diverse backgrounds discussed legal, economic, and political issues, prompting me to reflect on Nepal’s education system. Ironically, many who were previously disengaged from politics now gave passionate lectures. The GenZ movement soon shifted focus toward leadership. Sudan Gurung, head of the NGO Hami Nepal, led negotiations with the Nepali Army and the President, representing GenZ’s call for former Chief Justice Sushila Karki to lead the interim government, along with the dissolution of parliament. However, the NGO’s links with controversial partners and possible political affiliations raised questions about the movement’s legitimacy and long-term sustainability. Though partially successful, the government has been slow to act against corrupt politicians or restore damaged public property, including police stations.

Social media content fueled much of last week’s discussions. Civil society and media figures largely blamed GenZ without offering constructive guidance. Observing these intergenerational exchanges made me reflect on how different age groups consume content. Where older generations once relied on television and radio, today nearly everyone with a smartphone receives content from across the globe.

Contents consumed by the GenZ and younger generations 

GenZ and younger groups spend more time on Instagram, TikTok, and other social apps than older generations. Having grown up with Google and social media, they differ significantly in how they learn and interact. Urban youth engage with reels, influencer content, gaming, and sports, alongside a growing wave of cultural revival. Rural youth follow viral local trends on TikTok, Instagram, and Facebook. Businesses and social organizations actively target them with content for outreach and sales, explaining why marketing investment has shifted online. Social media is also a tool for job hunting, especially in IT, marketing, business, and the social sector, through platforms like LinkedIn, Instagram, and Facebook.

Young Nepalis abroad, many of them GenZ, also shape the flow of ideas, political debates, and transnational activism. Some creators from legal, political, and business backgrounds produce educational content, though much of it is based on assumptions or incomplete analysis. Political discourse often takes the form of short videos, memes, or sensational claims, which spread rapidly and challenge traditional norms. Platforms like Reddit provide space for anonymous debates. As digital natives, young people absorb and share ideas quickly, though not always with careful fact-checking.

Contents consumed by Millennials and Gen Y

Millennials and GenY share some overlap with GenZ but generally gravitate toward different content. Their feeds are filled with news, interviews, political analysis, celebrity gossip, clickbait, and shopping-related posts. Professionally, they track sector-specific updates. Many engage with TikTok trends, actively express opinions, and play significant roles in government, civil society, and mid-sized businesses.

This generation is also strongly represented among Nepalis abroad, many of whom participate in policy debates, election campaigns, and social issues online. On Twitter, they openly discuss politics and governance.

Millennials are often seen as both cautious and naive online. They balance traditional and digital media, approach content critically, and are influenced by news, articles, peers, and the broader political context. Depending on their needs, they consume both national and international news.

Contents consumed by older generations

Older generations, generally less tech-savvy, rely mostly on YouTube, Messenger, and Facebook. They prefer content in local languages, particularly religious programs, bhajans, folk songs, and television-style reality shows. However, they are more vulnerable to clickbait and misinformation, as fact-checking is difficult on local YouTube channels.

Although the recent social media ban mainly targeted younger generations, it inevitably affected all age groups. People increasingly depend on these platforms not just for information, but also for business promotion and communication with family abroad. Many older users, not fully comfortable with technology, are especially vulnerable to misinformation.

These dynamics have deepened polarization across age, region, ideology, and education. Generational divides even appear within households, as narratives shaped by different online spaces clash. In one tragic case, a young boy livestreamed his suicide on Facebook after being harassed as a “GenZ” by political party affiliates.

While social media has amplified activism around the environment, mental health, and women’s rights, it has also fueled political tensions and misunderstandings.

Nepal’s reported average IQ score of 42.99, the lowest globally, has sparked debate and skepticism. While such figures may not accurately capture intellectual capacity, they underscore the urgent need for accessible, fact-checked, and unbiased content across platforms.

Beyond regulation, civic education and digital literacy are essential. Social media can be a space for informed discussion, but it also risks becoming a source of division. Promoting critical thinking, responsible sharing, and awareness of credible sources can help Nepalis of all generations navigate the complex digital landscape more responsibly.

“For someone who believed that change in Nepal was impossible, this moment feels like a victory,” says 22-year-old Anish Maharjan, reflecting on the recent GenZ-led protests. 

