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Twenty commercial banks in the country collectively earned a net profit of Rs 43.49bn over the first eight months of fiscal year 2024-25. According to Nepal Rastra Bank (NRB), the net profit over the period is 2.81 percent more than Rs 42.3bn that these banks reported in the same period of the previous fiscal year. 

Net profits of 11 commercial banks went up in the period, while nine saw a decline in their respective net profits. Nepal Bank Ltd logged the highest gain of 132.9 percent, with its net profit rising from
Rs 1.28bn in the first month of the previous fiscal year to Rs 2.98bn in the same period of the current fiscal year. Nepal Investment Mega Bank ltd (45.68 percent), Prabhu Bank (39.65 percent) and Global IME Bank Ltd (37.76 percent) also made significant net profit gains in the review period.

On the contrary, NIC Asia Bank (NIC) reported the biggest drop of 67.75 percent in its net profit.
NIC Asia’s net profit fell to Rs 819.99m in the first eight months of the current fiscal year, down from Rs 2.54bn in the same period of the previous fiscal year. Agricultural Development Bank Ltd (62.66 percent), Rastriya Banijya Bank Ltd (40.09 percent) and Kumari Bank Ltd (31.98 percent) also reported a significant drop in their net profits.

Nabil Bank led the pack with a net profit of Rs 4.78bn over the first eight months of the current fiscal year. Global IME Bank (Rs 4.72bn) and Nepal Investment Mega Bank  (Rs 4.08bn) were the other banks with net profits in excess of Rs 4bn. 

Meanwhile, three commercial banks reported profit below Rs 1bn. Agricultural Development Bank reported the lowest net profit of Rs 738.03m, followed by NIC Asia Bank and Kumari Bank Ltd with net profits of Rs 819.99m and Rs 969.11m, respectively. Bankers say rising non-performing loan levels and declining investments have hit profitability of banks. 

March 27, a family trip from Kathmandu to Dang became a grim metaphor for Nepal’s institutional decay. What should have been a 10-hour journey stretched into a 21-hour nightmare, with a single 14-kilometer stretch Daunee consuming ten agonizing hours, an indictment of criminally neglected infrastructure. The exhaustion of travelers—sleep-deprived, hungry, and choking in dust—mirrors the nation’s broader dysfunction: structurally intact yet crippled by systemic rot. The collapse is not limited to roads. Just days earlier, a devastating fire at a Dang plywood factory destroyed nearly Rs 400m in assets and left over 500 workers jobless. 

Chief District Officer Krishna Prasad Lamsal’s desperate pleas for firefighting support from neighboring districts and municipalities laid bare the shocking lack of emergency preparedness. These are not isolated incidents. In Kathmandu, Janamorcha and Rastriya Prajatantra Party cadres blockaded Ratnapark and other areas, paralyzing the capital’s transit, while Prime Minister KP Oli squandered a high-level economic forum on rustic analogies of buffalo - ticks and political jibes rather than substantive policy. Together, they expose a governance trifecta: crumbling infrastructure, unchecked political obstructionism, and executive unseriousness.

Federalism’s broken promise

The 2015 Constitution of Nepal, informed by seminal federalism theories, promised transformative decentralization. Yet nine years into implementation, subnational governments remain systematically disempowered—chronically under-resourced, understaffed, and stripped of meaningful autonomy, while political elites (KP Oli, Deuba, Dahal, MK Nepal, BR Bhattarai, JN Khanal) engage in perpetual factionalism at the expense of federal governance.

This institutional failure manifests in alarming macroeconomic indicators: public debt now stands at 47 percent of GDP (Rs 27trn), exceeding the 35.43 percent sustainability threshold identified by NRB seasoned economist Laxmi Prasad Prasai (2024), with annual debt servicing consuming Rs 402bn. Concurrently, Nepal’s recent grey-listing by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) for failing to combat sophisticated financial crimes including systemic tax evasion and fraud further underscores institutional decay. Compounding this crisis is a perverse bureaucratic culture where civil servants demand additional ‘facilitation fees’ from citizens for routine services, despite receiving full salaries and allowances. This rent-seeking behavior, institutionalized at all levels of government, epitomizes how Nepal’s federal transition has been hijacked—not by constitutional design, but by entrenched interests that perpetuate centralized predation under the guise of federalism.

Critical infrastructure—Narayanghat-Butwal Highway, Nagdhunga Tunnel, Melamchi Water, Mugline–Pokhara Highway—remains mired in delays. Meanwhile, 6,200 youths leave the country daily for foreign employment, a stark exodus underscoring Nepal’s failure to secure its own future. The Local Government Operation Act (2018) remains a paper tiger, with provincial postings treated as bureaucratic exile. Subnational governments face chronic 23 percent budget shortfalls, while resources are allocated based on electoral patronage rather than developmental need.

The path forward

Nepal stands at an inflection point. Federalism’s promise has been hijacked by a new mind set of centralism, where even hiring school teachers requires Kathmandu’s approval. Three urgent reforms are critical:

• Administrative federalism: Devolve personnel and fiscal authority to subnational governments, ending Singhdurbar’s suffocating control,
• Fiscal federalism with teeth: Guarantee provincial revenue autonomy and performance-based funding, and
• Enforced accountability: Implement independent audits of federal spending, as long demanded by the Financial Comptroller’s Office.

Without immediate corrective action, Nepal risks transforming its federal experiment from a beacon of post-conflict hope into yet another case study in constitutional failure. The stranded travelers, the jobless workers, and the millions trapped in this institutional purgatory deserve more than a government that mistakes inertia for governance. The time for reform is now—before the paralysis becomes permanent.

In 2081, Nepal navigated a transformative yet turbulent digital landscape, balancing ambitious technological and governance advancements with persistent challenges in digital rights, privacy, and cybercrime. The country strived to cement its place in the global digital arena while grappling with the complexities of regulating an increasingly connected society.

Ambitious digital vision and infrastructure expansion

The government’s commitment to digital progress was evident in its declaration of 2024–2034 as the ‘IT Decade’, a vision backed by Rs 7.25bn allocated for ICT projects in FY 2081/82. This funding fueled broadband expansion, IT park development, and efforts to create a thriving ICT hub aimed at generating jobs and boosting digital payments and e-commerce. Internet penetration soared to 99.38 percent, a remarkable achievement, though rural areas still faced connectivity gaps, highlighting the ongoing digital divide. Initiatives like integrating national databases and automating public services advanced digital governance, with the Nagarik App, formalized under amendments to the Good Governance Act, enabling seamless access to public services via electronic devices. 

