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A few months ago, a shocking incident unfolded in Balkot. A seemingly ordinary family was devastated when Milan Acharya murdered his father and brother in their sleep. He later admitted to the killings, attributing his action to stress and depression. Acharya claimed he did it to “free them,” revealing a deeply troubled state of mind.

Some months later, Lila Raj Giri murdered his seven-year-old daughter and five-year-old nephew in Bharatpur. He attacked the two children with a sickle before turning the weapon on himself. Giri was found in a critical condition and rushed to the hospital. A former soldier, authorities suspect Giri committed the murder due to a mental health crisis.

Similar tragedies continue to emerge across the country. In one recent case, a woman named Durbi from Morang district died after her husband, Babudhan Satar, attacked her in a domestic dispute. A neighbor who tried to intervene was also injured.
Not long after, Rajendra Rai murdered his wife Manisha and her four family members at Dhodlekhani village of Bhojpur. The incident followed months of conflict between Rai and his in-laws, who didn’t approve of marriage between him and their daughter. 

The above- mentioned cases are not random or isolated. In recent months, Nepal has witnessed a disturbing rise in violent crimes committed within families. These chilling cases reveal more than just crime; they point toward a larger, more complex social and psychological crisis.

As Lawrence R Samuel notes in The Psychology of Murder: “The taking of another person’s life was often the outcome of a strong emotion linked to a particular event and a close relationship.” Mental health struggles, unresolved conflicts, societal pressure, caste discrimination, and a lack of support systems may all be contributing factors. Yet the big question remains: Why are people committing these acts—and why do they seem unafraid of the legal consequences?

Is it a failure of the legal system? Or are we neglecting the mental health crisis quietly growing inside homes? The normalization—or even the increasing frequency—of such domestic tragedies demands more than just punishment.

Looking in the traditional Nepali society, it places a strong emphasis on family honor, obedience to elders, rigid gender roles, and social hierarchy. While these norms have historically maintained social cohesion, they often suppress individual emotions and discourage open conversations about mental health. The stigma around seeking help—especially for men or those facing emotional distress—can lead to bottled-up anger, isolation, and unresolved conflict within families. In cases where individuals challenge these norms (such as through love marriages or defying parental authority), tensions can escalate, sometimes with tragic consequences.

Psychiatrist Dr Rika Rijal explains, “In psychiatry, extreme domestic violence within families often emerges from severe depression with psychotic features, psychotic illnesses, unresolved trauma, or overwhelming stress. Individuals in such states may not perceive reality accurately. They might experience overwhelming guilt, or distorted beliefs that drive them toward harming loved ones.” Emotional isolation, personality issues, or long-standing family tensions can further compound the risk.

According to Dr Rijal, depression is not always quiet sadness— it can appear as anger, agitation, and irritability. “In some cases, unresolved trauma or feelings of helplessness may become so unbearable that the person externalizes their inner turmoil in destructive ways.” 

Within homes, this can tragically manifest as violence against family members—those closest and most vulnerable.

In the case of Acharya, the statement to “free” his family reflects a possible altruistic delusion, says Dr Rijal. “In such a state, the person falsely believes they are protecting loved ones. Sometimes, individuals extend their suicidal ideation outward, thinking that death is a form of relief not just for themselves but also for their family.” 

Such a thought process does not arise from cruelty but from a profoundly disordered perception of reality. Psychiatrists suggest that families and communities may also help and examine them carefully. There are different warning signs that includes withdrawal and social isolation, expressions of hopelessness or being a burden, sudden aggression, irritability, or erratic behaviour, talking about “ending suffering” or showing preoccupation with death, noticeable decline in daily functioning, such as neglecting hygiene, school, or work, use of substance etc. Recognizing these signs early can provide families and communities with a chance to intervene before crises escalate.

Nepal does have mental health resources, though they remain limited and underutilized. While psychiatric services at any hospital and NGOs like Transcultural Psychosocial Organization (TPO), KOSHISH, and CMC Nepal offer community-based psychosocial support, they are not widely accessible to those in need.

Dr Rijal says, stigma around mental illness, lack of mental health literacy, and geographical barriers prevent many at-risk individuals from accessing these services. She stresses strengthening community awareness and creating accessible mental health support could prevent such tragedies in the future.

According to Nepal Police, property and financial disputes, such as the division of family property or disagreements over land ownership, often spark deep-rooted tensions within households. These conflicts can escalate into family feuds, leading to strained relationships between spouses and even incidents of domestic violence. Officials say that in many cases, individuals involved may suffer from mental health issues like depression or more severe conditions such as psychosis, which further complicate the situation. 

Additionally, societal pressures—especially the emphasis on family honor—can intensify these challenges, with love affairs or inter-caste marriages often viewed as a threat to social respect. The situation is frequently worsened by the use of drugs and alcohol, which can fuel aggressive behavior and impair judgment, making peaceful resolution even more difficult. Lack of education and awareness also lead to these incidents and violence against women and dowry are some of the reasons behind these.

The federal capital looks like the protest capital of Nepal, with protests of all sorts becoming a part and parcel of daily life. Just months after teachers and non-teaching staff of government schools launched a strident protest for the fulfillment of their ‘just demands’, teachers and principals of private schools have started hitting the streets of Kathmandu with their own set of demands.

The latest protest at Maitighar Mandala comes at a time when the Education, Health and Technology Committee of the House of Representatives is about to pass a Bill on school education.

Unveiling a phasewise protest, the protesters have warned that they will intensify their protest by shutting schools from Aug 25 if the government does not address their demands by then. So, what’s getting the protesters’ goat and pushing them onto the streets of Kathmandu from the classroom? Among the five points of objection, first and foremost is the bill’s intent to make private schools registered under the Company Act ‘nonprofit-oriented’. The removal of provisions on ‘full scholarship (the schools want to distribute scholarships on their own, but are okay with a transparent committee formed with the representation of concerned municipality/rural municipality distributing freeships), the end of the practice of schools supplying things not produced by them (uniform, educational materials, food, etc) and the removal of the rule allowing only students of community schools to enrol in CTEVT courses are among their major demands.

Apparently, the protesters have the backing of ‘umbrella organizations’ of schools such as PABSON, N-PABSON and HISSAN. In the wake of the recent protest, it will be worthwhile, once again, to revisit the preamble of our Constitution, which defines Nepal as an independent, indivisible, sovereign, secular, inclusive, democratic, socialism-oriented, federal democratic republican state.