Despite all the destruction and devastation, he is optimistic about the future. There was a time when Maharjan had lost all hope for the country. That all changed when the youth-led protests on Sept 8–9 brought the old political parties to their knees. 

The movement gained momentum with the appointment of Sushila Karki as the 42nd Prime Minister, sparking fresh hope for progress. “We are hoping for a country where merit is prioritized over nepotism, where living feels like a blessing, not a forced choice”, adds 20-year-old Seejal Rai from Kathmandu. 

She explains that youth frustration stems from a corrupt system that has failed to meet even basic needs. “From corruption to unemployment to political instability, there are many problems in this country. No wonder young people are concerned about their future.” 

On Sept 8, thousands of youths took to the streets across Nepal against the corrupt system. The demonstration escalated after security personnel gunned down dozens of protesters. “We want to make Nepal better,” says 18-year-old Uttam Pariyar, who joined the protests on Sept 8 and 9.

The wave of protest even reached abroad. Amar Lama, who is currently in Australia, describes his conflicting emotions. “The news about young people dying in protests shattered my heart. Now with the new government in place, I hope things will get better.” If opportunities existed at home, Lama says many youths like him would be in their own country.  

Psychologist Gopal Dhakal at MARC Nepal says the GenZ protests were the culmination of pent-up frustration and resentment against the corrupt political leaders. “Most people today seek fairness, equal opportunities, and a society free of corruption. When these things are denied, they will protest,” he adds.
The two-day protests were marked by violence, vandalism, and arson. Government buildings, police stations and private homes of politicians across the country were set alight; there were prison riots and lootings; and security personnel were overrun by angry mobs, forcing them to run for cover.

“On the afternoon of Sept 9, all I could hear was the sound of gunfire, with black columns of smoke rising in the sky,” says 23-year-old Sima Maharjan, who lives in the Baneshwar area. For others the horror of the protests came online. Asmita Bhujel recalls being shocked at the images and videos of young protesters who were shot by police. “It was too much to bear. I couldn’t find peace,” she says.

Psychologist Dhakal says such a situation can intensify anxiety and stress. “The barrage of misinformation on social media made matters worse.” 

Meanwhile, widespread destruction of businesses and office buildings have left many people jobless. Dhakal warns this could lead to further hopelessness and mental health issues.  

While social movements can indeed be transformative and bring the masses together, Dhakal says it is crucial to keep this unity intact for realizing the much-needed reforms and changes. “The protests have lit the spark, now everybody must channel their energy toward building a better country.”  

Shiva Raj Shrestha, who was part of the GenZ protests, says every honest, hard-working Nepali wanted this change. “I believe every generation aspired to see this change, and it was made possible through the collective effort of youth.” 

Nepal’s exports surged by nearly 89 percent in the first two months of the current fiscal year, but the sharp rise has once again exposed the country’s growing overdependence on refined edible oil shipments to India.

According to the Department of Customs, Nepal exported goods worth Rs 47.32bn during mid-July to mid-September, compared to Rs 25.09bn in the same period of last fiscal year. Nearly half of the export earnings came from soybean oil alone, while sunflower oil and palm oil took the second and third spots, respectively.

In just two months, Nepal exported 509,962 tons of soybean oil worth Rs 20.42bn (509,962 tons) to India. Sunflower oil followed with Rs 1.38bn (35.2m liters) in exports, also to India. Refined palm oil, which ranked low in last year’s list, jumped to third place with Rs 1.31bn (7.4m liters) in shipments.

Nepal’s edible oil trade with India has flourished largely because of a loophole in regional trade agreements. Under the South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) and the bilateral India-Nepal Trade Treaty, Nepali exports to India enjoy zero-duty access. In contrast, exporters outside South Asia face a 35 percent tariff on soybean oil exports to India. This makes Nepali refined oil significantly cheaper for Indian buyers.

Nepal imports almost all of its crude soybean oil from countries such as Argentina, Brazil, China, Iraq, Thailand, and Ukraine, refines it, and re-exports it to India. Domestic production of soybean, which was just 36,671 tons in 2023, is insufficient even to meet local demand.

Experts say this re-export model leaves Nepal highly vulnerable to Indian policy changes. Indian refiners, led by the Solvent Extractors’ Association of India (SEA), have long complained that cheaper Nepali oil has been affecting their business. Earlier this year, SEA urged the Indian government to regulate edible oil imports from Nepal and other SAARC countries.