Policy and legislative developments

Significant policy advancements shaped the year. The Social Media Operation, Usage, and Regulation Bill, 2081 tabled in Parliament aimed to regulate social media platforms and to moderate social media content. Likewise, draft Information Technology and Cybersecurity Bill, 2080, aimed to regulate online spaces and enhance cybersecurity was released for public consultation. However, both the bills drew criticism for potentially restricting free speech and privacy. Similarly, the Media Council Bill, 2081, sought to promote self-regulation in online media but raised concerns about its regulating agency’s independence and alignment with federalism. A concept paper on Artificial Intelligence (AI) and the Draft AI Policy, 2081, outlined plans to leverage AI across sectors, emphasizing clear policies and global standards. Regulatory efforts also targeted virtual currencies to curb money laundering, while amendments to the Industrial Enterprises Act recognized startups as distinct entities to foster innovation. The E-Commerce Act, 2081, was finally made into law to regulate online transactions and ensure transparency for consumers and businesses.

The draft E-Governance Blueprint and Draft Digital Nepal Framework 2.0 laid out bold plans to modernize public services, enhance digital infrastructure, and address past challenges like weak coordination and limited technical capacity through phased implementation and skill development. The Council of Ministers provided conceptual approval for drafting the Electronic Good Governance Commission Bill to combat corruption, and the Supreme Court’s ruling to uphold mandatory national identity cards for public service access, despite legal challenges, reinforced the push for centralized digital systems—though it sparked debates over accessibility.

Digital rights and privacy at stake 

Digital rights faced significant hurdles, with freedom of expression under strain. Prosecutions under the Electronic Transactions Act (ETA) targeted individuals for political comments, alleged defamation, or disruption, raising fears of a chilling effect on free speech. Critics argued the ETA is being misused to suppress dissent, a concern echoed in the Press Council Nepal’s expanded scrutiny of YouTube and online media, which sparked debates over regulatory overreach. The judiciary’s actions, such as the Sidhakura contempt case, further intensified scrutiny of media freedom. The lifting of the TikTok ban on 22 Aug 2024, was a victory for digital rights, but the lack of transparency around the decision left questions unanswered. The Ministry of Communication and Information Technology’s Directives on Managing the Use of Social Media, 2080, required platforms like TikTok and Facebook to establish local offices and moderate content, yet only TikTok, Viber, and WeeTok complied. A 30-day ultimatum for social media registration in 2081 marked a shift toward stricter enforcement, with potential bans for non-compliant platforms like Meta and X. Minister for Communications and Information Technology, Prithvi Subba Gurung, warned of shutting down social networks if they failed to register by April 13, 2025, emphasizing the urgency of compliance.

In 2081, Nepal faced significant internet disruption, including a major outage on National ICT Day, May 2, caused by disagreements over RTDF taxation between ISPs and the Ministry of Communications (MoCIT).

Further internet connections were disrupted in various places due to natural calamities, beautification of the city, and floods damaging the power supplies, leading to the shutdown of several base transceiver stations (BTS) and cutting off communication in affected areas.

The Supreme Court’s Sept 2024 ruling against unauthorized data access by Nepal Telecom reaffirmed privacy rights, but international reports like CIVICUS highlighted Nepal’s obstructed civic space, citing media censorship and reprisals against activists.

In a related development, the Department of Transport Management, following an appeal by a law student under the Right to Information Act, rectified its practice of publishing personal data such as citizenship numbers in driving test results. The department admitted this breach of privacy laws and committed to upgrading its software to prevent future violations. 

Rise of mis/disinformation and deepfake materials 

Social media also became a breeding ground for misinformation, deepfakes, and racially motivated attacks, with manipulated videos, false narratives, and unchecked mis/disinformation spreading widely. As Nepal’s digital ecosystem grows, combating false and misleading information, particularly during critical moments like elections or public protests, remains a significant challenge. These threats underscore the need for comprehensive strategies to enhance media literacy, promote responsible digital practices, and introduce effective policies addressing disinformation and digital manipulation.

Surge in cybercrime and systemic vulnerabilities

The year was marred by a cybercrime surge, with the Nepal Police Cyber Bureau recording 19,730 FIRs in FY 2080/81—a tenfold rise from five years earlier—and 13,426 complaints within nine months of 2081/82. Cases spanned financial fraud, phishing scams, social media impersonation, and hacking, with incidents like the theft of Rs 34.2m from F1 Soft’s bank account and data breaches by Khalti employees exposing systemic vulnerabilities. Fraudulent schemes exploiting trusted brands, fake government grants, and illegal crypto transactions targeted vulnerable groups, particularly youth and students. The NRB pushed for stronger KYC procedures, real-time monitoring, and public awareness, but the volume of cases strained resources.

Major cybersecurity and infrastructure threats

In 2081, Nepal faced significant cybersecurity challenges, marked by high-profile incidents such as DDoS attacks on government servers and recurring cyberattacks on local government websites, disrupting essential services. Notable breaches included the hacking of the National Vigilance Center’s website, resulting in the loss of registration data, and a malware attack on the Passport Department, causing delays in passport services. Other incidents exposed vulnerabilities in the teacher personnel records system and Tribhuvan University’s online exam platform. Additionally, over a dozen ministry websites went offline due to negligence in renewing licenses, and funding shortages threatened the stability of key digital infrastructure, such as the Integrated Data Management Center and Disaster Recovery Centre. A particularly alarming breach involved the hacking of Nepal’s public grievance platform, Hello Sarkar, by the Russian hacker group ‘Ghudra’, which sold sensitive citizen data on the dark web. Despite the adoption of a National Cybersecurity Policy in 2080, Nepal’s cybersecurity ranking fell to 100th globally, highlighting the government’s struggles to improve its digital security infrastructure.

In 2081, Nepal’s digital journey was a paradox of progress and peril. Ambitious ICT and e-governance initiatives laid a foundation for a connected future, but rural connectivity gaps, regulatory overreach, and rampant cybercrime demanded urgent action. The tension between digital advancement and democratic freedoms underscored the need for balanced policies that protect rights while fostering innovation. As Nepal advances toward its ‘IT Decade’ goals, the lessons of 2081 emphasize inclusive access, transparent governance, and robust cybersecurity as critical to shaping a resilient digital future.

Nepal defeated Oman by eight wickets in the ICC U-19 Men's Cricket World Cup Asia Qualifier on Monday.

In the match held at the Upper Mulpani Cricket Ground, Oman, who were invited to bat first after losing the toss, posted 117 runs.

Chasing 188,  Nepal achieved the target losing two wickets.