The Bill may be one more half-hearted attempt of the government to gear toward socialism even as socialism remains an alien concept in different walks of our national life, including education. While the government should better regulate private educational institutions and try every bit to make education affordable for all by reigning in exorbitant fees and other charges (remember, right to education is a fundamental right), and make sure that only deserving candidates get freeships, robbing private schools of sources of profit may bleed them dry, causing the education system to collapse.

In the interest of students, parents and the society at large, the government and the protesters would do well to strive for a negotiated settlement. 

Nepal are taking on Pakistan in the Top End T20 Series underway in Northern Territory of Australia. 

In the final match of the group stage under the series, Nepal and Pakistan are set to compete today. 

The match will begin at 3:15 pm Nepali time. 

Nepal are in seventh place in the score board among the 11 teams participating in the series. 

Nepali team is under pressure to win today's match to qualify for the semifinals. 

As South Asia experiences a multifaceted regional rebalancing, the Indo-Nepal bilateral relationship keeps developing on the twin principles of economic interdependence, physical connectivity infrastructure, and strategic diplomacy. Trade and energy to border management and transit routes, the latest developments in 2025 represent a renewed vigour of engagement between the two neighbours—united not only geographically, but through history and people-to-people ties.

A deep trade partnership 

India continues to be Nepal's biggest trade partner by a wide margin, with more than 64% of Nepal's foreign trade volume. Based on the data of the Embassy of Nepal in New Delhi, bilateral trade reached Rs 1.13 trillion during FY 2022–23. Nepal exported products worth Rs 106.69 billion and imported more than Rs 1.02 trillion from India.

Nepal's major exports to India are refined palm oil, soybean oil, cardamom, carpets, iron and steel, and polyester yarn. Such commodities—some of which are manufactured under inward processing arrangements—have duty-free entry into Indian markets under currently prevailing bilateral agreements, subject to meeting prescribed value-addition norms.

On the import front, Nepal is heavily reliant on Indian petroleum products, vehicles, machinery, medicines, and food grains. The trade deficit is appalling, but Nepal is making efforts to diversify its export basket, with more focus on electricity exports, herbal products, and processed agro-forestry products.

Infrastructure and connectivity as catalysts

Trade facilitation has also been boosted immensely by cross-border infrastructure. Two Integrated Check Posts—ICP Raxaul from the Indian side and ICP Birgunj in Nepal—collectively process more than 50% of total bilateral trade volume, as reported by Nepal's Customs Department.

Additionally, strategic road and rail connectivity continues to be expanded:

Jaynagar–Kurtha railway is in operation, with additional extension to Bardibas underway.

Raxaul–Kathmandu and Jogbani–Biratnagar railway projects are in advanced planning stages.

The Gorakhpur Link Expressway, which opened in June 2025, brings travel time from Lucknow to the Nepal border down to 3.5 hours, benefiting border trade and tourism straightaway.

A historic connectivity project—the Motihari–Amlekhganj petroleum pipeline—has already changed the petroleum product supply chain. In operation since 2019, it exports more than 2 million tons of fuel every year and minimizes transport costs and losses substantially.

Energy: From impirt dependence to regional exporter

One of the most notable developments this year is the coming out of Nepal as a power exporter. Nepal, in June 2025, started exporting 40 MW of power to Bangladesh via India's transmission network—South Asia's first tri-national energy transit project.

This comes after India's endorsement of Nepal's export of more than 450 MW of power, mainly from hydropower projects, to Indian states like Bihar. A 2024 long-term energy deal obliges India to buy a maximum of 10,000 MW of power from Nepal within a decade—an ambitious but possible target considering Nepal's unreleased hydropower potential.

In February 2025, Indian Oil Corporation inked an agreement to export liquefied natural gas (LNG) to Nepal, a first in cross-border energy collaboration. The initial quantum will be small—240 tons a year—but the strategic value is significant.

Diplomacy and strategic engagement 

Diplomatic interaction between the two countries has picked up in recent months. India's Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri travelled to Kathmandu in August 2025 for top-level discussions with Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, setting the stage for a state visit to India in September.

In parallel, home secretary-level talks during July concentrated on border safety, preventing trans-border crime, and coordinating responses to disaster—all high-priority areas for two nations with a penetrable and open 1,770 km shared border.

India has continued to prioritize its "Neighbourhood First" strategy, and Nepal has, in turn, reaffirmed greater cooperation across domains.

Historical foundations contemporary relevance 

India–Nepal relations are supported by official treaties—the 1950 Treaty of Peace and Friendship, the Treaty of Trade, and the Treaty of Transit. These have ensured institutional continuity, but both sides realized that they need to update their framework to accommodate changing economic and geopolitical compulsions.

There are occasional political tensions, but the structural foundations are stable. The economic path is one of the increased integration, particularly in the energy and infrastructure sectors. Cultural ties, religious bonds, and the open border access continue to underpin rich people-to-people relationships, especially in border communities.

Conclusion

As the globe leans towards regionalism and economic blocs, India and Nepal are heading towards a more pragmatic and fruitful era of bilateral engagement. Diversification of trade, energy dependence, and high-level diplomacy indicate that 2025 could be a watershed year—one that converts geographic proximity into strategic partnership.

Whether or not potential is actualized will rest on sustained mutual respect, open coordination, and shared vision towards sustainable development.

Jagathkrishna Yadav, journalism student, Dr B.R Ambedkar Open University, Hyderabad

The Nepal Overseas Export Import Association has demanded diplomatic initiatives and infrastructure arrangements to open other border points to facilitate land trade with China. The association has demanded the opening of other border points as the two northern border points, Suwagadhi and Tatopani, are closed every year during the rainy season due to floods and landslides.

The movement of people and goods through the Rasuwagadhi border point has come to a standstill after the flood on the night of June 10 washed away the Miteri Bridge connecting Nepal and China. The Tatopani border point in Sindhupalchowk has also been blocked for two weeks due to floods and landslides. Hundreds of containers and trucks carrying goods imported for Nepal have been stranded on the road due to the sudden closure of the border point due to natural disasters. Due to which businessmen have been forced to bear heavy expenses.

Since it is necessary to open other border crossings to facilitate import and export with China, the association has urged the government to make those border crossings operational through diplomatic initiatives and to arrange infrastructure at other alternative border crossings. The Development Committee of the Legislative Assembly had suggested that Korala and Olangchun Gola border crossings be made operational after studying the condition of the northern border crossings in 2015. High-ranking officials of the Nepal and Chinese governments had agreed to open seven northern border crossings during bilateral discussions a decade ago.

