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Nepal are playing their fourth and final match today against the Netherlands in a triangular ODI series under the ICC Cricket World Cup League 2 today.

The match to be held at Forthill Cricket Ground in Dundee, Scotland will start at 3:45 pm Nepal time. Nepal, having won the first two matches of the series, are in search of their third victory today.

In the last match, Scotland defeated Nepal by two runs. Earlier, Nepal had defeated Scotland by one run and the Netherlands by five wickets. On the other hand, the Netherlands are aiming for their first victory. The Netherlands lost to Scotland by 44 runs.

Nepal are in seventh place in the league with 10 points from 15 matches. The Netherlands are in second place with 26 points from 22 matches. The league, featuring eight different teams, will run until 2027.

The top four teams of this league will qualify directly for the global qualifiers of the World Cup. The four teams at the bottom will have to play playoff matches to qualify for the World Cup.

The Nepali team includes captain Rohit Kumar Paudel, vice captain Dipendra Singh Airee, Asif Sheikh, Anil Kumar Shah, Basir Ahmad, Sandeep Lamichhane, Sompal Kami, Karan K.C., Kushal Bhurtel, Bhim Sarki, Arif Sheikh, Gulshan Jha, Nandan Yadav, Rijan Dhakal, and Lalit Narayan Rajbanshi.

There have been numerous generalizations, and with them, many misunderstandings regarding the crucial factors that underpin elitism in Nepal.

Undoubtedly, caste and land, and language, considering also the extent to which they have always been inextricably interlinked with each other, have continuously been predominant factors. Throughout the history of Nepal, these have been consistently key elements acting as springboards for individuals and groups with homogenous features to cement their prerogatives and privileges within the society.

Yet, a certain degree of privilege and the status coming with it do not automatically make someone part of the ruling elite. And, certainly, there has been a paucity of studies that try to go beyond such analysis of established societal dynamics and attempt to understand different dimensions of power creation that can lead to the exercise of real decision-making at the highest echelons of power.

Therefore, there is an opportunity to analyze how elites are created and shaped in Nepal from different perspectives. In this line, a novel line of inquiry is emerging. It focuses on the nexus between the influences exerted by foreign powers in Nepal and the hidden dynamics and consequences triggered by them over those who have been ruling the country.

This new approach tries to answer the following question: could be possible that foreign powers that, since the early days of Nepal’s formation till now, have been holding a very relevant role in shaping national politics, have a unique sway and impact over the underlying and hidden processes of elite formation, defined as those members of the society truly exercising power?

Nepal is a nation where foreign policy has always been passively exercised in reaction to the desires and moves of bigger and more powerful nations. To some extent, the conduct of foreign affairs by the different elites in power has not been, either by design or by default, aimed at independently exerting the country’s sovereign interests.

Rather, Nepal’s foreign policy has been more focused on responding to the interests that foreign powers have always held over it. It has been shaped to maximize a return not based on its own priorities and strategic interests but rather from how and what bigger international players, such as India, China, the USA, and, during the Rana oligarchy, the British Resident, approached Nepal and wanted from it.

At the same time, the elites in power did also benefit immensely from steering the country’s foreign policy in a balancing act that would not antagonize foreign powers but would be masterfully crafted and leveraged for their own self-interests. Therefore, wouldn’t it be interesting to reflect on how foreign policy conducted by others has determined and continues to influence elite formation in the country?

This is the ambitious task that Gaurav Bhattarai, an Assistant Professor at Department of International Relations and Diplomacy, set to decipher with his latest book, “Nepal’s Power Elites: Rajahs, Ranas and Republic,” due to be published in the first week of August.

The book is a bold attempt at understanding the elevation to power through the prism of foreign policy. “Elitism cannot be fully grasped without recognizing the profound influences of distant hands”, Bhattarai explained to me in our conversation.
Throughout a series of online interviews and exchange of emails, Bhattarai shared with me that normally the focus is on pinpointing the oversized influence that foreign powers have always held in shaping national politics.

But, according to him, we have been missing something important to better understand the elite’s formation and their related power dynamics in Nepal.

“In the grand narrative of the evolution of the Nepali statecraft, the role of British residency, Indian independence leaders, and a plethora of regional and international factors emerge as more than scanty background details—it is the very plot that drives the story of elite power structure”.

“In line with this insight, I argue that any understanding of elite status in Nepal is incomplete without an acknowledgment of these external forces”, Bhattarai wrote me in the e-mail. Elite is a loose concept, open to different interpretations.
The theories formulated in the nineteenth century by Vilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca, and Robert Michels in Europe, or C Wright Mills in the US, and Sanjaya Baru in India elucidating the key elements and factors of elite making cannot simply be re-contextualized and adapted to Nepal according to Bhattarai.

To understand how the different elites across the different phases of Nepal’s model history, each with its unique features, formed and assumed power in the country, we need to go beyond the socio-religious aspects of the nation that have inevitably been conductors and enablers of access to power.

Foreign policy can turn out to be a very relevant area that deserves to be studied in order to decipher the formation of elites in Nepal. This undertaking should not only be analyzed from the ways foreign powers exercised it to influence and, in many instances, indirectly control power. Certainly, this aspect cannot be underestimated. “External forces have not only enabled but at times also constrained the power and influence of Nepali elites throughout history”, I was told in our conversation.
So in “Nepal’s Power Elites: Rajahs, Ranas and Republic”, Bhattarai analyzed to full extent “how foreign influences have shaped, bolstered or even undermined the authority of the ruling class”.

There is also another side of the coin, and this is really an important point that Bhattarai makes. According to him, the different elites holding decision-making authority in the country have themselves exploited the perceived influence of foreign nations in the country for their own interest.

In essence, the Shahs, then the Ranas, and then again the Shahs during the Panchayat and even the political class of the post-2008 Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal, have all consistently taken advantage of their access to foreign powers.
Each of them had different dynamics and unique features, and each asserted its powers in a unique context. And yet, the study conducted by Bhattarai is centered on the fact that all of them had one common denominator: the support received by foreign powers, without whom their own survival in power could have been jeopardized.

The members of the elites in power throughout different phases of Nepal’s modern history, have always shared something in common. They all misappropriated and misused, their prerogatives in dealing with foreign powers exercising their own influence over the country, to legitimize, cement and consolidate their own status and grip on the decision-making.
“Elites have leveraged their ‘monopoly’ or their exclusive access to foreign policy to justify their power”. “By engaging with missionaries, colonial powers, residents, envoys, ambassadors, and international organizations in different eras, they positioned themselves as the architects of Nepal’s modern history,” Bhattarai said.