Niraj Kumar Yadav top-scored for Nepal with 46 runs off 31 balls hitting five boundaries and two sixes. Another opener Sahil Patel made 44 runs.

Capitan Niraj Bhatta remained unbeaten at 12 and Santosh Yadav at 10.

Saumya Bhavin Sampat claimed two wickets for Oman.

Earlier, Oman scored 117 runs in 38 overs.

For Oman, Jeet Shah scored highest 52 runs off 78 balls with six boundaries. Similarly, Siddhartha Shankar contributed 16, and Pratheish Ramesh 10 while other batters failed to score in double digits.

Yuvaraj Khatri took five wickets for Nepal. Likewise, Santosh Yadav claimed two wickets, and Linda Dayananda Mandal, Aparajit Paudel and Ashok Dhami took one wicket each.

In the first, Nepal beat the UAE by five wickets.

Similarly, Afghanistan defeated Hong Kong by eight wickets in the second match in the Lower Mulpani Cricket Ground and Oman by eights wickets in the first match.

Nepal’s political landscape has been in a constant state of flux, and finds itself at a critical juncture in its democratic journey. Over the past three decades, Nepal has transitioned from a monarchy to a constitutional monarchy, and eventually to a federal secular republic. However, the ongoing political turbulence—punctuated by protests, dissatisfaction, and competing ideologies—has left the Nepali people disillusioned with the political system they once hoped would deliver on its promises.

Nepal’s political transitions have always been marked by external influence, particularly from India, which has had a notable role in the country’s path to democracy. So, decoding the intent and what went about in the recent one-to-one bilateral meeting between Prime Minister KP Oli and PM Narendra Modi holds further portrayal.

Legacy of political transitions

New Delhi has constantly portrayed a notable share in Nepal’s transition to democracy. The absence of a twin pillar foreign policy of a constitutional monarchy and multiparty democracy in 2006 paved the way for the current federal secular republic.

On March 17 at the CPN-UML secretariat meeting chaired by PM Oli emphasized the importance of united efforts by republicans to counter the monarchist movement against the federal republic in addition to claims that India has played a role in the pro-monarchy movement. He also urged the party’s youth wing volunteers to “attack anyone trying to snatch away the rights that we fought for.”

Nepali Congress (NC) President and former PM Sher Bahadur Deba said that India does not support the royalist movement in Nepal.

Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba while in Delhi raised a question about potential Indian support to the pro-monarchy protest with her Indian counterpart S Jaishankar, who denied any backing for the protests. Though PM Oli has not been officially invited to visit New Delhi, he had a bilateral meeting with Indian PM Modi on April 4 on the sidelines of the Sixth Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) summit in Bangkok. 

The 35-minute one-to-one discussion came at a time when protests were going on in Nepal demanding the restoration of monarchy and a Hindu state with a catchphrase of anti-corruption drive and end of federalism. This was a second bilateral meeting between Oli and Modi after the sidelines meeting during the 79th United Nations General Assembly in New York in Sept 2024. The difference is that the first was held with officials while the latter was one-to-one.

Complex political landscape

Nepal’s political arena is highly polarized, with three dominant ideological camps vying for influence. The first group consists of the status quoists, who advocate for the current federal secular republic. The second group is the reformists, who are pushing for structural political changes to address governance issues, corruption, and inefficiencies. Finally, the growing pro-monarchist movement that calls for the restoration of the monarchy, albeit in a symbolic role, with an elected Head of Government. These factions reflect a deep division in how the country’s future should be shaped.

This polarization, while enriching the political discourse, also makes it difficult to reconcile these opposing views. Each faction draws on different historical narratives, cultural values, and visions for Nepal’s national identity. The fundamental issue, however, is not about rejecting democracy but about the effectiveness of the system that was supposed to deliver a better future.

Governance crisis and public discontent

At the heart of the current dissatisfaction is poor governance. The public’s anger is not directed at democracy itself, but at the way it has been implemented. The promises made by the political leaders, from economic development to efficient governance, have largely gone unmet. Corruption remains rampant, institutions are weak, and political leaders are seen as more interested in maintaining their power than in serving the people.

This disillusionment is not just ideological; it is deeply pragmatic. The people are questioning whether the system can truly deliver. The notion of democracy, for many, has become synonymous with inefficiency, corruption, and political infighting. The failure to meet basic expectations has created a breeding ground for discontent, with many wondering whether the existing political framework can ever be fixed.

Global democratic backsliding

Nepal’s democratic challenges are not isolated; they are part of a global trend of democratic backsliding. Countries around the world—India, the US, Sri Lanka, Israel—are witnessing increased political polarization, the rise of populism, and the erosion of democratic norms. In this context, Nepal’s situation reflects a broader pattern of democratic disillusionment that is sweeping across many parts of the globe. This global backdrop, however, also provides an opportunity for Nepal. There is a chance to rethink democratic governance—not by retreating into authoritarianism but by rebuilding a more inclusive, accountable, and citizen-driven democracy. The key lies in re-establishing the connection between the people and their representatives, ensuring that the political system is genuinely responsive to the needs of the people.

What’s confidential about “boosting relations”? 

Headlines say: PM Oli and PM Modi agree to “boost Nepal-India relations” in their meeting on the sidelines of the Sixth BIMSTEC Summit. The one-to-one meeting is a strategic win for PM Modi and a purposeful attainment for PM Oli claiming that all officials including Minister of Foreign Affairs Arzu Rana Deuba encompassed a bilateral meeting that was changed at the last minute by the Ministry of External Affairs, India (MEA). 

What’s confidential about “strengthening mutually beneficial cooperation in areas such as development partnership, energy, connectivity, and people-to-people relations”. The phrase “mutually beneficial cooperation” in public statements may obscure deeper strategic negotiations. The MEA statement said “They expressed satisfaction at the progress in enhancing physical and digital connectivity, people-to-people linkages, and in the domain of energy. They agreed to continue working towards further deepening the multifaceted partnership between our two countries and peoples”. Nepal is a priority partner of India under its Neighbourhood First Policy. This meeting continues the tradition of regular high-level exchanges between the two countries.” 

On X PM Modi posts “India attaches immense priority to relations with Nepal. We discussed different aspects of India-Nepal friendship, especially in sectors like energy, connectivity, culture and digital technology. We also talked about some of the key positive outcomes from this year’s BIMSTEC Summit, especially in areas of disaster management and maritime transport.”

In a post on X, PM Oli said that he was delighted to meet Modi, had a meaningful and positive conversation and described the meeting as intimate. “Had a warm and heartfelt meeting with my dear friend, Prime Minister Shri @narendramodi Ji. Our discussions were highly meaningful and constructive. I express my appreciation over this cordial exchange.” 