These border crossings included Tatopani, Korala in Mustang, Kimathanka in Sankhuwasabha, Lamabagar in Dolakha, Olangchun Gola in Taplejung, Amjapas in Mugu, Yari Hilsa in Humla, and Larke in Gorkha. However, so far, other border crossings except Rasuwagadhi and Tatopani have not been opened for commercial purposes.

Korala border crossing is in a condition to be operational for 12 months. Infrastructure is also ready at the Korala border crossing towards China. The road has also reached Korala on the Nepal side. Studies have shown that trade between the two countries can also be conducted through the Olangchun Gola border crossing in Taplejung. The association has drawn the attention of the government to open these border crossings for trade purposes as soon as possible and to create an environment for other border crossings that are suitable for trade.

China is Nepal’s second largest partner in import trade. Data shows that trade with China has been shifting towards the northern border crossings with the recent development of infrastructure.

Nepal received foreign investment commitments worth Rs 24.10bn the first month of the current fiscal year. According to the Department of Industry, foreign investment commitments were received for 127 projects in August. The commitments received during the month are 163 percent higher than in the same period of the previous fiscal year when foreign investors had committed to invest Rs 9.15bn in 90 projects.

Monthly foreign direct investment approval data released by the department shows the total commitments have been made for 125 small-scale industries and two large-scale projects. Sectorwise, the agriculture sector received the highest investment in terms of value. The sector attracted investment of Rs 20.04bn, or 83 percent of the total investment commitments for the month, for just three projects.

The tourism sector came next, with 41 projects drawing Rs 3.02bn, or 13 percent of total commitments. In terms of project numbers, the ICT sector saw the highest interest, attracting 71 projects with total commitments of Rs 365.2m. The manufacturing sector received investment commitments of Rs 155m across three projects. One energy project secured Rs 184.2m in commitments. Similarly, eight projects in the service sector attracted Rs 335m in investment pledges.

These ventures have pledged to create 8,268 new jobs. Additionally, eight projects involving share purchases and subscriptions attracted Rs 1.99bn in commitments. The department also recorded five technology transfer agreements during the month. Meanwhile, foreign investors repatriated Rs 2.90bn as dividends in the first month of 2025/26, up from Rs 64m in the same period of the previous fiscal year. 

In 2024/25, Nepal received a total foreign investment commitment of Rs 64.96bn for 840 projects. These projects pledged to create 19,536 new jobs.  However, only about a third of the total commitments are actually realized. According to Nepal Rastra Bank (NRB), only 37.89 percent of the total FDI pledged over the past decade was realized. Nepal received total FDI commitments worth Rs 395.92bn between 2014/15 and 2023/24. Of this, only Rs 126.29bn translated into actual investment.

On Aug 18, WTO Director-General Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala received Nepal’s instrument of acceptance of the Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies from Nepal’s WTO Ambassador Ram Prasad Subedi. Just three more acceptances are needed for the agreement to enter into force. 

DG Okonjo-Iweala said: “Only through collective action can we restore the health of our oceans—and curbing harmful fisheries subsidies is an important step to this end. I am deeply grateful to Nepal for its leadership as a landlocked least-developed country. With Nepal’s ratification, we are even closer to crossing the finish line in bringing the landmark Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies into force. Only three more acceptances to go!”

Ambassador Subedi said: “Nepal is very pleased to deposit its instrument of acceptance of the WTO Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies today, reaffirming our commitment to a rules-based multilateral trading system. As a landlocked country, we nonetheless share with other WTO members a responsibility to ensure the sustainable use of marine resources. We believe that healthy marine ecosystems are vital for food security, environmental sustainability and the livelihoods of millions of people around the world.”

Formal acceptances from two-thirds of WTO members are required for the agreement to enter into force—representing 111 members. At the WTO’s 12th Ministerial Conference (MC12) held in Geneva in June 2022, ministers adopted the Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies through consensus, setting new, binding, multilateral rules to curb harmful fisheries subsidies. The agreement prohibits subsidies for illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing, for fishing overfished stocks, and for fishing on the unregulated high seas.

Ministers also recognized the needs of developing economies and least-developed countries (LDCs) by establishing a fund to provide technical assistance and capacity-building to help governments that have formally accepted the agreement to implement the new obligations.

In early June, the Fish Fund launched a Call for Proposals inviting developing economies and LDCs that have ratified the agreement to submit requests for project grants aimed at helping them implement the Agreement. Applications are due by Oct 9. 

WTO members also agreed at MC12 to continue negotiating on remaining fisheries subsidies issues with the aim of finding consensus on additional provisions to further strengthen the disciplines on fisheries subsidies.

Five years after the deadly clashes in the Galwan Valley that severely strained ties, India and China now appear to be moving toward normalization of relations.

While the US President Donald Trump’s tariff war may have nudged the two Asian powers closer, the current thaw stems largely from sustained confidence-building measures and dialogue. For Kathmandu, cordial relations between India and China create a more favorable environment to engage constructively with both New Delhi and Beijing.

On both the Doklam and the Galwan clashes, Nepal consistently maintained that disputes should be resolved peacefully. Following the Galwan incident, Nepal stated: “In the context of recent developments in the Galwan Valley area between our friendly neighbors India and China, Nepal is confident that both the neighboring countries will resolve, in the spirit of good neighborliness, their mutual differences through peaceful means in favor of bilateral, regional and world peace and stability.”

Over the past year, multiple rounds of dialogue helped rebuild trust. Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi visited India on Aug 18–19, where discussions included the sensitive border question. Earlier, in July, Indian External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar traveled to Beijing.

India has long maintained that relations cannot return to normal unless border issues are addressed. In delegation-level talks, Jaishankar remarked: “Having seen a difficult period in our relationship, our two nations seek to move ahead. This requires a candid and constructive approach from both sides. Overall, it is our expectation that our discussions would contribute to building a stable, cooperative and forward-looking relationship between India and China, one that serves both our interests and addresses our concerns.”

On the global context, he added: “We seek a fair, balanced and multi-polar world order, including a multi-polar Asia. Reformed multilateralism is also the call of the day. In the current environment, there is clearly the imperative of maintaining and enhancing stability in the global economy as well.”