If India were to curb these imports, Nepal’s export earnings would collapse overnight. This will put investments made in refining plants at serious risk.

Nepal’s private sector has said that the violent GenZ protests of Sept 8 and 9, which left government offices and private establishments vandalized and torched, have inflicted losses running into billions of rupees, setting the economy back by years.

Speaking at a discussion organized Tuesday by the Nepal Economic Journalists’ Association on the theme “The Road Ahead for Economic Recovery,” business leaders said the destruction has undermined investor confidence, shaken the foundations of industries, and halted incoming investments.

Confederation of Nepalese Industries (CNI) president Birendra Raj Pandey estimated that the protests cost the economy around five percent of gross domestic product (GDP). “For investors, security of capital is fundamental. But the violent destruction of public and private structures has eroded confidence. The government must now step in with supportive fiscal and monetary policies to help businesses recover,” Pandey said.

He urged the government to design both short- and long-term recovery strategies, including special facilities for large industries. He also highlighted the need for reforms in education and improvements to laws that remain complicated and difficult to implement. According to him, the unrest has already stalled major joint-venture investments that were in the pipeline.

Federation of Nepalese Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FNCCI) vice president Hemraj Dhakal described the protests as a “massive setback.” The destruction of large public and private infrastructures, he said, has crippled the economy. “We are ready to rise from the ashes, but what is the guarantee that such destruction won’t happen again? The government must provide a security guarantee,” Dhakal said.

Former president of Nepal Chamber of Commerce Rajendra Malla said the unrest has created an atmosphere of fear across the business community. He stressed that peace and security must be the government’s immediate priority and urged authorities to assure entrepreneurs that they need not fear operating in Nepal.

Malla also called for policies that would encourage youth to stay and work in Nepal rather than leaving for foreign employment. He identified startups, IT, artificial intelligence, and rural technology programs as areas where the government could foster growth. “Tourism has taken a severe hit, but Nepal can still brand itself as a safe destination if the government acts quickly,” he added.

Business leaders further warned that widespread informal transactions and the misuse of remittances have aggravated Nepal’s economic vulnerabilities. Unless structural reforms and effective utilization of resources are ensured, they cautioned, the country risks being pushed five to six years behind its development trajectory.

Perhaps it was not just outrage against corruption and nepotism but something that goes much deeper to the unequal structure of the system that led to the recent spate of destruction and violence in Nepal. Now youths will have a unique window to shape the future of politics of the country. Will they remain united? Will they be able to offer pragmatic proposals to change the ways politics work?

In trying to make sense of what unfolded in the past few days, I cannot help but think if corruption, nepotism and the greed driving them are the only factors to take into account in order to understand the rage that unfolded in the streets. Certainly, violence that can never be condoned nor justified was driven by a sense of revenge toward all those youths who were murdered on the streets.

While the trigger of the destruction is clear, is it worthy to reflect on the deeper causes that might have unleashed the fury and outrage we witness. Here I am not specifically focusing on the manifest acts of vandalism and looting from which the vast majority of the so-called Generation Z (Gen Z) have correctly dissociated themselves from.

I am rather focusing on the hatred toward politicians that was so intentionally violent and aggressive. It would not be incorrect to define these feelings as hatred. Yet it is one thing to profoundly despise corrupted politicians and their family members but it is a different thing altogether to use violence against them.

This is unacceptable no matter the levels of disgust felt against them. That’s why it is important to reflect if corruption and nepotism are the only elements to take into consideration while trying to comprehend the factors that led to such brutal violence. Is it perhaps that the dirtiness of politics is just the tip of the iceberg rather than the foundational elements that can explain what happened?

By watching online videos and pictures of the incidents that occurred, I feel that many young people involved in them were feeling, for the first time ever, a sense of empowerment. Perennially alienated by an elitarian political system, with their voice suppressed and without any channel through which they could express their grievances and frustrations, youths of this nation felt powerless.

Perhaps a vast majority of them also felt disrespected and completely ignored and systematically discriminated against. The youths of this nation who belong to historically marginalized groups have been shrugging off their frustrations, unable to fully speak up also because their problems and issues were never truly embraced by some of their peers.

Could also a lack of recognition together with a want of more equity and fairness have led to the outrage that suddenly materialized itself through brutal violence? Could it be that the time of reckoning for truly helping build an inclusive and equitable nation has arrived? The country has a unique window of opportunity to really press for change through unity and inclusiveness.