During the same stretch of the secluded meeting, there are protests in the streets which have weakened all the political powers whether democratic forces or the communists in Nepal. In addition, the political powers behind the compelling of the 2015 constitution is ineffectual and ineffective. The focus could be with cultural ties, and geopolitical manoeuvring particularly China in view and the ongoing protests in the streets of Kathmandu.

Underlying strategic motives

Limiting China’s engagement that influences Indian security concerns—India is wary of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects and growing political ties. The discrete nature of the meeting could indeed involve such discussions. Renouncing anti Indian oratory as a slogan for nationalism-Anti-Indian sentiment has been weaponized politically. India may be seeking Nepalese leaders to dial this down in return for greater cooperation.

Strengthening of Nepal and India deep cultural, religious and ethnic ties with arrangements even through constitutional reform-This would resonate with India’s soft power diplomacy. Cultural diplomacy is a core part of the “Neighbourhood First” policy. Constitutionally and not physically owned map of Nepal embracing Kalapani-Limpiyadhura-Lipulekh region as an impediment in relationship during Oli’s premiership that transformed ‘territorial claim’ to ‘occupied’-This remains a sticking point. Modi-Oli’s rapport might open doors for de-escalation or reinterpretation of constitutional stances to ease tensions.

Political context and transformation

Nepal may undergo a major transformation but not a principled constitutional shift. There is growing momentum for systemic reform, but not necessarily a dismantling of the ideal framework. All major parties, from NC to UML to Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) to RPP to Madhes-centric alliances with eight parties on board, seem interested in functional reform over structural revolution—more governance efficiency than ideological upheaval. The idea of a "reformed federal secular republic" is gaining quiet traction—a way to appease conservative, nationalist, and regional groups without overturning the constitutional ethos.

PM Modi and Delhi will retain substantial influence over Nepal’s political-economic direction. India remains Nepal’s largest trade partner, transit route, and a soft power heavyweight. Nepal’s fragile economy and political flux create a strategic vacuum India is eager to fill, especially amid China's growing interest.

Conclusion: Balanced, yet urgent

The PMs’ meeting on the sidelines of BIMSTEC is not just a symbolic continuation of bilateral ties but potentially a strategic recalibration. The confidentiality, the exclusion of key Nepali diplomats, and diplomatic subtleties hint at unspoken understandings on contentious topics. The expected transformation in Nepal is likely to be governance-oriented, not ideological, possibly backed or influenced by New Delhi’s geopolitical imperatives.

The Meeting and its timing with one-on-one meetings were strategic and involved a late-stage change by MEA, suggesting high confidentiality. High-level bilateral talks between PM Oli and PM Modi have always been significant due to both nations intertwining cultural, economic, and strategic ties. The MEA and both PMs’ statements reinforce the notion that the meeting, while framed in diplomatic language, likely involved deeper strategic discussions. The late-stage restructuring (excluding the Foreign Minister) raises questions of trust, exclusivity, or sensitive content, especially amidst domestic unrest in Nepal.

The national challenges are both status quo defenders and the supporters of change to rethink what democratic governance means in practice and in Nepal. It implicitly asks:

• Can Nepal create a democracy that delivers?
• Can it preserve diversity without fragmentation?
• Can it reform without losing headway?

The answer lies not in returning to past systems, but in building a new democratic consensus—inclusive, accountable, and rooted in justice. Structural flaws remain with federalism without proper devolution of power; judiciary questioned for political bias; weak checks and balances in governance and institutional corruption; economic struggle; environment vulnerability; food security; infrastructure connectivity and chain of supply and political instability. 

Thus, a call for constitutional reform seems timely—but it must avoid top-down imposition. Instead, reform should be participatory, deliberative, and aimed at creating a more functional democracy, not just changing symbols or structures.

The author is a retired major general of the Nepali Army

Nepal suffered a three-run defeat at the hands of Kuwait in the final of Quadrangular T20I Series on Sunday.

In the match played at the Mission Cricket Ground in Mang Kok, the Rhinos managed to score 171 runs at the loss of nine wickets in the allotted 20 overs in the chase for 175 runs.

Basir Ahamad top-scored for Nepal at 80 runs off 43 balls with eight boundaries and four sixes before being caught by Clinto Anto in 19. 3 overs.

Similarly, Nandan Yadav contributed 37 runs and opener Asif Sheikh made 21 runs. Other batters failed to score in double digits.

Anudeep Chenthamara took three wickets for Kuwait. Similarly, Yasin Patel and Naveenraj Rajendran claimed two wickets each. Likewise, Mohammad Aslam took one wicket.

Earlier, Kuwait, who were invited to bat first after losing the toss, scored 174 runs losing seven wickets in the allotted 20 overs.

Opener Ravija Sandaruwan scored highest 63 runs off 36 balls for Kuwait hitting six boundaries and four sixes. Another opener Clinto Anto made 26 runs, Meet Bhavsar 16 and Usman Patel 23 runs.

Captain Mohammad Aslam remained unbeaten on 13 and Naveenraj Rajendran on eight.

Nandan Yadav and Sompal Kami took two wickets each while Karan KC and Kushal Bhurtel claimed one wicket each.

Nepal have decided to field first after winning the toss against Kuwait in the final match of the Quadrangular T20I Series underway in Hong Kong.

Rohit Paudel, skipper of Nepal, won the toss and invited Kuwait to bat first in the Mission Road Ground in Mong Kok on Sunday.

Nepal’s playing 11 consists of Rohit Paudel (captain), Asif Sheikh, Kushal Bhurtel, Kushal Malla, Dipendra Singh Airee, Gulsan Jha, Wasir Ahmed, Sompal Kami, Karan KC, Nandan Yadav and Lalit Rambasi.

Nepal are playing against the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in the ICC U-19 Men's Cricket World Cup Asia Qualifier that begins in Kathmandu from today. 

Host Nepal will face the UAE in the first match today to be held at the Lower Mulpani International Cricket Ground.

Along with the host Nepal, the UAE, Oman, Afghanistan and Hong Kong are participating in the tournament. 

The Nepali team led by Naren Bhatta includes Abhishek Tiwari, Neeraj K Yadav, Sahil Patel, Sibrin Shrestha, Roshan Bishwakarma, Darsh Sonar, Dilsad Ali. Santosh Yadav, Ashok Dhami, Dayanand Mandal, Aparajit Poudel, Yubaraj Khatri and Bipin Prasad Sharma.

In the second match of the day, Oman will face Afghanistan at the Upper Mulpani International Cricket Ground.