What we think of national interest, which is often proclaimed with high rhetoric by politicians even these days, is actually the interest of elites whose members strive to preserve by leveraging their decision-making in the realm of foreign policies through their access to foreign actors.

Power has been exercised by elites not in the interest of the people but to further strengthen the elite itself, and Bhattarai’s scholarly research is an effort at understanding “how elites have ably used foreign policy to consolidate their authority”.
“In this book, I seek to advance beyond the existing debates in International Relations by exploring how the priorities, preferences, and behaviors of individual decision-makers impact foreign policy decisions. By examining these individuals’ actions, we may gain insights into the structural constraints they face and the norms that shape their positions,” explained Bhattarai. To better comprehend these patterns and dynamics, the publication tries to answer an important question:
“How do we measure their agency within the web of constraints they are bound by, and in what ways do we distinguish between genuine influence and the illusion of power within the broader political machinery?”.

“This question challenges the very concept of elite status and prompts us to reconsider how we understand leadership, authority, and influence in the realm of foreign policy decision-making”.

In essence, Bhattarai tries to explain how the domain of foreign and its interactions with national elites in different phases of Nepal’s modern history have shaped not only the country’s own political trajectories along the years but also enabled the rulers of the time to exert their power over the nation.
Normally, we explain and justify foreign policies through the angle of national politics. After all, foreign affairs are at the service of nations’ interests and priorities. The case of Nepal is different. Foreign powers did abuse and continue to abuse their own influence over the nation’s destiny.

But as Bhattarai helps us to realize, it is not only a one-way street. His inquiry tries to prove this point by presenting examples from numerous historical episodes and also from his observation of elite-driven foreign policy discourses in contemporary Nepal, be it in the media, seminars, or university.

The book is about the idea and practice of foreign and the way Nepali elites have been using and exploiting the domain of foreign and how, in the name of foreign policy behaviour and foreign policy priorities, they have been fulfilling their own vested interests.

The book also brings to the fore the presence and role of henchmen and interlocutors of all three—Rajhas, Ranas, and Republican leaders of Nepal—in different periods of time, to show how the idea of the foreign has been romanticized and weaponized as rhetoric.

Among them, what tops the list is the discourse of national interest, which, according to Bhattarai, as discussed in his upcoming book, is actually an “elite interest”. The elites in power throughout the history of Nepal till now excelled at preserving their own status and ably used the same foreign powers targeting and influencing them, for their own advantage. And let’s be honest, they have been extremely good and they are still good in this game. 

Several Indian residents of the UAE have faced unexpected delays and financial losses during recent trips to Nepal after a lesser-known travel regulation was suddenly enforced. The rule requires a No Objection Certificate (NOC) from the Indian Embassy in Nepal for Indian nationals returning to the Gulf, and many travelers say they were unaware of this requirement until it was too late, according to a report by Khaleej Times.

Dubai-based Manu Palerichal, CEO of CIA Emirates, told Khaleej Times that his Eid break vacation to Nepal turned stressful when immigration officers informed him of the NOC requirement upon landing in Kathmandu. “It caught us off guard because no one had informed us about this beforehand,” he said.

Manu and his family had already traveled to Pokhara, nearly 200 km away from the Indian Embassy in Kathmandu, making it difficult to secure the document. He returned to Kathmandu later and managed to get the NOC, but only after facing uncertainty and additional travel costs.

Three agents in the UAE confirmed that the rule has existed for some time but has only recently been enforced strictly. “Authorities found people misusing the system, including in cases of human trafficking and tax evasion,” said Safeer Mohammed, general manager of Smart Travels. “We now advise all clients to get the NOC well in advance.

Thabseer Ahmed, another UAE resident, lost over DH 1, 400 due to this rule. “We found out about the NOC only at the airport in Nepal while heading back from our holiday,” he said to Khaleej Times. As his return flight was at 3 am on Sunday, he was unable to access embassy help in time and missed his flight.

“I tried flying via New Delhi, but I had to book a ticket to Dubai once I arrived,” he added.

Nestled between India and China, Nepal possesses a unique and complex trade history, along with significant market opportunities. However, the country faces multiple constraints—including geographical challenges, weak infrastructure, procedural bottlenecks, and an often unstable political-economic environment. Moreover, the government’s approach to trade negotiations tends to be reactive, shaped by perceived contexts rather than long-term strategy. In this light, it is essential to institutionalise effective standard operating procedures (SOPs) for trade negotiations. Such SOPs would ensure consistency, enhance transparency, and provide strategic direction across bilateral, subregional, and regional trade engagements.

The need for an SOP

Nepal’s trade diplomacy currently relies heavily on ad hoc arrangements and the personal experience of individual bureaucrats. This knowledge-driven, personality-based approach often leads to inconsistencies, a lack of institutional memory, and missed opportunities on bilateral, regional, and multilateral platforms.

A national SOP would promote coherence across government departments and ensure continuity during political transitions. It would also empower negotiation teams with procedural clarity and sectoral insights while presenting Nepal as a prepared and credible counterpart in international forums.

Core SOP features for trade negotiations

Institutional mechanisms

Since the Ministry of Industry, Commerce and Supplies (MoICS) leads trade negotiations, it should initiate the formation of a formal negotiation coordination committee. This body should include representatives from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Agriculture, private sector associations, academia, legal experts, and provincial authorities. Together, they would set national priorities, vet negotiation positions, and guide strategies.

SOP cycle

Pre-negotiation phase: Conduct data-driven impact assessments, define national priorities, consult relevant stakeholders, and prepare position papers.

Negotiation phase: Select delegation members, assign roles, and maintain real-time internal coordination.

Post-negotiation phase: Identify legal provisions, outline ratification processes, create implementation roadmaps, and establish monitoring indicators.

Sectoral working group

A specialised group should bring together representatives from transit service providers, agriculture, digital trade, transport logistics, and quality assurance sectors to provide technical expertise. Key issues should include Nepal’s transit rights and infrastructure cooperation. The SOP must prioritise multimodal transport corridors, efficient cross-border logistics, and enhanced trade facilitation through modernised customs systems and logistics hubs.

Trade facilitation

Efforts should focus on easing the movement of people, goods, services, capital, and data—while remaining mindful of risks associated with automation and digitalisation. Nepal must align with the WTO Trade Facilitation Agreement and leverage regional initiatives such as BBIN, BIMSTEC, SAARC, SASEC, and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

To support this, a negotiation readiness toolkit is needed. This should include templates, records of past negotiations, sectoral briefings, simulation exercises, and case studies. Trade facilitation measures must align with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and be benchmarked accordingly.

