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It is extensively recognized that the active participation of all citizens, regardless of gender, is essential for the construction and maintenance of robust democracies and the attainment of human development goals. Throughout history, women have consistently made substantial contributions whenever provided with the chance to hold public office or lead communities and informal organizations. However, only a small percentage of women occupy leadership positions across various government branches and decision-making levels. This imbalance underscores the unequal standing of women in society, resulting in restricted access to political and other opportunities coming from both governmental and societal entities. Achieving equality in opportunities requires a fundamental shift in perception. One of the primary challenges lies in cultivating confidence in women’s capabilities. Regrettably, a significant portion of the population remains hesitant to fully acknowledge women’s competence and assign them deserving roles because it is grounded in a misconception rather than a factual representation of intelligence. It is essential to recognize that these doubts stem from deeply ingrained beliefs, rather than an accurate assessment of women’s abilities. Overcoming this barrier demands concerted efforts to challenge and change these beliefs. By doing so, the society can work toward providing women with equal opportunities and promoting their participation and leadership across all sectors. 

In Nepal, women have consistently demonstrated their intellectual capacity to lead the nation and contribute to its development. The country’s history shows that women are no less capable than men. . Nepal’s political parties exploit women during elections and movements, only to neglect them once the events are over. This is due to the prevailing male-dominated mindset, lack of awareness, male biases, and the predominance of men in all political parties. These factors collectively impede women's active participation in politics and decision-making processes.

Several factors hinder women’s engagement in public life and decision-making roles. These include limited awareness of their rights and how to assert them; restricted access to information about laws, policies, institutions, and governing structures; issues related to self-esteem and confidence; and the need for an enabling environment that facilitates women’s involvement in decision-making processes. Economic dependency, inadequate financial resources, limited access to information, perpetuation of negative stereotypes in both family and public spheres, domestic responsibilities, intimidation, harassment, and violence further contribute to these constraints.

Regrettably, women’s participation in politics and decision-making roles has largely remained marginalized within Nepal’s political systems. Despite representing grassroots interests, many women lack political influence and access to decision-making positions. A few determined women politicians like Kamakshya Devi, Kanak Lata Shrestha, Sahana Pradhan, Mangala Devi and Astalaxmi Shakya have managed to overcome obstacles and violence to attain decision-making roles. However, the prevailing male-dominated nature of politics has dissuaded most women from envisioning politics as a viable career path. Those who do pursue this path often endure harassment and discrimination in a male-dominated field. The long-standing issue of violence against women politicians persists, often hidden due to the absence of platforms to voice grievances and concerns. Women politicians’ voices have been silenced by societal norms, political parties, the state, and individuals, perpetuating their suffering.

The deeply competitive landscape of male-dominated politics, coupled with patriarchal mindsets and systemic structures, presents a substantial hurdle to women’s political participation. The refusal of political parties to nominate a sizable number of women candidates obstructs women’s engagement in governance. That women are more likely to lose elections is not the issue; the underlying problem of group egos and hindrances to women’s capabilities is the real issue. This includes instances where certain women’s groups also add to these obstacles. In the realm of politics, power dynamics are apparent, predominantly favoring men. Women who aspire to claim this power encounter resistance and struggle against societal biases. Becoming a politician is not merely a matter of entering public life, it is also about managing personal and societal expectations simultaneously.

Two primary reasons contribute to women’s reluctance to engage in politics. Firstly, election aversion arises due to divergent political ambitions. Secondly, voter prejudice against female candidates, fueled by social bias, hinders progress. Many qualified women are forced to remain inactive due to these challenges. While some women accept the challenge and engage in elections, they often face limited success. It is imperative to critically analyze the root causes and devise strategies to foster the development of women’s political careers in alignment with their aspirations. 

It is clear that our Constitution seeks to ensure equal rights for all individuals. It guarantees fundamental rights, including equality and the right to a dignified life, for every citizen. However, when women endeavor to advocate for the enforcement of these rights and challenge the status quo, their actions often encounter resistance within society.

I am not implying that this sentiment applies universally, but a significant number of individuals are quick to cast doubt on women’s capabilities, often baselessly attributing any perceived shortcomings to their partners. This raises a fundamental question: What gives anyone the audacity to pass judgment without evidence? Furthermore, who granted them the authority to intrude into others’ private lives? Such behavior is not only objectionable but also undermines the dignity of those involved and tarnishes their reputation. Tragically, many individuals, often self-proclaimed, are not hesitant to label women as commodities to be blamed and criticized at will. This prevailing atmosphere dissuades women, particularly those from the grassroots, from embracing the role of change-makers. They weigh the potential risks against the benefits and find little incentive to undertake such challenges. It’s important to recognize that even women in higher positions face similar predicaments. There have been instances where a woman’s association with a high-ranking individual has led to accusations of direct or indirect corruption. Even esteemed figures like Hisila Yami, Arzu Deuba, Radhika Shakya, and our former president have not been spared such accusations.