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, for his part, urged both sides to draw lessons from the past, cultivate a correct strategic outlook, and view each other as partners and opportunities rather than rivals or threats. He emphasized confidence-building, expanded cooperation and consolidating positive momentum. Pointing to the US, Wang warned that “unilateral bullying practices are on the rise, while free trade and the international order face severe challenges.”

This thaw in India-China ties comes at a time when New Delhi’s relations with Washington have soured after Trump imposed an additional 25 percent tariff on Indian goods, citing India’s continued imports of Russian oil. Meanwhile, China and the US have been locked in a trade and technology war since 2018.

According to Kathmandu-based geopolitical analyst Chandra Dev Bhatta, shifting global geopolitics has compelled both India and China to temporarily set aside differences. “Both countries now recognize each other as competing powers, not necessarily the binary rivals often portrayed in Western media,” he said. “The backdrop to these developments is important for countries like Nepal. For instance, the Trump administration’s tariff measures against India for its Russian oil imports came despite the fact that most major countries were doing the same, something that actually helped stabilize the global oil market, benefiting even Nepal.”

Bhatta added that India and China have long learned from each other, and countries in between stand to benefit if ties continue to improve. Closer relations could generate alternative ideas for development and global governance.

Still, he cautioned that states prioritize their own interests, especially in times of heightened geopolitics. “We too must focus on our own interests and prepare to navigate accordingly,” he said. “There’s an old saying: whether elephants fight or make love, it’s the grass that suffers. It may be old, but it remains relevant when external factors increasingly shape regional relations.”

For many people with disabilities, the everyday reality is filled with obstacles that remain invisible to most. Inaccessible roads, unreliable public transport, and poorly implemented laws create barriers that restrict opportunities, independence, and dignity. 

Take the story of Pustika Prajapati. She lost her vision after completing grade 12 due to corneal problems. “When I step outside, I walk carefully,” she explains. Her vision started deteriorating in grade 8, but she learned to adapt. “The roads have potholes and living in Bhaktapur is even hard because of the brick roads and gallis, but I have been managing till now,” she says.

Transportation and negotiating with city traffic, however, is another story. Zebra crossings are particularly dangerous because there is no voice system to assist. “Once, I asked a man to give me a reserved seat on the bus. He refused, and the conductor didn’t help either,” she recalls.

For Nar Bahadur Bista, a member of the Dwarf Association of Nepal, daily life comes with physical challenges that most people take for granted. Public transport, stairs, and even simple furniture like chairs or toilets are not designed for someone of his stature. “Getting on and off buses is difficult. Stairs, public toilets, chairs, and even kitchens are not made for people like me,” he says.

Hospital visits are also a challenge for Bista, as beds, counters, and chairs are not accessible.

These are not isolated cases. Across Nepal, inaccessible roads, vehicles, buildings, and services create an invisible prison for people with disabilities. These stories reveal the hidden cost of inaccessibility—lost education, lost jobs, and opportunities. 

Sugam Bhattarai, general secretary of the National Federation of the Disabled Nepal (NFDN) and a person living with macular degeneration—a condition that causes blurred or no vision in the central visual field—points out how poor infrastructure creates daily struggles. “Nepal’s roads are very bad,” he says. “They are too narrow for wheelchairs or four-wheeler scooters, and people are scared to use them on the main roads. Public infrastructure must be equipped with the latest accessibility features so that people with disabilities can move independently and with dignity.”

According to the Nepal Census 2021, 2.2 percent of Nepal’s population live with some form of disability. Among them, 2.5 percent are men and 2.0 percent are women. The prevalence of various types of disabilities is as follows: physical disabilities (36.75 percent), low vision (16.88 percent), blindness (5.37 percent), deafness (7.85 percent), hard of hearing (7.87 percent), combined deaf and blind (1.56 percent), speech impairment (6.36 percent), psycho-social disabilities (4.2 percent), intellectual disabilities (1.73 percent), hemophilia (0.75 percent), autism (0.75 percent), multiple disabilities (8.78 percent), and cases not specified (1.07 percent).

Globally, the World Health Organization estimates that excluding people with disabilities from education and employment can cost countries 3–7 percent of their GDP. In India, billions are lost annually because talented workers are sidelined. For Nepal, the cost of exclusion is staggering.

Binita Regmi, chairperson of National Association of the Physical Disabled (NAPD), says that a lot has changed within months as people have been aware, many people have been coordinating well.

For visually impaired persons like Prajapati, college presents another battlefield. “I study in a normal classroom, but the noise and disturbances make it hard to focus,” she says. “My friends say that I ask too many questions. I also need a writer for exams, but it’s hard to find one, and extra time isn’t provided.” 

She emphasizes the need for tactile pavements–designed with raised lines, domes, or other textured patterns to convey safety information to people who are blind, have low vision, or experience other visual impairments or guiding tiles, sound systems at crossings, and accessible educational materials—resources that are rarely available. 

“Laws exist, but they are not implemented. We have rights, but they are not enforced,” she says.

Nepal has legal frameworks intended to protect and empower persons with disabilities. The Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2017 mandates accessible public buildings, transport, and services. Building codes require ramps, accessible toilets, and inclusive designs.

Section 15 guarantees access to education, housing, workplaces, transportation, and electronic services for people with disabilities. It also states that disabled individuals have the right to move freely with the assistance of aides or devices of their choosing.

Section 12 of the 2020 Regulations on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities mandates a 50 percent discount on public transport fares and reserved seats for people with disabilities. The National Policy on Persons with Disabilities, 2023, further emphasizes that transportation must be accessible and disabled-friendly.

But implementation remains weak. An audit of government buildings in Kathmandu revealed steep ramps too narrow for wheelchairs, lifts without Braille buttons, and toilets lacking sufficient turning space.

Bista says dwarfism is simply grouped under disability without special consideration. “Rules and regulations are made without consulting us, so facilities fail to meet our needs,” he adds. 

Bista advocates for inclusive planning, where persons with dwarfism and other disabilities are consulted to create fair and functional solutions.

His case highlights that accessibility is not only a matter of physical infrastructure but also of thoughtful policy-making that considers the diversity of disability experiences. Without inclusive planning, even minor design decisions—like the height of a counter or step of a bus—can become insurmountable barriers.