Establishing bodies such as a National Trade Negotiation Council (NTNC), a National Trade Consulting Forum, or a Trade Intelligence and Analysis Unit is crucial for institutional continuity and informed decision-making.

Infrastructure development—including rail, road, and inland waterway connectivity—must be a priority. Logistical alignment, mutual recognition of standards and certifications, and the promotion of low-carbon, climate-smart trade chains should drive Nepal’s trade agenda.

Legal and risk mitigation

Trade agreements must include robust provisions for dispute resolution, force majeure, and other legal safeguards. It is vital to protect the interests of small producers, uphold environmental standards, and ensure policy space for future reforms.

Inclusion and capacity building

An inclusive trade negotiation process must involve wide consultations with the private sector, civil society, and marginalised communities. The SOP should ensure that all relevant stakeholders are engaged meaningfully.

Capacity building is essential. Members of the negotiation team must receive training in legal interpretation, economic analysis, negotiation tactics, and language skills. Ongoing collaboration with think tanks and trade institutions will enhance capacity and knowledge.

Meeting key performance indicators (KOIs) and conducting annual performance reviews by independent experts will help ensure the negotiation team’s effectiveness and accountability.

Conclusion

Institutionalising SOPs for trade negotiations through a phased, strategic approach is crucial for Nepal. This process should be backed by technical and financial support, and ensure coherence between national development plans and regional trade commitments. Effective monitoring and evaluation must be embedded to achieve desired trade outcomes and social impact.

Nepal should not view its position between two dominant economic powers as a limitation, but a strategic opportunity. By transitioning from a reactive player to a proactive influencer in regional and global trade, Nepal can better serve its national interests. Now is the time to establish a negotiation process that is strategic, inclusive, and driven by national priorities—one that enables Nepal to negotiate with confidence, not just consent.

China has established the International Organization for Mediation (IOMed), marking it the world’s first intergovernmental legal body dedicated to resolving international disputes through mediation. The signing ceremony, held last week in Hong Kong, saw the participation of Nepal’s Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba, alongside around 400 high-level representatives from 85 countries spanning Asia, Africa, Latin America and Europe.

Designed to function similarly to the International Court of Justice and the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague, IOMed is positioned as a potential alternative to the World Trade Organization (WTO). China has actively encouraged Nepal to join the organization at the earliest. During a sideline meeting at the event, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi expressed his hope that Nepal would soon become a member, emphasizing the opportunity to jointly contribute to enhancing global governance.

While Minister Deuba did not offer any commitment to being a member-state, Nepal’s participation in the event is meaningful. Observers say it signals that Nepal could join the Chinese initiative in future. 

According to Xinhua, China’s state-run news agency, Wang Yi noted that more than 80 countries and nearly 20 international organizations sent representatives to the ceremony. He highlighted that this strong turnout demonstrates broad international support for mediation as a dispute-resolution mechanism, one that aligns with the interests of developing countries and adheres to the principles of the UN Charter.

The organization operates across three key areas. First, it provides mediation services for disputes between states, submitted by mutual consent. Official documents explain that such disputes must not be excluded by a concerned state through a formal declaration, nor may they involve a third state without its prior approval.

Second, IOMed facilitates mediation for commercial or investment disputes between a state (or an international organization) and private entities from another state, again requiring mutual consent. Third, it offers mediation for disputes arising from international commercial relationships between private parties.

China began laying the groundwork for IOMed in 2022, collaborating with like-minded nations to issue a joint statement. From South Asia, Sri Lanka and Pakistan are among the founding members, alongside Algeria, Belarus, Cambodia, Cameroon, China, Côte d’Ivoire, Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Gabon, Indonesia, Laos, Madagascar, Serbia, Sudan, Thailand and Zimbabwe.

The organization promotes mediation as a flexible, cost-effective and efficient means of resolving disputes, emphasizing a party-driven approach. Chu Kar-kin, a member of the Chinese Association of Hong Kong and Macao Studies, in an interview with The Global Times, described IOMed as a “new chapter in global dispute resolution,” underscoring its role in fostering peaceful and harmonious settlements.

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang reiterated China’s longstanding commitment to resolving differences through mutual understanding, dialogue and win-win cooperation.

Tian Feilong, a law professor at Minzu University of China, told Global Times that IOMed reflects China’s traditional legal culture, which prioritizes consensus and reconciliation over adversarial litigation. This approach, he argued, strengthens international cooperation and social capital, distinguishing it from Western legal mechanisms rooted in confrontation.

He further noted that IOMed embodies the spirit of internationalism and the vision of a "community with a shared future for mankind," reinforcing rule-of-law principles in global governance. By championing mediation, China seeks to offer a more collaborative and inclusive model for resolving international disputes, aligning with its broader diplomatic philosophy.

Nestled within Nepal’s trans-Himalayan corridor, Mustang has long been a land of both abundance and scarcity. Snow-capped peaks cast long shadows over barren, windswept valleys. Ancient Tibetan Buddhist monasteries perched precariously on cliffs, their prayer flags fluttering in winds that have shaped both land and lore. Generations of farmers etched terraced fields into rocky hillsides, coaxing from the unforgiving soil apples so crisp they became symbols of Mustang’s ingenuity and perseverance. Life here did not defy nature—it moved with it. The cycles of snowmelt and monsoon dictated planting, harvest, prayer, and pilgrimage. But that delicate balance, honed over centuries, is now unraveling.

Mustang today no longer tells a story of quiet endurance, but one of escalating emergency. Winters, once defined by a serene blanket of snow that insulated life, now arrive barren and bitter. The snowpack—Mustang’s natural water bank—is gone. Springs, once fed by slow, predictable melt, now yield nothing. Fields lie cracked and fallow. Crops wither before maturity. Livestock, once the backbone of the local economy and culture, are vanishing from dust-hardened pastures. And tourism, once buoyed by Mustang’s stark winter beauty and cultural mystique, is fading as snowless landscapes and landslide-prone trails turn visitors away.

Here, climate change is not abstract. It is not a threat on the horizon or a projection debated by distant experts. It is a predator, stalking villages, devouring traditions, and dismantling livelihoods with ferocity. It has reshaped the land, emptied barns, severed trails, and muted festivals once anchored in the rhythms of a snow-fed world.

Mustang’s collapse is not an isolated tragedy—it is a mirror reflecting Nepal’s imminent future. This once-remote highland, long considered resilient due to its self-reliant communities and adaptation to extremes, is now ground zero for climate-induced disruption. If Mustang, a region whose people have survived for centuries at the mercy of thin air and sparse rain, is faltering so rapidly, what lies ahead for Nepal’s more densely populated regions?