This phenomenon raises the question: Why do people feel compelled to meddle in others’ private affairs, often overlooking the contributions these women have made, especially when their partners were actively involved in democratic struggles. Regardless of their individual achievements as engineers, teachers, doctors, social workers and more, they are often overshadowed by their companions’ identities. Is this not a form of violence against them too? It is imperative for society to shift its perspective, acknowledge women’s autonomy and capabilities, and stop unjustly blaming and interfering in their personal lives. A true understanding of equality requires recognizing and respecting each individual’s distinct contributions and potential. Only through such recognition can we truly foster an environment where women are empowered to pursue their aspirations without unwarranted hindrances.

Numerous women have distinguished themselves as political trailblazers and adept decision-makers in the present era. Many have showcased their talents and proficiency. Take, for instance, the accomplishments of individuals like Shanta Thapaliya, Lily Thapa, Sapana Pradhan Malla and Geeta Saungaula. These exceptional women have demonstrated their capacity to dismantle barriers, foster an environment conducive to creativity, and challenge social norms within their respective spheres. Despite these achievements, it is disheartening to witness how society tends to focus solely on their shortcomings, rendering their accomplishments as women secondary.

The paradox is evident: On the one hand, women possess the capability to excel in their roles and responsibilities, regardless of their field, experience, education, or personal contributions. Yet, on the other hand, they themselves often contribute to their own limitations in decision-making and other domains. This is not only a phenomenon within politics but also extends to other realms where opportunities are provided by both the government and society. When a few women manage to reach leadership positions, the need for an enabling environment and a supportive pathway for others are often forgotten.

Recognizing the critical role that women play in shaping policies, it is imperative to enhance their representation across all levels of political power structures and opportunities. Women occupying such roles should comprehend the ripple effects of their presence and advocate for their rights and authority without compromising their principles. Collaboratively investigating concealed truths and collectively asserting their presence in politics and decision-making are vital steps toward empowerment. However, this journey requires an understanding of individual identity, as intelligence alone might become a burden without a clear sense of self.

The government must adopt innovative policies and programs with robust implementation strategies. Establishing dedicated evaluation committees at various levels of governance can ensure effective execution. Political parties should examine their internal structures and processes, eliminating any form of discrimination against women’s participation. This might involve incorporating gender perspectives into party agendas and ensuring equal representation of women in leadership roles. Recognizing women as essential components of the political framework and acknowledging their voices as crucial to democracy’s strength can pave the way for an equitable, developed, and harmonious society.

The media can play a significant role in changing perceptions. By highlighting women’s accomplishments as decision-makers through feature articles and diverse perspectives, the media can empower women and foster political interest. When women see themselves depicted as capable leaders, they are more likely to engage in politics and seize opportunities without fear. Unity among women of different backgrounds is paramount. By amplifying a collective voice, women can dismantle barriers and create a more inclusive society. This unity will pave the way for meaningful participation in political and decision-making processes.

Summing up, a multifaceted approach is necessary for women’s meaningful participation in political and decision-making processes and their empowerment. Government policies, political party reforms, media representation, and women’s unity all contribute to shaping a more inclusive and equal society. By breaking down barriers and fostering an enabling environment, women can take their rightful place as catalysts for change in various fields, including in politics and decision-making.

The author is a Kathmandu-based advocate

In a simplistic portrayal, Nepal still grapples with a form of religious influence. The singular force of Pashupatinath, serving as a sanctuary during crises—be it the Covid-19 pandemic or a devastating earthquake—offers solace. While grand solutions have been found for these issues, economic and political resolutions may remain elusive for some time.

Navigating the intricate pathways that lie between the lines appears to be a daunting endeavor as Nepal approaches the impending era. This challenge permeates various spheres—economic, political, religious, and cultural—casting a formidable shadow over the nation’s trajectory. A glimmer of hope emerges, as youth, akin to a silver lining within a clouded sky, has unfurled its momentum from the eastern reaches to the western expanses of Nepal.

Facts about political parties 

The political parties are not yet prepared for economic, social, or political progress. They must exhibit clear intent and scale their developmental agendas. However, the timing of such actions remains uncertain. Several parties face disintegration/registration challenges and power struggles. Neither the future nor existing ideologies are distinctly conveyed to people.

Many youth-led forces, along with leftist parties, advocate for a state structure transcending provincial boundaries. Yet, CPN (Maoist Center) claims credit for initiating federalism, while Maoist Center Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal acknowledges federalism’s burden and proposes renaming provinces along ethnic lines. All in all, the Maoists’ stance remains unclear. Are other political forces simply passive observers, or are they aligned with this movement?

Amidst uneven diplomatic dialogues, the Bhutanese refugee issue, and the Lalita Niwas scandal, international perceptions and diplomacy seem to be subject to mockery. New scandals like the 100 kg gold smuggling risk further weakening Nepal's diplomacy and trapping political parties in a long-term predicament. The victory of independent candidates in the recently-held elections reflects frustrations of voters.