It is a rare occasion to try to build a new country where all the youths, including those from marginalized and historically discriminated communities, have a voice. In order to do so, unity is a must but it is also equally important to harness people’s listening skills. It is almost ironic that in an era of massive use of social media, whose defense was what brought thousands of members of Gen Z to the streets on Sept 8, people stop attempting to understand each other.

And listening carefully is a paramount skill that must be strengthened because while there are many good things in having platforms where everyone can talk and express their opinion, there is also a need to slow down, listen, analyze and reason. But what will happen onward? 

Will the youths of this nation resist the comeback attempts from the political elites? We know that it is impossible to completely sideline the traditional parties, something that would be probably unwise because it is hard to conceive a completely “tabula rasa” from which rebuilding the country, brick by brick, would be possible. But the young generations have at least the power of bargaining with the entrenched political interests and they have a considerable amount of assertive authority at the moment and this for the first time ever in their lives.

Whatever propositions they express, they will count and be taken into consideration. But will they be able to come up with a coherent plan and ideas? This is an incredible opportunity to re-write the playbook of politics, making the whole system more inclusive and just.

Let’s not forget that the violence that we saw in the streets is a symptom of a wider and much more complex condition afflicting the nation. The greed that has turbocharged the corrupted political system that, apparently, has fallen, must be contextualized and understood from the perspective of the oppressed. Only engagement, participation and unity among youths transcending their different backgrounds will offer the most effective tools for real empowerment.

Their political emancipation and freedoms will arise from there.

The recent GenZ protests in Nepal caused profound political changes in Nepal, including the resignation of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, dissolution of Parliament, and appointment of former Chief Justice of Nepal Supreme Court, Sushila Karki, as interim Prime Minister. Nevertheless, the process is far from complete, as the President has announced 5 March 2026 to be the date of the next general elections. It will be interesting to note what kind of reform the interim Prime Minister will be taking, which may be added once the new parliament is constituted. It will also call for constitutional reforms in Nepal, which has been a foremost demand of GenZ protestors. In light of these changes, it is essential to stocktake the journey of constitutional reforms that Nepal has taken in the past seven to eight decades, and what the friction points were back then. 

Nepal’s constitutional journey since the 1940s reads less like a tidy sequence of institutional reforms and more like a long, uneven negotiations over where sovereignty should sit and what it should look like. King or people. Party or palace. Kathmandu or the Tarai. Hill heartland or the periphery. Each text, from the first experiments under the Ranas to the 2015 charter and beyond, is a record of bargains struck and bargains deferred. To understand why Nepal is once again on the verge of serious change after a youth-led uprising, we need to trace how these bargains have shifted, which problems were solved, and which were simply moved down the road.

The starting point is the late Rana rule. Under pressure at home and from winds blowing across the subcontinent, Prime Minister Padma Shumsher announced constitutional reforms in the late 1940s. The Government of Nepal Constitution Act of 1948 floated the idea of a bicameral legislature and ministerial responsibility. It was carefully drafted. Selection powers sat with the prime minister, and the edifice rested on executive discretion. Still, it broke a tradition by acknowledging that state power might be shared. That act was followed by the Interim Government of Nepal Act of 1951, issued as the Rana oligarchy fell and a broad coalition ushered in a constitutional monarchy and multiparty politics. The 1951 text listed civil liberties, set out a provisional institutional design, and promised a fuller democratic settlement to come. It also carried the first seed of a recurring problem: lofty rights were planted in thin soil. Institutions to protect them were weak, and the balance between palace and parties was unsettled.

The 1959 Constitution tried to make good on the promise. Nepal held its first general elections. BP Koirala became the first democratically elected prime minister. For a moment, parliamentary democracy had a constitutional home. Alas, it did not last. In December 1960, King Mahendra dismissed the government, jailed elected leaders, and moved the country into a partyless Panchayat system. The 1962 Constitution codified the Panchayat system, concentrating sovereignty in the crown and constructing a pyramidal set of assemblies that were consultative in form and royalist in effect. This was not an aberration but a full constitutional project. It sought to bring nationhood, religion, and monarchy into a single frame and to define politics as social harmony under royal guardianship. Its longevity came from that ideological glue; its undoing came from the same source when economic change, social mobility, and a rising political class found the frame too tight.