Consider the lowland floodplains of the Tarai, already vulnerable to monsoon volatility. Or the mid-hill farms, where rain-fed agriculture sustains millions and any shift in precipitation wreaks havoc. Or the teeming cities—Kathmandu, Pokhara, Biratnagar—where overstressed infrastructure and unchecked urbanization compound every climate shock. If climate extremes can hollow out Mustang, the implications for these regions are dire.

What’s unfolding in Mustang is a warning shot. The snows that once defined its seasons are vanishing across the Himalayan arc, endangering the glaciers that feed rivers essential to 1.5bn people downstream. As temperatures rise nearly twice as fast in the Himalayas as the global average, Mustang’s parched orchards, empty yak barns, and shuttered homestays offer a preview of a broader unraveling.

And yet, this is not just about lost apples, absent snow, or displaced herders. It’s about what vanishes with them—ancestral knowledge, spiritual connection to land, and a model of harmony between people and nature that the rest of the world has largely forgotten.

When snow becomes memory

For centuries, the arrival of the first snowfall in Mustang marked more than a seasonal change—it was a reset for the land and its people. Snow blanketed apple orchards and barley fields, fed glacial springs, and sustained fragile mountain ecosystems. It signaled a time of rest and replenishment, while gradually releasing meltwater to sustain life through the arid months. Today, snowfall has retreated into memory. The landscape remains cold, yet eerily bare.

“The cold still cracks our skin, but the earth stays barren,” laments Lopsang Gurung, a farmer in Marpha, standing beside a deep, jagged well drilled in search of vanishing groundwater. This absence of snow has ruptured Mustang’s hydrological balance. Springs that once flowed year-round now run dry by early spring. Groundwater levels plummet as villagers dig deeper in desperation. Monsoon rains, once steady and life-giving, now arrive in violent torrents that erode topsoil and flood fields. Scientists report a 30 percent decline in snow cover since 2010—a change that has triggered cascading effects: mistimed flowering, disrupted migratory patterns, and failing crops.

Cultural life suffers too. Losar, the Tibetan New Year, once danced with snow-laced prayers and processions, now unfolds on dusty ground. “Our festivals feel hollow without snow,” says Pemma Dolma, a teacher in Lo Manthang. Communities are experimenting with solutions: artificial glacier projects and groundwater regulations offer glimmers of hope. But so far, these efforts remain too scattered, too under-resourced. Mustang’s snowless winters are not just a regional concern—they’re a red flag for Nepal and the global climate community.

Farming on the brink

Agriculture—the heartbeat of Mustang’s rural economy—is faltering. Apple orchards, once the region’s pride, now struggle to survive under an onslaught of climate extremes. Warmer winters disrupt the chilling hours apples need to bloom. Invasive pests and fungal infections thrive in erratic weather. Meanwhile, violent hailstorms repeatedly shatter entire seasons of hard work. Narayan Thakali, a third-generation farmer, recalls when his trees yielded eight tons of apples annually. “Now, we’re lucky to get three,” he says. To salvage his crop, he relies on synthetic pesticides, fully aware of their long-term damage to soil and water.

Declining snowmelt has forced farmers to depend on deep wells, some drilled 20 meters down. But groundwater, like snow, is vanishing. In some areas, water tables drop two meters each year. And yet, adaptation simmers below the surface. Farmers are trialing dwarf apple varieties needing fewer chill hours. NGOs are promoting integrated pest management to reduce chemical use. Solar-powered micro-irrigation systems are boosting yields in pilot villages. These efforts show promise, but without cohesive, national-level policies and investment, they remain isolated lifelines.

Vanishing livestock, vanishing traditions

Yaks, chyangra goats, and sheep once roamed Mustang’s high pastures in abundance. Their meat, milk, and wool formed the bedrock of rural life, while their presence anchored seasonal rituals and social bonds. Now, those pastures are drying up.

A staggering 60 percent of Mustang’s alpine rangelands have degraded since 2015. Warmer temperatures and erratic snowfall have altered grassland composition, replacing nourishing alpine flora with inedible scrub. Foot rot and other diseases, once checked by cold winters, now spread easily in moist, warming soils. Herders, without reliable veterinary services, either overuse antibiotics or abandon livestock altogether. Traditional migrations to summer pastures—once communal rites of passage—have all but disappeared. In Dhe, empty yak barns sit like silent tombs to a way of life vanishing before our eyes. Still, resilience flickers. Insurance schemes based on satellite weather data are being piloted. But the scale of the crisis demands far more coordinated intervention.

Tourism at a tipping point

Winter once drew throngs of domestic and international tourists to Mustang’s stark, snow-covered beauty. Between December and February, snow lovers, trekkers, and spiritual seekers filled local lodges, generating nearly a third of the region’s GDP. But as snow vanishes and trails succumb to landslides, visitors stay away. Between 2020 and 2023, winter tourism declined by 65 percent. Villages like Thasang, once bustling with homestays and guides, now face economic ruin.Communities are attempting to pivot. But progress is uneven. Poor digital connectivity, unreliable infrastructure, and a lack of funding for cultural preservation remain stubborn barriers. Declaring Mustang a Climate Emergency Zone could unlock vital international funding for green infrastructure and culturally sensitive tourism alternatives. Without it, the region’s tourism sector may collapse entirely.

Floods, landslides, and glacial peril

The July 2023 flood in Kagbeni was not an isolated event—it was the new normal. Fueled by an intense monsoon downpour, the Kali Gandaki River tore through homes and fields, leaving behind wreckage and displacement. Landslides and flash floods routinely cut off entire villages. High in the Himalayas, glacial retreat has accelerated, giving rise to unstable glacial lakes. These ticking time bombs threaten to burst and send walls of water hurtling into valleys below. Scientists have identified 11 such high-risk lakes in Upper Mustang alone. Although early-warning sirens and bioengineering efforts, like planting sea buckthorn to stabilize slopes, are underway, only 15 percent of vulnerable households have flood insurance. Without robust national support, communities are forced to gamble with their survival.

Seeds of adaptation

Yet amid the wreckage, Mustang offers glimpses of what climate adaptation can look like when tradition meets innovation:

Agriculture: Solar-powered drip irrigation, climate-resilient crops, and SMS-based weather alerts offer smarter, water-efficient farming.

Livestock: Hydroponic fodder systems, mobile veterinary apps, and drought-triggered insurance build pastoral resilience.