Meanwhile, the senior national team of Nepal are playing against Kuwait for the title of the Quadrangular T20 series in Hong Kong today.

The final match of the tournament will start at 11:15 am Nepali time at the Tin Kwong Road Recreation Ground in Hong Kong.

Nepal reached the final after the match against hosts Hong Kong on Saturday was affected by rain and both teams shared one point each. 

Nepal’s economy is showing signs of steady recovery and resilience, according to latest reports from the World Bank, Asian Development Bank (ADB) and Nepal Rastra Bank (NRB). While the outlook is positive, these institutions say the country still faces some serious hurdles that need to be addressed to maintain this momentum.

The World Bank’s Nepal Development Update (April 2025) has forecast economic growth of 4.5 percent for the current fiscal year, up from 3.9 percent last year. It expects average growth of 5.4 percent over the next two years. The World Bank has attributed this rise to improvements in the services sector, boosted by stronger domestic trade, rising imports and solid performance in hydropower and construction. The ADB’s Asian Development Outlook (April 2025) offers a similar but slightly lower estimate of 4.4 percent growth. It highlights increased hydropower production and better agricultural output—especially in paddy farming—as key drivers of the growth. Both institutions have said that Nepal has managed to bounce back well, despite challenges like natural disasters and travel disruptions caused by the upgrade of Tribhuvan International Airport.

The NRB’s latest report supports this optimistic view. Inflation has eased to 3.85 percent in mid-March of 2025, down from 4.82 percent a year before—well below the central bank’s target. Foreign exchange reserves are healthy, enough to cover more than 17 months of merchandise imports and 14 months of merchandise and services imports, while exports are up by 57.2 percent. These indicators suggest that the country’s economic fundamentals are becoming more stable.

The growth prospects, however, are not without risks. The World Bank has warned that global issues, such as political conflicts, rising prices, and heavy dependence on remittances and tourism, could affect Nepal’s growth. It also said the FATF greylisting has hampered Nepal’s efforts to access international capital markets after having a BB- country rating. The ADB added that ongoing tariff rises may cause a global economic downturn, affecting Nepal’s tourism receipts and remittances, and lower foreign aid could negatively impact growth as Nepal relies on foreign aid to finance development needs. 

The government must prioritize reforms and enhance its spending efficiency to maintain this momentum. Promoting private sector growth through clearer laws and regulations, bolstering the financial system, harnessing hydropower potential, and upgrading tourism infrastructure could generate employment opportunities and lessen dependence on remittances. Similarly, the government should act swiftly to implement the Financial Action Task Force’s recommendations to secure Nepal’s removal from the ‘gray list.’ Failure to address this could lead to severe repercussions.

Nepal is facing serious problems, with politicians often fighting both on the streets and in the House of Representatives. This situation is causing a lot of frustration among the people. What’s even more troubling is that many of the promises politicians made during the election seem to have been forgotten. They had promised to work for the improvement of the poor and disadvantaged, to provide better governance, and to control the widespread corruption in the country. They also talked about creating jobs for the unemployed and building a prosperous future for everyone.

Forgetting these promises, political leaders appear more focused on their own fights and struggles for power rather than working on the issues that really matter to the people. This leaves the citizens feeling neglected and disappointed, as they see little change in their lives.

Critical issues surrounding economic development in Nepal remain largely sidelined by the political ambitions of its leaders. Instead of tackling the pressing challenges that the country faces, political parties focus on activities that primarily serve their own interests, elevating their short-term popularity. These pursuits, however, often come at the expense of long-term progress and stability. The result is an economy that remains stagnant, with little hope for meaningful advancements. In fact, Nepal’s economic trajectory is increasingly concerning, as it is not only stagnant but also showing signs of deterioration.

A significant indicator of this stagnation is the excess liquidity in the country’s banks. The banking sector holds a substantial amount of idle capital, which could be utilized to drive growth and development. Instead of channeling this surplus into projects that could boost local industries, create jobs or improve infrastructure, banks continue to sit on their excess reserves. Political leaders who should be guiding the economy toward prosperity fail to intervene or prioritize this issue. Rather than focusing on using these resources effectively to stimulate the economy, their attention remains on consolidating state power and enriching themselves and their allies. This self-serving approach undermines the potential for long-term economic improvement and leads to further inefficiency in financial systems.
 

This cycle of mismanagement has persisted for decades, as political parties swap power but offer little in terms of vision or action to address the nation’s economic challenges. There is a glaring lack of leadership when it comes to creating comprehensive and sustainable economic policies that could foster growth and reduce inequality. The political establishment is not concerned with building a robust economic foundation; rather, it is preoccupied with gaining and retaining power, a pursuit that fails to benefit the nation at large.

As a result, Nepal has witnessed a prolonged period of stagnation, with the country’s economic growth hovering around a meager four percent annually over the past three decades. This rate of growth is insufficient to meet the needs of a growing population, and it has left many people—especially the youth—facing limited prospects. The consequences of such stagnation are profound. Employment opportunities remain scarce, particularly for the younger generation, which has significantly contributed to a migration trend. Young people, regardless of whether they are skilled, semi-skilled or unskilled, are increasingly compelled to seek better job prospects abroad. This exodus has become a key issue, as the country’s brightest talents leave in search of opportunities that Nepal fails to provide.
 

The outflow of skilled labor is particularly damaging, as it depletes the nation of its human capital—one of the most important resources for driving economic growth. This not only exacerbates the immediate problem of unemployment but also hinders the country’s long-term development. Skilled workers who might have contributed to the local economy through innovation, entrepreneurship or professional expertise are instead investing their talents in foreign markets. This brain drain leaves Nepal with a weakened workforce and a limited ability to compete in the global economy.

At the heart of this crisis lies a fundamental failure of leadership. The absence of a coherent and forward-thinking economic strategy has created a vicious cycle where the political class remains disconnected from the needs of the people. Rather than working to create a sustainable economic environment that could provide jobs and opportunities for future generations, leaders remain mired in power struggles and self-interest.

It is evident that Nepal needs a shift in priorities. Political leaders must refocus their efforts on creating a long-term vision for economic development that goes beyond short-term gains. This includes harnessing financial resources effectively, investing in industries that can generate employment and fostering an environment conducive to innovation and entrepreneurship. Only by addressing these issues with a clear, unified approach can Nepal hope to break the cycle of stagnation and build a future that offers prosperity for all its citizens.

In such times, the public may lose trust in the government, and it can be difficult for the leaders to inspire hope. The promises made to improve the living conditions of the poor and to address corruption should not be forgotten. It’s also crucial that politicians remember their pledge to ensure good governance and create jobs for the neediest.