Government and transport officials acknowledge the gaps. Bhupendra Aryal, CEO of Sajha Yatayat, says the company has 111 buses in operation and 65 of them are disability-friendly. He admits some buses still need to be replaced or reformed. “As a new CEO, I have received many complaints highlighting these issues. We have two types of buses—A and B grade—where disabled passengers can travel more freely, but they need to become more accessible and relevant. We are actively working to address these concerns,” he says.

Similarly, Saligram Poudel from the Ministry of Physical Infrastructure and Transport (MoPIT) says the ministry has been working with the concerned agencies to make public transport more disability-friendly. “A specific fleet of buses with proper facilities will be introduced soon to address these needs,” he says. Kamala Ghimire, under secretary at the Ministry of Women, Children and Senior Citizens (MoWCSC), acknowledges that accessibility remains a major challenge in Nepal due to poor infrastructure. She notes while about 2.2 percent of the population is living with disabilities, many of them are not visibly disabled, yet still face significant difficulties—particularly when using public buses. She stresses that traffic authorities, bus staff, and coordinators must ensure proper management of seats and respect the rights and regulations that guarantee accessibility for persons with disabilities.

Dharma Raj Bhandari, general secretary of Nepal Transport Workers’ Association, says they are actively trying to address the concerns of passengers with disabilities.  

“The Vehicle and Transport Management Act is in the process of being amended, and I believe that with proper planning and consultation with people with disabilities, we can create meaningful improvements,” he says.

Meanwhile, experts suggest a multi-pronged approach to improve accessibility. This includes strict enforcement of accessibility codes for all new buildings and public transport, as well as incentives for businesses that invest in inclusive infrastructure. They say low-cost smart solutions, such as portable ramps, voice-assisted apps, tactile paving, and audio announcements, can also make a significant difference.
Alongside these measures, community awareness campaigns are essential to reduce stigma and promote accessibility as a shared social responsibility.

Rame Dhakal from NAPD stresses the importance of awareness. “People need to be educated about the words they use. Many still use inappropriate or insensitive terms when referring to persons with disabilities,” he says. “The real change starts with an attitude change.”  

The China Foundation for Rural Development (CFRD) celebrated its 10th anniversary in Nepal by organizing a special event in Kathmandu on Monday.

The event was attended by the Ambassador of the People’s Republic of China to Nepal Chen Song, Executive Director of China Foundation for Rural Development Chen Hongtao, former ministers, leaders of major political parties, diplomats and several others. 

On the occasion, Chinese Ambassador Chen appreciated the CFRD’s contributions to Nepal’s rural development, education, and disaster relief.

He emphasized that the milestone celebration also reflects the enduring friendship between China and Nepal during the historic 70th year of diplomatic relations. 

He said “China is committed to continuing collaboration in sustainable development initiatives, humanitarian assistance, and community-focused programmes in Nepal, emphasizing the importance of mutual cooperation for long-term prosperity and shared development goals.”

Likewise, Executive Director of the CFRD Chen Hongtao said this celebration is about reaffirming our shared commitment to building a more inclusive and resilient future for rural communities in Nepal. Its commitment to integrating China’s poverty reduction experience with Nepal’s local development needs, continuing to foster sustainable growth and strengthen people-to-people ties between the two nations, he added. 

Similarly, Nanda Lal Majhi, the Vice-Chairperson of the Social Welfare Council of Nepal noted that CFRD’s initiatives in education, agriculture, and community development have not only provided immediate support but have also built long-term capacities within communities.

On the occasion, Kimtang's Tea Project from Nuwakot district; Khokana and Gotikhel villages of Lalitpur district signed separate agreements with three cooperatives from China's Sichuan Province on knowledge sharing and exchanges on agriculture. 

The signing agreement was witnessed by the Chinese Ambassador to Nepal, Chen Song, and former Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Affairs Minister Sujata Koirala, among others. 

It is said that the agreement is aimed at deepening agricultural cooperation and rural revitalization by linking Nepalese villages with successful Chinese cooperatives. The CFRD has been supporting Nepal's villages in sustainable rural development, advancing education, promoting livelihoods, and improving community well-being. 

During the event, a research publication documenting the CFRD’s decade-long journey in Nepal, recognition and appreciation of NGO partners, and exhibition stalls showcasing products made by women beneficiaries of the Women’s Occupational Support program and accomplishments of several comprehensive projects of CFRD in Nepal, according to the CFRD.  

The Country Director of CFRD Nepal Office Zou Zhiqiang, mayors and deputies of different local levels, representatives of the UN agencies in Nepal, and others also attended the event.

The fifth edition of the joint military exercise between the Nepali Army and the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) of China is scheduled to take place in Nepal from the first week of September.

The exercise, named Sagarmatha Friendship, will focus on counter-terrorism operations, combat tactics and disaster management, according to Nepali Army sources. The two sides have already agreed to begin the 10-day training from Sept 6.

The fourth edition of the joint drill was held last year in Chongqing, near Sichuan province, China. This time, officials from both armies are holding intensive discussions to finalize the modality, number of participants and observers for the exercise.

Defense Ministry Spokesperson Manoj Kumar Acharya described the joint exercise as part of a regular military cooperation program. “Nepal regularly conducts such exercises with India, the US, and China, mainly to enhance capacity and exchange experiences. These drills are not targeted at any particular country,” Acharya told ApEx.

A high-level Nepali Army team led by Major General Prem Dhoj Adhikari, including Brigadier General Dipendra Gurung, Colonel Mani Ram Thapa, Major Pawan Katwal and Captain Mahesh Dhakal, recently returned from Chengdu after attending the Final Planning Conference (FPC) with Chinese defense officials. Preparations are underway also in coordination with the Chinese Embassy in Kathmandu.

The first Nepal-China joint military exercise was held in Kathmandu in April 2017, followed by the second in Chengdu in 2018 and the third in Nepal in 2019. The drills were suspended for several years due to the Covid-19 pandemic before their resumption in China last year.

Meanwhile, Western countries including the US, India, Japan, South Korea and some European nations have expressed reservations over Nepal’s growing military engagement with China, especially at a time when Beijing has been pushing to implement Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects in Nepal. Nepal, however, has maintained that such exercises are routine. Alongside China, Nepal also conducts annual Surya Kiran exercises with the Indian Army and regular joint drills with the US military.

Nepal’s political jostling always manages to keep everyone on the edge of their seats—ranging from possible communist reunification to sporadic pro-monarchical protests. However, one constant has kept looming around the mainstream ever since the current constitution’s ratification—a directly elected executive. Apart from the two major parties, this seems to be on every party’s manifesto—from CPN (Maoist Center) to the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP). There are, of course, variations to the concept—most of which I’ll touch upon very basically below. 