Tourism: Eco-certified homestays, resilient trekking trails, and immersive digital storytelling can renew Mustang as a sustainable tourism hub.

Disaster defense: Vegetative slope barriers, glacial lake sensors, and satellite-based landslide alerts can save lives.

A call to action

Mustang stands not only as a region in distress but as a living model of the future awaiting much of Nepal. Its unraveling is a choice: surrender to collapse, or turn crisis into transformation. A national climate resilience pilot in Mustang could unify scattered innovations and funnel investment where it’s most needed.

Global support—from NGOs, governments, and climate finance institutions—should treat Mustang not as a disaster zone but as a climate innovation lab. Communities here carry ancestral knowledge: how to read clouds, revive springs, and live lightly. Their wisdom must be woven into policy and action.

As a Thakali proverb goes, “A dry riverbed still remembers the monsoon.” Mustang remembers its seasons. If Nepal listens, acts, and invests wisely, Mustang might not only survive—it might lead.

The author is Phd scholar in climate and green finance : research focus on green finance and climate change

The World Bank (WB) has approved a loan totaling USD 257 million aimed at enhancing electricity distribution services and improving irrigation services to boost agricultural productivity.

The World Bank’s Board of Executive Directors on May 29 approved the loan for two projects for Nepal, the WB stated in a press release.

The Electricity Supply Reliability Improvement Project (USD 120 million) will strengthen the electricity distribution network and enhance electricity supply to users in Koshi, Bagmati, Karnali, and Sudurpashchim Provinces.

The project, led by Nepal Electricity Authority, will focus on constructing new distribution substations, upgrading existing networks, and implementing an automated system for real-time monitoring of distribution networks to enhance operational efficiency, it said.

The Modernization of Rani Jamara Kulariya Irrigation Project - Phase 3 (USD 137 million) aims to improve irrigation services and agricultural productivity by expanding access to year-round irrigation services, increasing farm productivity, and enhancing climate resilience in Kailali district, Sudurpaschim Province.

Jointly implemented by Nepal’s Department of Water Resources and Irrigation and Department of Agriculture, this project will scale year-round irrigation to an additional 17,500 hectares benefiting 160,000 people.

“An uninterrupted electricity supply and adequate, year-round irrigation services are fundamental inputs for Nepal’s sustainable development,” said David Sislen, Country Division Director for Maldives, Nepal, and Sri Lanka.

“The projects emphasise improved connectivity and the promotion of clean electricity generated from hydropower, alongside integrated agricultural support services to farmers to help build resilience against climate and disaster risks.”

The projects also include capacity-building initiatives for the Nepal Electricity Authority and the Water Users Association to promote innovative solutions and strengthen institutional systems for the effective management and sustainability of infrastructure.

The Covid-19 pandemic has significantly transformed children’s social and family behavior in Nepal. They have become deeply engrossed in the digital world, prioritizing screen time over reading and writing. Their interest in spending time with family members, attending social gatherings, or participating in outdoor activities has noticeably declined.

Shifting interests and social behavior

Before the pandemic, children eagerly insisted on visiting fun parks, movies, and new places, making it challenging for parents to keep them at home. School-organized educational tours and picnics were filled with laughter, jokes, songs, and games, strengthening their bond with teachers and friends. However, in the post-Covid era, children have shifted their attention to personal gadgets. Instead of engaging in group activities, they form small interest-based groups and spend time playing online games. They show little interest in attending social events, preferring isolation over interaction. Even when encouraged to join group activities, they participate briefly and then withdraw.

Their eating habits have also changed—healthy food is often ignored in favor of junk food. Moreover, children have become more secretive about their activities and are reluctant to share experiences with teachers. This increasing detachment from group interactions has led to a decline in their ability to engage in social and extracurricular activities.

Changing attitudes towards guests and gatherings

Before the pandemic, children enjoyed having guests at home. They looked forward to receiving chocolates, gifts, and delicious food. They eagerly shared personal stories about their studies, friends, and school experiences. Additionally, when parents were away, children would often request guests to stay longer to avoid study-related restrictions.

However, post-Covid, children exhibit discomfort and irritation when guests visit. They see social gatherings as an intrusion into their private space and show minimal interest in engaging with guests. Greetings are often brief, and they fail to show appreciation for gifts. They avoid eye contact, give short responses, and quickly retreat to their rooms. The warmth and excitement of welcoming guests have been replaced by a desire for solitude.

Furthermore, children are increasingly protective of their private space. They dislike family members entering their rooms and hesitate to share what they are watching on their devices, fearing objections from parents. They prefer following their self-made schedules rather than those set by their parents. Their private room and gadgets have become their entire world.

Decline in outdoor activities and social interaction

The shift from outdoor play to indoor screen time is evident. Before Covid-19, children would insist on visiting parks, and their presence in community playgrounds was vibrant. This outdoor play significantly contributed to their physical, social, and psychological well-being. The playground was their real world.

Now, the parks and playgrounds are noticeably quieter. Children no longer push their parents to take them out; instead, they engage in digital activities within the confines of their rooms. Singing, dancing, and playing have been confined to the virtual space, reducing real-world social interactions.

Parents’ perception and household changes

Parents frequently complain that their children spend excessive time on gadgets but paradoxically feel relieved that they are not wasting time outside or engaging in conflicts with peers. Some even take pride in the fact that their children do not attend unnecessary parties or spend time with guests. The household has become quieter, with children withdrawing from family spaces like the kitchen and living room to spend more time in their private rooms. While this peaceful environment may seem beneficial, it raises concerns about children’s social development and emotional well-being.

The way forward

To address these challenges, parents must lead by example. Reducing their own gadget use in front of children is crucial. A well-balanced family schedule should be created, ensuring that screen time is limited, and interactive family moments are prioritized. Discussions on the advantages and disadvantages of digital devices should be openly conducted at home, school, and within the curriculum.

While we cannot entirely separate children from the digital world, we can integrate social norms and values into their digital experiences. Schools and parents must collaboratively design engaging schedules that cater to children’s interests while reinforcing moral education, family values, and the significance of travel and real-world experiences. By finding a balance between digital engagement and traditional values, we can help children develop into well-rounded individuals who appreciate both technology and social connections.

My journey with sharbat began on a bright day in a television studio. During an interview on Nepal Television, the discussion touched many topics, but my heart kept returning to one subject—our humble, refreshing, and deeply traditional drink: sharbat. It was then I realized this drink is more than a thirst-quencher. It’s a symbol of our identity and a reflection of our heritage. 