The popular movement of 1990 was the first decisive mass amendment to that project. The protest forced a bargain. The palace would remain, but power would flow through elected institutions. The 1990 Constitution restored multiparty democracy, expanded fundamental rights, and set up an independent judiciary. It looked European in design, and for a while, it delivered plural politics. Yet the monarchy still held reserve powers. Identity-based claims were largely absorbed into the language of national unity rather than represented as constitutional pluralism. Federalism was absent. These omissions did not cause the insurgency that began in 1996, but they certainly narrowed the channels through which socioeconomic grievances and peripheral voices could be routed into policy. The palace’s 2005 coup temporarily snapped even the 1990 compromise, convincing many that a constitutional monarchy could never be safely caged.

The 2006 people’s movement broke the last link. The 2007 Interim Constitution disempowered the king and reoriented the state toward an elected sovereign Constituent Assembly. When the monarchy was abolished in 2008, it was less a leap into republicanism than an acceptance that the 1990 dualism had failed. From that point forward, legitimacy would be negotiated not between palace and parties but within a widening circle of political and social actors: Maoists now in suits, Madhesi parties galvanized by long exclusion, indigenous nationalities, women’s movements, and a younger generation that had grown up inside conflict and transition. The first Constituent Assembly collapsed under the weight of that diversity. The second produced the 2015 Constitution, a republican, federal, secular settlement that promised inclusion, proportional representation, and a new map of provinces. It was a bold step, but once again, some bargains were patched rather than resolved.

Two pressures immediately exposed those seams. The first was identity and representation. Many Madhesi and Tharu groups protested that the federal boundaries and electoral formulae diluted their political weight. Protests in the plains and a crippling impediment to cross-border trade followed. The new constitution’s legitimacy arrived with a caveat attached. Kathmandu amended the text on proportional inclusion and constituency delineation, but the deeper question, whether federal design tracks social geography closely enough to make people feel represented, was left for politics to answer. It still has not. The second pressure was state capacity under stress. The 2015 earthquake devastated infrastructure and livelihoods. A new federal republic with developing democratic institutions was suddenly tasked to deliver large-scale reconstruction, manage competing party interests across new provincial layers, and keep the economy afloat. The constitution’s promise of devolution and local empowerment was good, but the administrative reforms could not pick up the pace. This gap between constitutional aspiration and everyday governance seeded the frustration that now fuels youth anger: a sense that no matter which coalition takes Singha Durbar, services remain patchy, jobs scarce, and integrity negotiable.

Since 2015, constitutional politics has not rested. A 2022–23 set of amendments eased pathways for citizenship by descent for children of those who held citizenship by birth, and opened a narrow door for non-resident citizenship without political rights. Each change eased one pressure while stirring another. That pattern, addressing the immediate grievance and postponing the structural fix, has been the through-line of the last decade.

With this grand rupture, what can be expected from the constitutional positioning of new political actors is a timely question that needs to be asked. How federal should the state be? What mix of electoral system and party democracy can ensure accountability? How can conflicts of interest be managed in a political sphere where networks are tight and incentives distorted? These are some essential questions that the new democratic political elite of Nepal will be dealing with for quite some time. Nevertheless, in the opinion of this author, the 2015 constitution provides a good roadmap with some recalibrations to work upon, more importantly, in the areas of safeguarding human and digital rights. Along with this, a serious approach needs to be taken to tackle corruption by developing more constitutional checks and balances. Nevertheless, it also needs to be kept in mind that constitutional and legal reforms need to be done in parallel with overhauling already existing institutions as well as serious bureaucratic and institutional reforms; only then can long-term stability be achieved. 

In Nepal, there is a general tendency to blame the constitution for every political failure. Many voices hold it responsible for rising corruption and political instability. However, no matter how perfect a constitution may be, it becomes nothing more than a piece of paper unless it is implemented in both letter and spirit.

The constitution of Nepal, which came into effect on September 20, 2015, marked the country's transition from a long-stayed unitary system to a federal structure. Federalism was introduced as an alternative to the long-standing constitutional monarchy, which had failed to deliver. Today, however, some youths blame the federal constitution, arguing that provincial governments are an expensive burden for a country with limited resources. Yet, the constitution--with its strong provisions for inclusivity, republicanism, devolution of powers, progressive fundamental rights and federalism—cannot itself be held responsible for the failures of nation's political course.