The appeal of a directly elected executive is clear, especially in Nepal’s polity. It brings democracy front and center, appealing to voters eager to sideline political disarray and usher in leadership to provide “effective” governance. The latter is also the reason why this change is championed by parties whilst in opposition but eschewed once in government. This might be why this concept seems irrefutable, as governments struggle to last meaningfully and public perception of governance has consistently been poor. A peaceful transition to a new form of governance—“effective” and “long-lasting”—would appear to be the way out. The issue is, this runs away from its flaws, which are consistently shunned as “details to be worked out”. The details, however, aren’t as bright as political jingoism would have you believe. 

The current constitution could be amended to account for two forms of a direct executive—through the President or the Prime Minister. The first option of a directly elected President is heavily favored by the Maoist Center and its close allies. This would mean a single head of state and the government, appealing to those against “political extravagance”. This system would also include a legislature—whether it is directly elected or PR representation as some have suggested. This would include two cases—wherein the directly-elected President holds a majority in legislature, and wherein they don’t. In case they don’t, governance wouldn’t get “effective” and would instead deteriorate as the legislature will likely look to stamp its authority when it perceives an overbearing executive. There’s a strong chance where key legislation like the budget is stalled leading to government paralysis or even shutdown—as evidenced consistently in the United States. 

However, let’s assume they do—the President’s party has a commanding legislative majority. There will, of course, be a fundamental question of checks and balances but contextualizing it to Nepal’s polity shows its dangers. A presidential majority might seem like former Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s political endgame, given the circumstances surrounding his resignation during his first term. Although it seems long gone now, it wasn’t too soon ago when former President Ram Baran Yadav had to step-in to prevent Dahal’s overreach. Even if one were to disregard that event, a simple look into Nepal’s history with majoritarian governance backed by the military, be it in 2005 or prior to 1990, should inform one of the possible prospects ahead. 

However, there’s another noble option to executive governance—one preferred by the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) and the RPP—through a directly elected Prime Minister. This appeals to ensure “effective” governance whilst shielding themselves from abovementioned critiques. It must be noted that the only modern example of such a system was in Israel, from 1996 to 2001, when they abandoned it. This system maintains the current structure of government, wherein every voter would likely just have an additional ballot for a prime ministerial candidate. This system would similarly have a legislative majority or minority Prime Minister. Although proponents of this governance structure might assume outright majorities to deliver “effectiveness”, this system is likely to render further political clutter than we currently have. Voters are likely to split ballots—more so than a direct presidential election—where legislators represent local concerns and the Prime Minister is to deliver broad governance mandates. There is empirical evidence to support this, and this was also the primary reason Israel abandoned it in the first place. A minority Prime Minister is fundamentally inept to deliver “effective” governance as proponents promise, whereas the presence of a head of state further raises questions on stability in the face of government deadlock—compromising when the head of state needs to interject to possibly replace the Prime Minister.

However, as in the presidential case—let’s assume the Prime Minister commands a legislative majority for their entire term. The Prime Minister is stable for the entirety of their term and can work “effectively”. However, even in this quixotic scenario—a head of state, whomever it might be, will co-exist alongside the Prime Minister as it does now. A majoritarian Prime Minister forces the head of state to reevaluate their boundaries of accountability, as shown by the French fourth Republic or the recent Israeli judicial reform crisis. The head of state must walk an extremely thin line—they can’t enable authoritarianism like Ahmed during the Indian emergency, nor can they impede governance like Mattarella during the 2018 Italian government crisis. 

Nepal’s history of Prime Ministers with legislative majorities and a supposedly symbolic head of state, going back to BP Koirala to KP Oli’s parliamentary dissolution, should stress how thin of a line it is for the head of state. This is of course under an “ideal” scenario, where the legislative majority lasts throughout the parliamentary term.   

My critique of these respective systems isn’t meant to invite gloom—but rather encourage honest discourse instead of political jingoism. It is completely fair to propagate for either of these systems, but political parties have been given far too much leeway to preach “effectiveness” and direct democracy without a framework of how it would actually work in practice. Nepal needs democratic stability and instead of contributing toward parliamentary maturity, every time a party is in opposition, their campaign is to upend parliamentary democracy altogether. 

Parliamentary democracy might appear messy and unstable—but the alternative cannot be to open another Pandora’s box of experimentation. There might be multiple Prime Ministers in a parliamentary term, divergent coalitions and displeasure over governance but diverting to systems unable to stand such basic scrutiny like above isn’t the solution. Political parties need to get into the nitty-gritty constitutional legalese of alternative systems or stop selling this direct election dreamland once and for all.

The author is a graduate student in economics at the University of South Florida

Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has said that Nepal is exporting 1,000 MW of electricity to India.

Taking to social media , Prime Minister Oli shared that Nepal will earn Rs 80.027 billion by exporting the electricity to India.

“We are exporting 1,000 MW of electricity to India. From this, Nepal will earn Rs 80.027 billion,” the Prime Minister said..

Recent statistics show a worrying rise in the smuggling of illegal drugs into Nepal from abroad. Majority of couriers caught in such cases are Indian nationals, according to police.

The number of Indian citizens involved in drug trafficking through Tribhuvan International Airport (TIA) has increased sharply, with over 80 percent of suspects caught smuggling drugs by air being Indian. According to the Narcotics Control Bureau (NCB) of Nepal Police, 45 Indian nationals in possession of drugs have been arrested in TIA from mid-July last year to mid-July this year. All of them were arrested for attempting to bring marijuana from Thailand. Seven of them are women.

Firoz Ahmad (35) from Jaunpur, Uttar Pradesh, used to work as a laborer on construction sites. An acquaintance offered him a job in Laos with a monthly pay of InRs 25,000 and a plane ticket included. When he reached Laos, he did not get the promised job. Instead, his contact asked him to travel back via Nepal and hand over a bag in Kathmandu. The bag contained four kilograms of heroin.

Similarly, Mouleswar Nanjundamurthy (32) from Erode, Tamil Nadu, an electrician by trade, was also taken to Laos with promises of high earnings. On his return, he was given a bag holding 3.8 kilograms of heroin and told to travel via Nepal. Both men are now in police custody, facing charges under the Narcotics Control Act.