The word ‘sharbat’ comes from the Arabic word sharba, meaning ‘a sip’ or ‘something to drink.’ Its roots trace back to ancient Persia and the Arab world, where it was more than a cool refreshment. It was believed to have healing powers. Scholars and traditional healers used ingredients like rose, lemon, cardamom, and fennel to prepare these sweet herbal drinks.

As it traveled across the Islamic world—from Baghdad to Cairo, and later into the Ottoman Empire and Mughal India—sharbat was refined and reinvented. In India, Emperor Babur famously had ice brought from the mountains of Kabul just to enjoy sharbat in the summer heat. Regional ingredients like bael fruit and raw mango gave rise to new variations like aam panna.

Sharbat eventually made its way into Nepali kitchens and local culture. Here, it evolved again—crafted from ingredients found in our own soil, like khudo (traditional sugarcane molasses) and native lemons such as kagati and sun kagati. Today, sharbat is part of many Nepali households, but it deserves a more honored place in our national identity.

Nepal is a land rich in natural beauty, biodiversity, and culture. But some of our simplest traditions remain underappreciated. Sharbat is one of them. In a world full of imported soft drinks that are unhealthy, expensive, and harmful to local economies, sharbat offers a refreshing and sustainable alternative.

It’s healthy, easy to make, and full of local flavors. It energizes and cools the body, thanks to its natural ingredients. The molasses (khudo) provides organic sweetness, while the fresh lemon juice adds a zesty boost of vitamin C—good for digestion and immunity.

And sharbat is versatile. You can serve it chilled at a roadside tea shop, mix it into a cocktail at a luxury hotel, or enjoy it with momo during family gatherings. It belongs everywhere.

Here is a basic recipe that anyone can make at home, in restaurants, or at events:

Ingredients:

• 1 liter of natural or spring water
• 2–3 tablespoons of khudo (sugarcane molasses)
• Juice of 3–4 kagati or sun kagati lemons
• Optional: A few crushed mint leaves or a dash of rose syrup

Instructions:

• Mix water and khudo until fully dissolved.
• Add freshly squeezed lemon juice.
• (Optional) Add mint or rose syrup for extra flavor.
• Chill in the fridge or serve over ice.

This is more than just a recipe—it’s a taste of Nepal’s soil and spirit.

On that day at Nepal Television, I found myself passionately speaking about why sharbat should be served in every embassy, hotel, and street corner in the country. Imagine welcoming foreign guests at international conferences with a glass of chilled sharbat. Picture tourists arriving at resorts in Chitwan or trekking lodges in the Himalayas, greeted with this simple, delightful drink. What better way to share a piece of our culture?

With rising health concerns around sugary sodas and energy drinks, Nepali sharbat stands out as a natural and nutritious alternative. It hydrates, refreshes, and nourishes. It’s free from chemicals and full of the natural goodness of local lemons and molasses.

Sharbat can be enjoyed any time of day. It doesn’t spike blood sugar the way sodas do. And because it uses ingredients found across Nepal, it supports a healthy lifestyle while also supporting local farmers.

Promoting sharbat means investing in Nepal’s local economy. If more people start using khudo, it increases demand for locally grown sugarcane. If restaurants and hotels serve lemon-based sharbat, it helps citrus farmers. If street vendors sell sharbat, they gain income while sharing local flavors with visitors.

More than that, it’s about pride. In a globalized world dominated by multinational brands, serving sharbat is a way of saying: ‘This is who we are.’ It’s our version of Japan’s matcha tea, India’s lassi, or Qatar’s lemon-mint. It’s uniquely Nepali.

During the FIFA World Cup in Qatar, I was part of the culinary team that helped upgrade the Qatar Airways inflight menu. One of the highlights was introducing the Qatari drink ‘lemon mint’—simple, refreshing, and rooted in identity. That moment made me think: why shouldn’t Nepal have its own national drink?

We already do. It’s in our homes, our farms, and our traditions. It’s called sarbat—our version of sharbat.

This is more than a campaign for a drink. It’s a campaign for national pride, health, and economic empowerment. I urge families, restaurants, tourism operators, and government officials to make sharbat part of everyday life.

Let’s serve it at international events. Let’s include it on hotel menus. Let’s encourage farmers to grow more lemons and sugarcane. Let’s support local producers of khudo. Let’s inspire young entrepreneurs to bottle Nepali sharbat and sell it to the world.

Every glass of sharbat we serve is a step toward self-reliance. It’s a drink that quenches more than thirst—it speaks to our roots, our resilience, and our rich culture. It’s affordable, accessible, and full of potential.

The author is a London-based R&D chef

The meeting of Nepal-UK Parliamentary Friendship Group is scheduled to be held on May 26.

Group's Coordinator, also House of Representative member, Biraj Bhakta Shrestha shared that the meeting is going to be held at the hall of the International Relations and Tourism Committee in Singha Durbar.

The meeting aims to further bolster the historical ties between Nepal and the UK as well as to expand mutual cooperation and support among the parliamentarians of the two countries, Shrestha said.

The Nepal side group includes parliamentarians --Bimalendra Nidhi, Sushila Thing, Bhagawati Neupane, Suhang Nemwang, Madhav Sapkota, Pashupati Shumsher JBR and Dr Chandrakath Raut. 

The parliament of Nepal has formed separate parliamentary groups with various parliaments across the world to expand the ties.

Nepal’s public debt increased by nearly Rs 200bn over the first 10 months of fiscal year 2024/25, reflecting the government’s growing reliance on borrowing to bridge its budget gap. According to the Public Debt Management Office (PDMO), the country’s total public debt rose by Rs 188.3bn during the 10-month period to Rs 2,622bn by mid-May. Such borrowing was at Rs 2,434bn in mid-July last year when the fiscal year began. Total public debt has reached 42.94 percent of the country’s gross domestic product (GDP). The PDMO raises domestic debts using instruments like treasury bills, development bonds, citizen savings bonds and foreign employment savings bonds.

Of the total debt, 51.69 percent is foreign debt, while 48.31 percent was borrowed from domestic sources. The continued rise in borrowing is largely attributed to the government’s failure to meet revenue targets. With lower-than-expected revenue collection and limited grant inflows, the government has increasingly turned to public debt to finance its spending. The country’s budget deficit rose to Rs 209.12bn in the review period. Data from the Financial Comptroller General’s Office (FCGO) shows total government expenditure in 10 months stood at Rs 1,164.04bn, while total revenue amounted to Rs 954.92bn only.