Need for Moral and Civic Education 

If we revisit the unfortunate incidents witnessed during the Gen-Z protest, the burning of government documents and assets,along with vandalism and looting of both private and publicproperty, conveys the message that a section of society lacks civic sense and is ready to loot at any given opportunity. 

This reflects that the concepts of morality and civic responsibility are yet to be deeply rooted among a section of Nepalis. If our democracy produces youths who can burn government assets and documents, or vandalize private business and property, we can conclude that civic values have been seriously compromised. 

The viral videos reveal the unfortunate reality of some youthswho, while protesting against the incumbent government, also aligned themselves with those looting government offices and private enterprises such as Bhatbhateni Mall. 

This exposes our unchecked greed for money and material possessions. Its high time for the state to introduce subjects, like that of Moral and Civic Studies as mandatory courses at every level of education.  

Blame the politics

In Nepal, none of the governments formed after 1990 have completed a full five-year term. The state has witnessed the greedy dance of political parties in their pursuit of power and positions. We saw communist parties forging alliances with the democratic forces, and even conflicts breaking out within communist alliance governments. These incidents prove that our political parties neither stood firmly with their ideology, nor practiced politics in line with constitutional mandates. 

Perhaps we are the only democracy in world where leaders resort to forgery in Bills passed by the House. We saw that in case of Federal Civil Service Bill this year. 

We might also be the only country where top leaders publicly hurl thorny comments against the opposition. A former education Minister once remarked that KP Oli is like the "Pele of Football" who cannot be defeated or overthrown by any earthly power. KP Oli himself has an inherent habit of passing sharp comments and making fun of others. 

The governments formed after the promulgation of the current constitution have failed to deliver. This is a well-known fact. The state has witnessed massive corruption, limited initiatives for employment creation, and an almost negligible role of the government in ensuring good governance. 

The constitution does not allow for the corrupt practices. However, the document itself, like a ghost, cannot punish the abusers. It’s the government and constitutional mechanisms that must demonstrate a strong commitment to upholding the rule of law. 

We have seen appointments to the constitutional posts made for individuals with clear political affiliations. At times, their power-hungry nature has challenged the principle of separation of powers. A person of high moral stature would ordinarily refrain from accepting positions they believe compromise this principle. Yet, in Nepal, such individuals are rarely found. Should constitution be blamed for this?   We reiterate that moral education and civic sense must be imparted not only to our youths but also to our professionals. 

Way forward

As a matter of fact, no constitutional or legal document is so perfect that it can provide a solution to every given problem of every generation. That’s why, laws and constitutions are regarded as living documents, capable of being amended to ensuring broader ownership and necessary reforms. 

In India, the 1949 Constitution has been amended 106 times so far, and the US constitution has witnessed 27 amendments. In the similar vein, we can introduce amendments in our constitution to make it more progressive. We are already operating our democracy under our seventh constitution. Frequent changes to it every decade would create wrong impression in world and could invite political instability. 

The failure of our leaders cannot be seen as the failure of the constitution. If those at the helm take pledge to practice genuine politics—free from corruption and unlawful elements-- then our democracy would possess everything required for a sustainable future. Our constitution envisions for a welfare state grounded in the firm foundations of the rule of law and good governance. Its high time we translate the mandates of the constitution into reality for advancing the cause of rule of law and a vibrant democracy. 

Nepal has recently witnessed a wave of violent protests, initially triggered by the government’s controversial decision to ban social media platforms. While these demonstrations reflect domestic frustrations ranging from nepotism and corruption to high unemployment, they have simultaneously become fertile ground for disinformation campaigns. 

A closer examination reveals that Pakistan-based social media accounts have actively sought to hijack the narrative, shifting blame toward India and framing it as the primary destabilizing force in South Asia.

This phenomenon demonstrates how modern digital propaganda transcends national borders, turning real grievances into geopolitical instruments. By analyzing the patterns, players, and methods involved, we can better understand how this campaign was designed, why Nepal was chosen as the latest battleground, and what its broader implications are for regional politics.

The first wave of misleading posts emerged not from Nepal but from Pakistani social media circles. Accounts began alleging that India was operating fake Nepali bot accounts to engineer unrest, punishing Nepal for engaging diplomatically with China’s President Xi Jinping. They claimed India had adopted a systematic strategy to destabilize its neighbors, citing Sri Lanka, Maldives, and Bangladesh as “previous victims.”