According to NCB Chief Krishna Koirala, the two were arrested in the space of one day in the first week of August when they arrived in Kathmandu from Laos via Bangkok. The heroin was hidden inside chocolate packets. Police believe the mastermind, who recruited the two, could be the same person, and the drugs were intended to be smuggled into India via land routes from Nepal. Over the past year, police have arrested 307 Indian citizens and 18 from other countries for drug offences. A total of 5,001 drug offense cases have been filed in fiscal year 2024/25. About 52 tons of marijuana, 829 kilograms of hashish, 49 kilograms of heroin and over 20 kilograms of cocaine were seized during the year.

Another case involved 49-year-old Abdus Samad Jamil Mansuri (49) from Mumbai. With no steady work, he readily accepted offers for odd jobs. One day, he was promised payment to travel to Azerbaijan and bring back a suitcase. On arrival in Nepal, his suspicious behavior drew the attention of security personnel. When police searched him, they found 3.4 kilograms of cocaine hidden in plastic bags. He claimed that someone in Azerbaijan had asked him to take it to India.

Similarly, just days earlier, another Indian national, Rakesh Ohawal (65), was arrested with 6.5 kilograms of heroin hidden in his luggage.

In the past, most foreign nationals arrested in Nepal for drug trafficking were in transit to third countries. Recently, however, Indian nationals have been found smuggling drugs from Thailand to India via Nepal. One major drug smuggled is Thailand’s marijuana, which is specially cultivated and chemically treated. NCB officials say this drug is long-lasting and highly potent, and is in high demand in both Nepal and India.

NCB spokesperson Janak Bahadur Shahi said Indian nationals smuggling drugs by air are often poor and unemployed, lured with fixed payments to act as carriers. “Trafficking rings send them to Thailand as tourists and then hand them drug-filled bags when they return,” he added.

A few weeks ago, a young woman from Manipur, India, was arrested at TIA with Thai marijuana. She had been promised Rs 50,000 by traffickers.

Nepal’s role as a drug transit point is not new. For years, traffickers have used Nepal to move drugs to third countries. The question remains: is this because Nepal’s security is weak?

NCB chief Krishna Koirala explains that drug trafficking is an organized, international crime with a complex network. Smugglers do not rely solely on Nepal; they also operate via Indian airports. Security checks at TIA are strict, and police monitor passenger lists from high-risk countries to identify potential smugglers.

Nepal Police Spokesperson Binod Ghimire said the nationality of traffickers is less important than their role in the crime. While Africans are more often involved in cocaine and heroin smuggling, Indians now dominate cases involving Thai marijuana. Police say traffickers are favoring Indian nationals due to practical reasons. “Nepal and India share an open border, and Indian citizens do not need a visa to enter Nepal. Security checks for Indians are generally less stringent, making them easier targets for recruitment,” Ghimire said. “After increased scrutiny of couriers from other countries, traffickers seem to have begun using Indian couriers.”

Many of these carriers do not know the full extent of the operation, nor who owns the drugs they carry.  According to Ghimire, traffickers use multiple routes simultaneously to move drugs, and the high prices on the international market make the trade extremely lucrative for organized crime syndicates.

In today’s global economy, tariffs have evolved from mere protectionist barriers to tools of geopolitical strategy. The US-China tariff war, which began during Donald Trump’s first term in 2018, has already brought about a decisive shift in global trade flows.

The latest US decision to extend targeted tariffs on selected Indian goods has been framed as a ‘leveling measure’. Yet, it has also created new impetus for India to deepen market access discussions with Washington and strengthen its position as a reliable trading partner. This move could be a catalyst for India to negotiate more favorable long-term terms by demonstrating its manufacturing flexibility.

Nepal also has many goods on the top list of goods imported from neighboring India. This means that the new US customs policy will inevitably have an impact on Nepal-India trade and the overall economy of Nepal. After the upgrade to a developing country, Nepal’s preferential market access facility (GSP) period has expired and the country has started to face a 10 percent customs duty, which seems to be an opportunity for the country not to increase it.

After this, it can be expected that investment will flow into Nepal from abroad and exports will increase. A large part of Nepal's trade—both exports and imports—depends on India. According to the data of the Customs Department, 64 percent of Nepal’s imports in the fiscal year 2024-25 came from the Indian market.  Similarly, India accounted for 67 percent of total exports. Since this is the case, changes in the US-India trade policy are certain to affect Nepal.

The US has imposed a 50 percent reciprocal tariff on India and a 10 percent tariff on Nepal, which is expected to give Nepal a competitive advantage in trade, but Nepal needs to take concrete steps from product development to export promotion to produce the quantities it can export to the US.

Looking at the past, the US is Nepal’s second largest export destination after India. Nepal exported goods worth Rs 18.32bn to the US in 2024-25, which is six percent more than the previous year.

This should be taken as an encouraging and positive step. In addition, to make all this sustainable and increase further, it is necessary and imperative for Nepal to create a joint mechanism between the government and the private sector to reduce transshipment risks and take advantage of customs rates.

There should be no delay on this front. The US has imposed only 10 percent reciprocal customs duty on Nepal. In such a situation, if trade negotiations with India fail and a 50 percent customs duty is imposed on India, there will be a 40 percent difference in customs rates between Nepal and India.

Even if the recently-imposed additional 25 percent customs duty is withdrawn, the difference in customs rates between these two countries will be 15 percent. Even a 15 percent difference in customs rates is very large in international trade. Nepal should be able to use this situation to its advantage.

Nepal’s main exports to the US are woolen carpets, rugs, ready-made garments, felt goods, clay and other metal utensils and handicrafts. In addition, apart from India, the US has imposed a 19–20 percent customs duty on other countries in the region—Bangladesh, Pakistan and Sri Lanka—which gives Nepal a competitive advantage.

In short, India has been exporting more goods such as carpets, textiles and rugs to the US than to Nepal. Similarly, Bangladesh is the largest exporter of ready-made garments in South Asia.

And, the US is also importing from it. Nepal also uses Indian land for trade with third countries. Although the trade war between India and the US could also bring uncertainty to Nepal’s trade routes with third countries, its likelihood is low.

The new US tariff policy seems to make Indian goods more expensive in the US market. As a result, Indian manufacturers may have to restructure their production systems. If India starts losing the US market, the Nepali market will also become more expensive, given chances of India adopting a policy of reducing production. Most of the industries operating in Nepal import raw materials from India and this means our production costs may go up. Machinery parts, industrial equipment, clothing and agricultural products from India are most likely to become more expensive in Nepal, exposing the Nepali populace to the risk of a high inflation. 