The government’s projected total spending in the current fiscal year is Rs 1,860trn, while it has set a target to raise Rs 1,419trn in revenue and Rs 52bn in grants. The remainder was expected to be covered by borrowing. However, revenue collection has fallen short, and grants are unlikely to meet even half the target, leaving borrowing as the only viable option before the government.

Through the budget for the current fiscal year, the government has set a borrowing target of Rs 547bn—Rs 217bn from foreign sources and Rs 330bn from domestic markets. By mid-May, the government had raised Rs 390.83bn, or 71.45 percent of the target. This includes Rs 301.14bn in domestic debt and Rs 89.68bn in foreign debt. The government has already met 91.25 percent of its domestic borrowing target. However, it has been able to raise only 41.33 percent of the targeted foreign debt. Total debt declined in the 10th month (mid-April to mid-May) by Rs 44.86bn compared to the previous month mainly due to principal repayments by the government.

The Government of Ireland has announced over $545,000 in funding to support civil society initiatives in Nepal. The announcement was made by Irish Ambassador to Nepal, Kevin Kelly, during a visit to Kathmandu as part of a broader European Union (EU) diplomatic mission involving 21 ambassadors and representatives from EU member states.

The funding will be provided through Irish Aid’s Civil Society Fund, which supports Ireland’s international development efforts. The initiative falls under a wider $8.6m grant allocation announced by Ireland’s Minister of State for International Development and Diaspora, Neale Richmond TD. Ten Irish NGOs will benefit from this funding, with two organizations implementing programs in Nepal.

Ambassador Kelly emphasized that the funding reflects Ireland’s commitment to inclusive, community-led development and its support for strengthening Nepal’s civil society.

Nepal have for the first time secured a berth at the Global Qualifiers of ICC Women’s T20 World Cup.

Nepal secured the place by defeating the United Arab Emirates (UAE) by five wickets.

Nepal climbed to this position by securing the top two berths of Super 3.

Now, Nepal will play in the Women's T20 World Cup Global Qualifier this year.

A total of 10 teams, including Nepal, will participate in the Global Qualifiers.

The top four teams in that competition will play in the ICC Women's T20 World Cup cricket tournament in England in 2026.

In the match played at the Terdthai Cricket Ground in Thailand today, UAE, batting first after losing the toss, scored 114 runs while losing seven wickets in the allotted 20 overs.

Nepal achieved the target of 115 runs in 19.3 overs at the loss of five wickets. Captain Indu Barma scored an unbeaten 30 runs for Nepal. Similarly, Rubina Chhetri scored 23 runs, Samjhana Khadka made 21 runs, Puja Mahto contributed 13 runs and Ruby Podar scored an unbeaten six runs.

Michel Both, Suraksha Kote, Vaishnavi Mahesh, and captain Esha Oza took one wicket each for the UAE.

Before this, captain Isha Oja contributed the highest 39 runs to the total score of 114 runs for THE UAE. Similarly, Tirth Sathish scored 21 runs, Heena Hotachandani scored 20 runs, and Labhnya Keni scored 12 runs.

Manisha Upadhyaya took four wickets for Nepal. Similarly, Kavita Kunwar and Rajmati Airi claimed two wickets and one wicket respectively.

Meanwhile, in the first match of the Super 3, Thailand secured their spot in the Global Qualifiers by defeating the UAE by 54 runs. Now, Nepal will play their final match of the Super 3 against Thailand on Tuesday.

Minister for Physical Infrastructure and Transport Devendra Dahal has urged South Korean investors to invest in Nepal's rail service development and expansion with full confidence.

At a meeting with the representatives of South Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL) on Tuesday, Minister Dahal asked the South Korean delegation for their investment in Nepal's rail service adding that development of railway was also a key priority of the Nepal government.

Dahal asked the South Korean team to carry out study and research to expand rail service considering the religious, cultural and tourist destinations in Nepal. 

He argued that Nepal was creating an investment climate for rail service expansion and stated that the modalities for investment could be discussed too. 

Ministry's Secretary Keshab Kumar Sharma said that e-rail expansion could be useful in Nepal given immense potential for hydropower production. 

Likewise, CEO of Investment Board Sushil Gyawali said a task force comprising experts from both countries would be formed within some days and different modalities for the development and expansion of railway would be studied.

CEO of Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL) Han Moon Hee shared about his company's 126-year-long history and experiences in railway development and expressed readiness to execute assignments for the same in Nepal too. 

Nepal is stuck in a dangerous cycle. Corruption is increasing, and the gap between the rich and the poor is getting wider every day. Many people have lost trust in the government because they feel ignored, cheated and left behind. Even though Nepal has become a democracy and given more power to local governments, real control still lies with a small group of wealthy and powerful people. Most citizens, especially the poor and those living in rural areas, continue to struggle just to survive.

Corruption is present at every level—national, provincial, and local. Money meant for important services like schools, hospitals and roads often disappears due to theft, misuse or waste. Politicians and officials make big promises, but many development projects are only started to make money for themselves and their friends. Budgets are often made larger than needed, so that extra money can be secretly siphoned off. Contracts for construction are not always given to the most qualified companies, but to those with political connections. This leads to weak, unsafe buildings or projects that are never finished.

Even when work begins, a large amount of money is lost before it reaches the people. It is believed that only about 35 percent of the capital budget is used properly. Corrupt politicians, dishonest contractors and some government employees devour the rest. Because of this, roads break apart within months, schools lack basic furniture and qualified teachers, and hospitals do not have enough doctors, medicine or even potable water.

This situation hurts poor people the most. Many laborers working on these projects are paid very low wages—and sometimes, they are not paid at all. Their problems are ignored, and they have no real way to raise their demands or seek justice. Meanwhile, rich people keep gaining more power by using their money to influence politics and business. This unfair system keeps poor people stuck in poverty and gives the rich even more control over the country’s future.

Another big problem is how government jobs are given. Instead of hiring people based on education, skills or experience, jobs often go to relatives, friends or political supporters. This means that many important offices are run by people who are not qualified for the jobs at hand. As a result, government services become slow, unfair and ineffective. Honest and capable people are often pushed aside, which creates frustration among the youth. Many young people lose hope in the system and choose to leave the country to find better opportunities abroad. This “brain drain” is a big loss for Nepal, as it loses skilled and educated workers, who could have helped develop the country.

Even the institutions that are supposed to fight corruption are failing. Organizations like the anti-corruption commission and other watchdogs are often under the grip of powerful leaders. They are not truly independent, and they rarely investigate or punish those in high positions. When corrupt leaders go unpunished, it sends a message that stealing public money is acceptable. This creates a culture where corruption becomes normal and expected.