Politicians must focus on actions that directly benefit the citizens to regain the latter’s trust. The politicians need to stop fighting among themselves and start working together for the common good. It’s important for them to take responsibility and make real efforts to fulfill the promises they made during their campaigns. Transparency and accountability are key. The people of Nepal deserve leaders, who are dedicated to making their lives better and improving the country's future.

Ultimately, the people should not feel ignored. Political leaders must be reminded of their duty to serve the citizens and improve their well-being. If they focus on their promises and take meaningful steps toward change, they can restore the trust and hope of the public.

Nepal defeated Kuwait by six wickets in their second match of the Quadrangular T20I series on Thursday. This is the second consecutive win for Nepal.

In the match played at the Mission Road Ground in Mong Kok, Hong Kong, Nepal, riding on the opening partnership of 127 runs between Asif Sheikh and Kushal Bhurtel, achieved the target of 186 runs set by Kuwait in 18. 5 over losing four wickets.

Bhurtel scored highest 81 runs off 50 balls for Nepal hitting six boundaries and six sixes. Sheikh made 53 runs with two fours and four sixes.

Dipendra Singh Airee contributed 31 runs off 12 balls to turn the match in Nepal’s favor.

Captain Rohit Paudel remained unbeaten on four and Gulsan Jha on Nine.

Yasin Patel claimed two wickets for Kuwait. Similarly, Mohammad Aslam and Mohammad Shafiq took one wicket each.

Earlier, Kuwait, who were invited to strike first after losing the toss, posted 185 runs.

Opener Clint Anto top-scored for Kuwait with 41 runs hitting four boundaries and two sixes. Another opener Ravija Sandaruwan made 26 runs.

Similarly, Meet Bhavsar contributed 35, Usman Patel 13 and Bilal Tahir scored 32.

Likewise, skipper Mohammad Aslam remained unbeaten on 17 and Yasin Patel on 3 runs.

Sompal Kami took three wickets for Nepal. Mandan Yadav claimed two wickets and Lalit Rajbansi and Kushal Bhurtel took one wicket each.

Earlier on Wednesday, Nepal defeated Qatar by eight wickets.

Kuwait set 186-run target against Nepal in the second match of the four-nation T20I series.

Kuwait, who were invited to bat after losing the toss at the Mission Road Ground in Mong Kok, Hong Kong, scored 185 runs for the loss of seven wickets in the allotted 20 overs.

Opener Clint Anto top-scored for Kuwait with 41 runs hitting four boundaries and two sixes.

Another opener Ravija Sandaruwan made 26 runs. 

Similarly, Meet Bhavsar contributed 35, Usman Patel 13 and Bilal Tahir scored 32.

Likewise, skipper Mohammad Aslam remained unbeaten on 17 and Yasin Patel on 3 runs.

Sompal Kami took highest three wickets for Nepal. Mandan Yadav claimed two wickets and Lalit Rajbansi and Kushal Bhurtel took one wicket each.

Earlier on Wednesday, Nepal defeated Qatar by eight wickets.

The Asian Development Bank (ADB) has projected Nepal's economy will grow 4.4 percent this year, up from 3.9 percent in 2024.

The Asian Development Outlook (ADO) April 2025, launched today states that growth in Nepal is expected to accelerate in both 2025 and 2026. It is projected to increase from 3.9 percent in 2024 to 4.4 percent in 2025 and 5.1 percent in 2026. Robust consumption supported by higher remittance inflows, moderate inflation, and increased private and public investments will underpin Nepal's economic activity.

Similarly, Nepal's inflation is estimated to be at 5.2 percent in 2025 and 5 percent in the following year.

Likewise, economies in developing Asia and the Pacific are projected to grow 4.9% in 2025, down from 5.0% last year, according to the report.

Solid domestic demand and strong global appetite for semiconductors driven by the artificial intelligence boom are supporting growth, but tariffs and trade uncertainty will act as a headwind. Regional growth is expected to decline further to 4.7% next year, the ADB said in the. Inflation is projected to moderate to 2.3% this year and 2.2% next year as global food and energy prices continue to decline.

The growth forecasts were finalized prior to the April 2 announcement of new tariffs by the US administration, so the baseline projections only reflect tariffs that were in place previously. However, ADO April 2025 does feature an analysis of how higher tariffs may affect growth in Asia and the Pacific.

The report notes that while economies in the region are resilient, faster and larger-than-expected changes in US trade and economic policies pose risks to the outlook. Along with higher US tariffs, increased policy uncertainty and retaliatory measures could slow trade, investment, and growth.

The region will be challenged by rising trade barriers and significant trade uncertainty, but solid domestic demand and electronics exports will support growth. Regional growth is forecast at 4.9% in 2025 and 4.7% in 2026. Inflation will moderate to 2.3% in 2025 and 2.2% in 2026 as global commodity prices decline further, enabling many regional central banks to ease monetary policy, the report states.

Escalations in conflict and geopolitical tensions could hamper regional prospects, the ADB said. "Although conflict and geopolitical tensions in the Middle East have eased, the outlook remains highly fragile. Downside risks for the region could materialize if conflict escalates again, which could lead to supply chain disruptions, higher and more volatile food and energy prices, and elevated global economic uncertainty and risk aversion.

Risks also remain regarding prospects for an end to Russia’s war in Ukraine. While economies in the Caucasus and Central Asia could benefit from greater economic stability and investor confidence, the realization of these gains remains highly uncertain and subject to the terms of any proposed peace deal."

Deeply ingrained historical, cultural, and geographical links define the civilizational relationship between India and Nepal. Formally expressed via the 1950 Treaty of Peace and Friendship, this bilateral engagement has provided an unmatched degree of permeability between two sovereign governments, enabling the free flow of people and products across an open border spanning 1,770 kilometres. Notwithstanding these apparently tight connections, the relationship has been characterized by occasional conflict, mutual misunderstanding, and diplomatic congestion. Although physical closeness and cultural familiarity should ideally promote smooth collaboration, in practice, India-Nepal ties are nevertheless delicate and vulnerable to both internal political changes and regional forces. This article aims to investigate alternative answers based on existing frameworks and empirical observations as well as to grasp the structural and dependent elements causing these obstructions.

The territorial dispute over Kalapani, Limpiyadhura, and Lipulekh is among the most delicate and persistent causes of disagreements. When India published an updated political map including the disputed areas in 2019, this problem became much more severe. Nepal responded with its map and a constitutional change, thereby supporting its assertions. In Nepal, this move stoked nationalistic fervor and turned into a gathering place for claiming historical identity and sovereignty. It shows how closely conflicts over territory—especially in post-colonial states—are related to issues of nationhood and historical recognition rather than just legal or administrative ones.