In addition, the Indian rupee will weaken further as India’s exports are affected and dollar income decreases. This problem will be further complicated by the fact that Nepal’s currency is ‘pegged’ with the Indian currency. This is also the reason why Nepal’s monetary policy has not been independent.

This will naturally have an impact on the Nepali rupee. As a result, not only will Nepal’s dollar income decrease, payments will also become more expensive. In that case, the interest on foreign loan assistance will be expensive and so will the repayment.

The Nepali market may also benefit from the Indo-US trade war. If Indian products cannot enter the US market easily, India may adopt a policy of reducing prices and seeking alternative markets. Nepal can benefit from that. If India adopts this policy, the price of Indian goods imported into Nepal, such as food, industrial raw materials, and machinery parts, may decrease. According to public data, Nepal currently exports ready-made garments worth around Rs 4bn to the US. There is no doubt that this is likely to increase many times over in a few years if the existing customs duty remains in place.

If this policy works in the long term, the ‘backward forward linkage’ of the export-oriented Nepali industry is certain to become even stronger. After the 2015 earthquake, the US had given Nepal preferential market access to 77 different items. The Nepal government should take the initiative for similar preferential market access. For now, it is too early to analyze how Trump’s policies will pan out. But if implemented, India’s export earnings will decrease. The direct impact of this will be a decrease in dollar income for India as well as Nepal, making foreign payments expensive. This will ultimately mean a surge in inflation. There is also the danger of the US aggressive ‘tariffs’ triggering a global economic recession. 

Over the years, the use of chemical pesticides in Nepal has increased so notably that it has raised serious concerns about human health and environmental sustainability. From residues in the food we eat to the degradation of soil health and biodiversity loss, the long-term consequences of excessive pesticide use are becoming harder to ignore. In Nepal, where agriculture remains the primary livelihood for around 60 percent of the population, the dependence on synthetic chemicals is not just a farming issue; it is a public health and environmental crisis in the making. 

Climate change has led to the emergence of new pests and the expansion of pest habitats, causing farmers to rely more heavily on chemical pesticides to protect their crops. While effective in the short term, the widespread and often unregulated use of synthetic pesticides triggers long-term consequences. These include the development of pest resistance, contamination of soil and water resources, accumulation of toxic residues in food, and alarming impacts on human health and biodiversity. Children, pregnant women, and farm workers are particularly vulnerable to pesticide exposure, with studies linking prolonged contact to respiratory issues, hormonal disruptions, and even cancer. 

Recent studies have shown that vegetables in Nepal often contain pesticide residues exceeding the maximum residue limits (MRLs), rendering them unsafe for human consumption. 

The increasing import of chemical pesticides over recent years highlight Nepal's growing reliance on synthetic pest control measures. As in the fiscal year 2023/24 alone, the country imported 1,664 active ingredient (a.i.) tons of chemical pesticides (PQPMC, 2025). The rising trend reflects an urgent need to question the sustainability and safety of our current pest management practices. 

In the face of these growing challenges, biopesticides present a promising and necessary alternative. Derived from natural organisms or substances like bacteria, fungi, viruses, and botanical extracts, biopesticides control pests without causing harm to the environment, human health, or beneficial organisms. Unlike synthetic pesticides, they are biodegradable, target-specific, and less likely to cause pest resistance. 

Common examples of biopesticides include Bacillus thuringiensis (Bt), which controls caterpillars; neem-based formulations for a broad spectrum of pests; Trichoderma species that act against fungal pathogens; and Jholmal, a locally prepared bio-mixture made from cow/buffalo urine, dung, botanicals, and beneficial microorganisms for pest and disease management, and is currently being promoted in Nepal. These eco-friendly options not only help protect crops effectively but also support soil health, pollinator survival, and long-term agricultural sustainability. 

Biopesticides are no longer just something used by the organic farmers as a choice; they are now essential for mainstream agriculture, especially in the face of climate and health challenges. As climate change continues to alter pest dynamics, and as chemical residues threaten public health, a shift toward safer alternatives is not just desirable but urgent. The adoption of biopesticides supports multiple Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), including SDG 2 (Zero Hunger), SDG 3 (Good Health and Well-being), SDG 12 (Responsible Consumption and Production), SDG 15 (Life on Land) and SDG 13 (Climate Action). Nepal’s smallholder farmers, who are already facing the brunt of climate impacts, can benefit from locally available and low-cost biopesticide options like Jholmal, which enhance both resilience and productivity. 

Despite their proven benefits, the widespread adoption of biopesticides in Nepal faces several challenges. A major barrier is the lack of awareness and technical knowledge among farmers, many of whom are unfamiliar with how biopesticides work, how to apply them effectively, or how they differ from conventional pesticides. In addition, biopesticides are often not readily available in rural markets, and when they are, they tend to be more expensive or perceived as less effective due to slower action. Limited private sector involvement and insufficient government incentives have also contributed to a weak supply chain and low investment in local production. Without strong institutional support and market linkages, the transition from chemical to biological pest management remains slow and fragmented. 

To accelerate the transition toward sustainable pest management, a coordinated and multi-stakeholder approach is essential. First, government policies should actively promote biopesticides by including them in subsidy schemes. Investment in research and local production of bio-based inputs should be prioritized, enabling farmers to access affordable and effective products tailored to Nepal’s diverse agroecological zones. Extension services must be reoriented to include biopesticide training through farmer field schools, demonstration plots, and digital platforms. The private sector, too, has a critical role to play in developing, distributing, and marketing biopesticides, especially when incentivized through public–private partnerships. Finally, awareness campaigns targeting farmers, consumers, and policymakers can help shift perceptions and generate demand for safe, sustainable pest control solutions.

The overuse of chemical pesticides is not just an agricultural concern; it is a public health, environmental, and sustainability crisis. Thus, biopesticides offer a safer and more sustainable way to manage pests without damaging our soil, food, or ecosystems. If we want safe food and a clean environment, we must act now. With the right support from the government, private sector, and awareness among farmers and consumers, biopesticides can become a powerful solution against pest management.  The future of farming lies not in fighting nature, but working with it. By adopting biopesticides today, Nepal can cultivate a healthier tomorrow; for its land, its farmers, and its people.

The author holds Master's degree in Agricultural Economics and is currently working as a research intern at the International Water Management Institute (IWMI)