The seriousness of this problem can be seen in the numbers. According to OXFAM, Nepal’s Gini coefficient—which measures income inequality—rose from 0.49 in 2010-11 to 0.58 in 2019. This shows that the gap between the rich and the poor is growing quickly. Another number, the Palma Ratio, shows that the top 10 percent of the population earns three times more income than the bottom 40 percent. This level of inequality is dangerous for any country.

Inequality is not just about income. It also affects access to good education, healthcare, housing, justice and job opportunities. Poor families cannot afford to send their children to private schools or pay for treatment at private hospitals. The legal system is slow and expensive, and poor people often cannot afford lawyers or do not have the connections needed to get justice. Over time, this creates anger, hopelessness and frustration, especially among young people, who feel their future has been stolen.

When people believe that the system is unfair and corrupt, they stop trusting democracy. They stop voting, stop getting involved and stop believing that change is possible. This weakens society as a whole.

Corruption also hurts Nepal’s economy. Investors, both local and foreign, are unwilling to put their money into a country where bribes are expected and laws are not enforced. Small businesses—which create most of the jobs—cannot survive if they are constantly blocked through unfair rules, heavy taxes or competition from companies that enjoy political protection. As a result, unemployment increases, and more and more young people leave the country to find work abroad.

If this situation continues, Nepal is most likely to face serious problems in the future. Poverty may rise, social unrest could grow and public services may collapse. Protests and instability could become more common, and more people could lose hope in the idea of a better future.

Solving this problem is not easy. Passing new laws alone is not enough. Real change needs to happen in how the system works and how leaders think. Government offices must be honest and open about how they spend money. Public jobs should be given to people based on their skills, not their political connections. More importantly, citizens need to be able to ask questions, demand answers and take part in decision-making.

The media, civil society and youth movements can play an important role in the fight against corruption. Educating young people about honesty, fairness and responsibility can help build a new generation that refuses to accept corruption as normal. Technology can also help by making government systems digital and easy to track, so that money is not stolen as easily.

In conclusion, corruption in Nepal is not just one problem. It is the root cause of many other problems, including poverty, poor public services, slow development and a weak democracy. If we don’t take it seriously, the rich will keep getting richer, the poor will suffer more and Nepal will fall even further behind. The country needs honest leaders, strong institutions and active citizens who work together to build a fairer and more hopeful future.

An international conference on snow leopard conservation, convened in Nepal recently, brought together experts, academicians, researchers, and policymakers from the 12 snow leopard range countries to strengthen scientific collaboration and conservation efforts. The conference focused on cross-border coordination and knowledge exchange to ensure the long-term survival of the snow leopard.

Current population estimation by Global Snow Leopard & Ecosystem Protection Program (GSLEP) shows there are 4,000 to 6,500 snow leopards globally. China has the highest number of snow leopard population with an estimate of 2,000-2,500. There are between 100–200 individuals in Afghanistan and Bhutan, 718 in India, 100–110 in Kazakhstan, 150–500 in Kyrgyzstan, 127 in Mongolia, 200–420 in Pakistan, 70–90 in Russia, 180–220 in Tajikistan and 20–50 in Uzbekistan. The species is currently listed as ‘Vulnerable’ on the IUCN Red List category.

However, habitat fragmentation, climate change, human-wildlife conflict, illegal trade and linear infrastructure development have emerged as growing threats to the survival of these species in the range countries. During the three-day conference—jointly organized by Peking University, National Trust for Nature Conservation (NTNC), Tencent Foundation and the Shan Shui Conservation Center—participants shared national efforts, scientific findings and regional challenges. The conference concluded with the adoption of the six-points ‘Kathmandu resolution on collaboration for snow leopard conservation’ that focuses on community-based conservation, transboundary cooperation, climate change mitigation, conflict resolution, feral dog threats, disease control and technology transfer.

GSLEP has aimed to secure at least 24 snow leopard landscapes across its range. The Snow leopard landscape is defined as an area with at least 100 breeding age snow leopards supported by connectivity and adequate prey populations. Nepal has three out of the 24 snow leopard landscapes- Eastern, Central and the Western landscape.

There are many actions that can be taken in snow leopard conservation on a regional scale. By strengthening trans boundary collaboration and habitat connectivity can secure the snow leopard habitat. It will also help to know the behavior and moment status of this range species. Sharing the data and creating a common data sharing platform will help to know more about this species in the high mountain. During the conference, participants urged to develop a policy recommendation for wildlife friendly border management practices and trans boundary peace parks. If the range countries’ governments agree on it, this will be a giant leap not only in snow leopard conservation with the whole wildlife species.

Engaging local people in conservation can help to secure the wildlife habitat. For example, Other effective area based conservation measures (OECMs) declaration can be a way to engage the local people in conservation thereby engaging locals in wildlife monitoring, citizen scientists methods, partnership and regular patrolling activities. Creating OECMs can be a new practice. As we are in the brink of a climate crisis, vulnerability assessment is a key indicator to know the habitat status so that resilient habitat can be protected. One of the best measures is to promote the use of technologies. Technology advancement and data sharing will help to manage the population and ecosystem habitats.  Creating a foraging habitat for prey species and rangeland management can increase the prey species’ ungulates population which can help to reduce the livestock predation.

As discussed in the snow leopard conference, we need to address the issue of habitat fragmentation due to climate change, illegal trade, human-wildlife conflict, and infrastructure development. Cross-border cooperation is also another factor to be addressed as many snow leopard habitats span national boundaries.

Nepal's recent snow leopard survey has estimated 397 snow leopards which is about 10 percent of the global population. The survey is based on using the camera trapping, genetic analysis, spatial monitoring, use of citizen scientists and other advanced technologies and modelling. The population density is estimated at 1.56 individuals per 100 sq. km.

However there are still challenges as 42 percent of snow leopard habitats lie outside of protected areas where habitat fragmentation, human-wildlife conflict, and poaching. Around 60 percent of Nepal’s snow leopard population is found in the western region. However, due to climate change and habitat degradation, approximately 40 percent of its habitat has been lost. To address these issues, Nepal has made a six year Snow Leopard Conservation Action Plan 2024–2030 to strengthen conservation efforts and ensure long-term survival. The action plan envisions a budget of $14.24m but securing the fund is challenging in the present context.

Lastly, Snow leopards do not have their borders and their habitat should be protected beyond the political habitat to ensure their survival. Science must remain neutral and collaborative in the midst of political tensions between the range countries these days. Conservation is a result of long-term commitment so, saving the snow leopard is not only about conservation, it is about saving the souls of the Himalaya and High Mountain.