This escalation also emphasizes the more significant trend in nationalist politics affecting bilateral ties. Domestically, political players in both India and Nepal have been turning more and more to foreign policy issues to inspire popular support. In Nepal, criticism of India often finds prosperous footing in nationalist narratives that show India as an obstructive force. Although these stories are not necessarily based on reality, their resonance comes from past grievances and the more extensive background of imbalance. In India, however, there is a tendency in strategic circles to see Nepal’s actions as either reactive or shaped by outside players. When free from diplomatic communication, such opinions may harden policy stances and limit the area for compromise.

Another significant bottleneck in the relationship is Nepal’s evolving engagement with China. China has significantly expanded its presence in Nepal during the last ten years by means of diplomatic outreach, economic support, and infrastructural projects. Seeing a chance to diversify its economic alliances and lessen reliance on India, Nepal has accepted China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Nevertheless, it did not bore much fruit to Nepal. In New Delhi, where worries about Chinese intrusion in the Himalayan area have developed, this realignment has not gone unseen. From Kathmandu's vantage point, interacting with China is a hedging and strategic autonomy-boosting tactic. It aims to strike a balance between two big powers, thereby preventing too much reliance on one.

This captures the dynamics of small-state conduct in international relations, especially the idea of ‘soft balancing’, in which smaller governments try to increase their autonomy by including many partners without open conflict. Nepal’s China outreach also shows an effort to change its growth story, presenting itself not only as a dependent neighbour but also as a growing transit centre between India and China. This change for India calls for a review of its strategic posture. India would be better off improving its attractiveness with dependable infrastructure delivery, open project management, and culturally sensitive diplomacy with Kathmandu.

India has shown both technical know-how and readiness to co-develop responses in water resource cooperation. The great hydropower potential of Nepal offers the area transforming prospects. India has funded significant hydropower projects such as Arun III and Upper Karnali, therefore offering not just financial help but also grid connection and market access. Some cooperative ventures have delays that result not from a lack of purpose but rather from the complexities of transboundary water management. In renegotiating agreements, India has shown willingness and flexibility to guarantee that Nepali issues are resolved and profits are fairly distributed. 

The bilateral dynamic is powerfully shaped by ethnic politics as well, especially in connection to the Madhesi community in Nepal’s Tarai area. Historically excluded from Nepal’s political mainstream, the Madhesis have significant cultural and family links to those living in northern regions of India. Their demands for linguistic rights, federal reorganisation, and proportional representation have set off periodic outbreaks of internal strife. The complexity results from these internal issues permeating bilateral relations. While India views itself as supporting democratic values and minority rights, Nepal has seen India’s comments of support for Madhesi’s inclusion as an intervention in domestic affairs. This sensitive problem emphasises how foreign policy and home politics interact. After the civil war, state-building initiatives in Nepal have required a reconsideration of citizenship, identity, and representation. Cross-border ethnic connections can result in hopes of moral or diplomatic assistance in India. Handling these calls for great care. India needs to stress quiet diplomacy and people-to-person interaction in this case.

With these stacked difficulties, which paths may be followed for a more steady and cooperative relationship? First, bilateral communication has to be institutionalised right now. Although ad hoc conferences and high-level visits are valuable, they cannot replace organised systems of participation. Joint Commissions’ regular meetings, strategic conversations between foreign secretaries, and the rebirth of bilateral working groups on trade, water, and energy can help to provide continuity and lower misperceptions. Scholarly research on international regimes emphasises how crucial ongoing engagement is to building confidence and lowering diplomatic transaction costs.

Second, economic interconnection has to be extended and strengthened beyond conventional industries. In recent years, India has made admirable progress in building cross-border rail connections, starting a petroleum pipeline from Motihari to Amlekhgunj, and setting integrated checkpoints. Other areas like digital infrastructure, educational exchanges, and tourism should have these ideas expanded and duplicated. Economic cooperation should be considered as a vehicle for the empowerment of Nepal’s development aspirations as much as a tool for influence. Here, theories of complicated interdependence are informative, stressing the variety of channels and the role non-state players play in maintaining peaceful interactions.

Cooperation on water resources calls for a paradigmatic change. Pursues of joint development should centre on environmental sustainability, equality, and openness. Project agreements and bilateral treaties have to be negotiated inclusively with local populations and interested parties. Establishing dispute-resolution systems and cooperative environmental assessment agencies would also help to build confidence. Other areas, including the Mekong basin, where transboundary cooperation is controlled by multi-stakeholder systems balancing growth with sustainability, might provide lessons as well.

Ultimately, structural inequalities, changing geopolitical alignments, and deeply ingrained political sensitivity restrict India-Nepal relations, even if they have traditionally been close and profoundly nuanced. Though they are not insurmountable, the obstacles in the way of collaboration call for a change in institutional involvement, policy instruments, and attitude. Mutual respect, strategic empathy, and an awareness of Nepal’s sovereign goals will form the foundation of a forward-looking, sustainable cooperation. Through cooperative development, inclusive diplomacy, and long-term trust-building, India and Nepal can overcome regular difficulties and create a robust and future-oriented alliance.

Nepal and the United Kingdom—then represented by the British East India Company—established diplomatic relations in 1816, marking the beginning of Nepal’s formal international diplomacy. Since then, from the 19th to the 21st century, Nepal has expanded its diplomatic ties to 183 countries. Additionally, Nepal is a member of major multilateral institutions like the United Nations, as well as regional organizations such as SAARC and BIMSTEC.

Nepal also played a notable role in the Non-Aligned Movement during the Cold War. However, it is unfortunate that Nepal continues to primarily focus on its two large neighbors—India and China—and global powers like the United States. While Kathmandu has reached out to establish diplomatic relations with many other nations, such relations remain symbolic if they are limited to signed agreements without meaningful cooperation or engagement.

Nepal has the potential to enhance its diplomatic outreach and diversify its foreign policy for the benefit of the nation and its people—but it has seldom done so. For instance, although Nepal and Thailand established diplomatic relations on 30 Nov 1959, there were no high-level visits exchanged between the two countries for decades.

In the first week of April, Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli made the first official visit by a Nepali prime minister to Thailand, coinciding with the 6th BIMSTEC Summit. The visit served two purposes: to mark the first high-level Nepali visit to Thailand and to participate in the regional summit.

Prime Minister Oli was warmly received at Suvarnabhumi Airport by Thai officials. He later met with Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra, where both leaders discussed strengthening bilateral relations. They emphasized enhancing cooperation in trade, tourism, investment, connectivity, and people-to-people ties. The two leaders also agreed to deepen collaboration at bilateral, regional, and multilateral levels.