Crucially, these narratives were not spontaneous. They followed a tested playbook:

Initial trigger posts: The first notable push came from Ahmad Hassan Al-Arbi, a self-styled “defense analyst.” He had previously accused India of staging false flag operations, including the Pahalgam terror attack. His thread blaming India for Nepal’s protests became the seed for a larger campaign.

Amplification: What began as scattered posts by cyborg like accounts quickly gained traction through amplifiers larger accounts with audiences between 3,000 and 300,000 followers. Their role was to provide visibility and legitimacy to otherwise fringe claims.

Media recycling: Outlets like the Kashmir Media Service picked up these threads and published them as news, quoting the same Pakistani social media users as “commentators.” These circular references created an illusion of expert validation.

Repetition by repeat offenders: Prominent disinformation spreaders on X such as @iMustansarPK and @Fizz_Urooj, previously involved in pushing fabricated stories like “Kashmir shutdown” or “Operation Sindoor,” reappeared to recycle and reinforce the new claims.

Hashtag narratives: Phrases like “India = Net Destabilizer” gained traction between Sept 4–9. X posts in English targeted global audiences, while Urdu language posts catered to regional and domestic Pakistani users.

The players behind the campaign

Several recurring actors surfaced in this disinformation drive:

Cyborg accounts: Semi-automated accounts that rapidly produced and retweeted content to create artificial trends.
Amplifiers: Medium-to-large accounts like @IntelPk and @faizannriaz, which carried the narrative to wider audiences.

Legacy disinformation accounts: Profiles such as @HelloPKofficial and @mohsin_o2, known for praising Pakistan’s “cyber warriors” during past Indo-Pak tensions, returned to recycle the “India destabilizer” trope.

Thematic hashtags and frames: By positioning India as a “net destabilizer” instead of a “net security provider,” these accounts sought to undercut India’s diplomatic positioning in South Asia. The interplay of these actors ensured that what started as isolated claims rapidly evolved into a widely circulated narrative. Within just eight days, a freshly minted storyline had been established and accepted by segments of online discourse.

Why Nepal?

The choice of Nepal as the newest stage for this campaign is not coincidental. Several factors make it an attractive target for disinformation:

Strategic geography: Sandwiched between India and China, Nepal is particularly vulnerable to narratives that highlight “great power meddling.”

Historical sensitivities: Anti India sentiment has historically flared in Nepal, particularly around border disputes and trade dependencies. Propagandists exploit these pre-existing tensions to lend credibility to fabricated stories.

Domestic instability: With Nepal’s youth disillusioned by unemployment and corruption, foreign narratives blaming external interference resonate more easily.

Regional projection: By portraying India as interfering in Nepal, attempts to universalize its anti-India messaging across South Asia, tying together disparate events in Sri Lanka, Maldives, and Bangladesh, under one conspiratorial frame.

Implications for South Asia

This disinformation drive is not merely about Nepal—it reflects a broader contest over narrative dominance in South Asia. By projecting India as the destabilizer, Pakistan aims to achieve several goals:

Diplomatic isolation: Undermine India’s image as a regional stabilizer and counterweight to China.

Information warfare: Distract from Pakistan’s own domestic crises by shifting attention to Indian actions.

Psychological impact: Erode trust between India and its neighbors by sowing doubt and suspicion.

For Nepal, however, this campaign is doubly harmful. It distorts legitimate grievances, weakening the credibility of protesters’ demands, and risks polarizing society along manufactured foreign-policy lines.

Nepal’s protests are a reflection of frustration with governance failures, not the product of Indian interference. Yet Pakistan’s disinformation machinery has opportunistically hijacked the narrative, reframing a domestic movement as a geopolitical conspiracy. This campaign, spearheaded by a familiar ecosystem of Pakistani accounts and digital outlets, once again illustrates how online propaganda can reshape perceptions of unfolding events in real time.

The challenge for policymakers, media platforms, and civil society lies in exposing and countering these narratives before they calcify into “common knowledge.” For Nepal, the greater danger is that its citizens’ real grievances risk being overshadowed by a synthetic blame game manufactured far beyond its borders. And for South Asia, the episode underscores the urgent need for a collective response to the rising weaponization of information in the digital age.

The author is the National Chairperson of Muslim Students Organisation of India MSO, he writes on a wide range of issues, including, Sufism, Public Policy, Geopolitics and Information Warfare