During the visit, the two prime ministers witnessed the signing of significant Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs) in cultural and tourism cooperation. Additionally, private sector representatives from both countries signed six MoUs to boost collaboration in areas such as trade, agriculture, health, and education.

Interestingly, Nepal is the birthplace of Gautam Buddha, while over 90 percent of Thai people practice Buddhism. Thailand is also one of the top destinations for Nepali tourists. Yet, despite these strong cultural and religious links, the two countries have largely overlooked each other in the past. Notably, while Nepal previously enjoyed visa-on-arrival facilities in Thailand, today, ordinary Nepali citizens are required to obtain visas in advance.

Geographically, Nepal and Thailand are relatively close—Nepal being a South Asian country and Thailand part of Southeast Asia—yet their bilateral relations have remained modest. Despite both countries joining BIMSTEC, a regional organization connecting South and Southeast Asia, interactions at the highest levels have been limited. Prime Minister Oli’s visit and his invitation to the Thai Prime Minister for a return visit signal a renewed effort to change that. A forthcoming visit from the Thai leader would mark another important milestone.

As two medium-sized powers with deep cultural and tourism ties, Nepal and Thailand should work more closely together—not only bilaterally but also in regional and global forums—as pledged by their prime ministers.

In today’s world of multipolarity, ongoing wars, climate challenges, and shifting alliances, it is essential for Nepal and Thailand to support one another. Overdependence on a few powerful nations can leave smaller countries vulnerable. Nepal, with diplomatic ties to 183 nations, must think more strategically. It should prioritize and diversify its international engagements—across economy, trade, culture, tourism, and more—to effectively serve its national interests.

Panday is a foreign affairs journalist based in Kathmandu

Fire incidents in Nepal are increasing by the day, spreading into settlements and destroying homes. Yet, the government has failed to control them. State mechanisms lack adequate equipment and trained manpower to effectively respond. The Nepal Police, often the first responders in such emergencies, are struggling due to a shortage of resources and skilled personnel.

In the past five fiscal years, fire-related incidents have caused damages worth Rs 12bn across the country. According to the Nepal Police Disaster Management Office in Samakhusi, Kathmandu, 79 people lost their lives in fire-related incidents in the fiscal year 2020/21. In 2021/22, the number rose to 92, followed by 109 deaths in 2022/23, 137 in 2023/24, and 59 deaths reported up to Falgun of the current fiscal year.

During this period, 2,054 people were injured, and one person remains missing. Fires have destroyed 72 industries of various types and 5,776 houses across the country. Additionally, 2,942 cowsheds were completely destroyed, displacing 288 people. Police data also shows that three schools and 19 government offices were lost to fire.

With the onset of this year’s summer, two houses were destroyed by fire in Baglung after a forest fire entered a settlement in Amalachaur, Baglung Municipality-12. The homes of local residents Neel Prasad Regmi and Dandapani Regmi were completely damaged. Though locals managed to bring the fire under control, they could not prevent the damage.

In total, three community forests in Baglung have caught fire this season. According to Man Kumar Chhantyal, Forest Officer and Information Officer at the Division Forest Office, Baglung, 46 hectares of Deurali Community Forest in Nisikhola, three hectares of Mauribhir Community Forest in Dhorpatan Municipality, and the Tarebhir area of Jalukepatal Community Forest in Jaimini Municipality have been affected.

In Pandanda, fires completely destroyed the three-storey zinc-roofed house of Lok Bahadur Thapa, the hut of Rail Bahadur Thapa Magar, and the hut and toilet of Tilak Bahadur Rayamajhi. The fire, which broke out in the scorching afternoon heat, was brought under control by a combined effort of the Nepal Police, Nepal Army, Armed Police Force, Forest Office, and the Sandhikharka Municipality fire brigade.

A major challenge in managing and controlling disasters lies in the demographic shift in villages—now largely populated by the elderly and children, with most youth having migrated. Locals say the lack of manpower makes it difficult to control fires, even in neighboring houses. Although local governments have made efforts, they are unable to cover all settlements, and fire brigades rarely reach remote villages. The problem has continued to grow due to the lack of prioritization in disaster management.

Rudra Pulami, ward member of Baglung Municipality-12, shared his concerns about the absence of young people in villages during emergencies. “There’s no manpower in the village. The elderly and children are not capable of putting out fires, even in their own homes,” said Pulami. “We’ve suffered great losses due to the absence of a nearby police post.” He added that the government only seems to respond during disasters, showing negligence at other times.

The Nepal Police are the primary responders during fires and other disasters. With proper training and equipment, they could effectively manage such emergencies. However, security agencies—including the police, who work around the clock—constantly face shortages. Due to budget constraints, the police are unable to provide fire-control training or sufficient equipment for their field personnel.

“The entire budget can’t be spent just on equipment and manpower,” said Taradevi Thapa, Office Chief and Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) at the Nepal Police Disaster Management Office, Samakhusi. “Our office currently has 50 ready-to-deploy personnel.”

According to her, a total of 125 trained police officers are stationed across the seven provinces, ready for deployment in fire emergencies. However, she admits this number is not sufficient. Thapa urged the Nepal government to allocate a larger budget for disaster management in the upcoming fiscal year. “Basic training alone is not enough,” she said. “The government should focus on developing both manpower and procuring necessary equipment.”

Thapa also shared that the police are currently working on a fire control action plan. Under this plan, awareness programs are being conducted by visiting forest settlements and at-risk villages. “We’ve been holding community-level programs with the participation of local governments, forest user groups, and residents,” she said. “These include door-to-door awareness campaigns and the distribution of informative pamphlets in fire-prone areas.” She also emphasized the need for annual training for police personnel involved in disaster response.

Thakur Bhandari, Central President of the Community Forest Users Federation, Nepal, blamed the government for the spread of forest fires into settlements. “If community forest groups were allowed to run industries based on forest products, there would be fewer forest fires,” he said. “Current industrial policies restrict such operations, leading to an increase in fire incidents.”

However, Bhandari also credited community forest workers with preventing many potential fires. According to federation data, Nepal has 23,266 community forest user groups managing 2.4m hectares of forest, directly benefiting 3.2m households and 16 million individuals. “Since our establishment, the federation has run grassroots awareness programs to prevent forest fires,” Bhandari said.

He also urged the state to facilitate industries based on forest products such as woodworking and furniture. Bhandari expressed disappointment that despite repeated requests to the Government of Nepal and the Ministry of Information and Communications to set up mobile phone alerts with fire warnings, no action has been taken.