Balancing democracy and economy 

To achieve an economic action plan, numerous obstacles must be overcome. Although laws are well-drafted, their execution often falters. Commissions and executing bodies lack effectiveness. The lingering effects of impunity and power dynamics persist across sectors. Citizens distancing themselves from political parties signals a worrying trend. Political leaders must proactively address this shift.

Economic trends demand a circulative corrective approach in every nation. Examples from the US, the UK, China and India underscore the importance of a strong economy. National innovative schemes, nuclear experiments regulation, political transition and public sector reforms are necessary. Despite challenges, the UK is projected to sustain a 2.5 percent annual economic growth rate. A progressive economic approach suggests that sustained, gradual growth surpasses rapid expansion.

Nepal’s presumed leaders acknowledge that citizens possess the power to remove them, demonstrated by the overthrow of the long-standing monarchy. A united movement could challenge politics rooted in impunity. The ongoing power struggle between political expulsive and impulsive elements may lead to chaos, as witnessed in Nepal's history. The key lies in addressing public concerns and ensuring a stable transition.

Realpolitik or ragtag? 

While Nepali Congress has historically held influence, its contributions to political and economic development are questionable. It tends to propose impulsive agendas when in opposition, but substantial progress is lacking. Attempts at reform are active but lack enduring impact. Democratic ideals persist, regardless of whether they pertain to economics or politics.

The CPN-UML is consolidating following significant fragmentation. While drafting reformative policies on economy and polity, the party’s focus on implementation lags. Will policy formulation alone yield tangible outcomes?

The Maoists initially aimed for rapid, comprehensive development, exemplified by their aspiration for double-digit economic growth. However, their ambitions quickly fizzled out. Now wonder, the party, which was the largest political party in the Constituent Assembly (CA) election, is languishing at third today. Short-term progress in both politics and economics remains challenging.

Remittances play a crucial role in Nepal's present, significantly contributing to GDP growth. Research highlights their impact on education and poverty alleviation. Urbanization is also driven by remittance inflow. Nepal became eligible for graduation from least developed country (LDC) in 2018. However, a comprehensive agenda for this transformation is lacking. Nepal is entitled to various facilities from donor agencies as a developing nation, but political instability and lack of capacity is hindering the country from utilizing them to the fullest. Development-driven diplomacy is key for sustained economic growth, but patience is crucial.

Final thoughts

The intertwined eco-political dynamics outlined above present a perplexing situation. Effective, rational leadership is vital for the country. But it is too much to ask from our leaders. Economic progress requires catalytic actions. An overly reactive catalyst can hasten economic growth, but a strategic, retrospective approach offers a steadier path to economic advancement.

Although the Constitution of Nepal stands for fundamental rights, sustainable development and welfare policies, a sweeping wave of unemployment and inflation have pushed the country to a breaking point.

A soaring inflation has caused a brutal impact on the lives, livelihoods and overall well-being of the people. Whatever you purchase these days has inflation attached to it. To mitigate the economic distress resulting from a double impact of inflation and unemployment, the government could have introduced welfare schemes as the constitution has envisaged that all public policies are supposed to be in sync with fundamental rights and directive principles.

Soaring market prices have everyone upset. Tomatoes have become so costly that people have begun comparing them with petrol. In fact, it is a wrong comparison. While petrol costs Rs 175/liter these days, tomatoes cost around Rs 200/kg. In such a situation, governments—central, provincial and local—should have provided some relief to the people.

Constitutional quagmires

Our constitution, which entered into force on 20 Sept 2015, ‘guarantees’ so many rights. It guarantees the right to food (Article 36); right to employment (Article 33); the rights of consumers to have quality goods and services (Article 44), so on and so forth. Over and above all else, it guarantees the right to live a dignified life (Article 16). I wonder why we are not talking about these foundation stones on which the constitution stands.

Inflation has a direct bearing on poverty. The other side of this picture is that some of the adverse effects may have a lasting impact. For instance, a section of the population may suffer from diseases for want of a balanced diet owing to the lack of income or poverty.

On the other hand, people may not be able to educate their kids properly regardless of the right to education enshrined in Article 31 of the constitution as one of the fundamental rights.

All this has the people and their fundamental rights on the receiving end. In today’s federal democratic republic, the fundamental rights enshrined in the constitution sound so alien. Gradually, this situation may give rise to public distrust toward constitutional guarantees and government-made promises, thereby fomenting anarchy.

Preamble of the charter

The preamble of the charter obliges the state to end “all forms of discrimination and oppression created by the feudal, autocratic, centralized, and unitary system” for the creation of an “egalitarian society on the basis of the principle of proportional inclusion.” The preamble affirms the sovereignty of “We the people,” committed to fulfilling the “aspirations for perpetual peace, good governance, development and prosperity through the medium of democratic republican system of governance” and thus “hereby promulgate this Constitution through the Constituent Assembly.” The concluding part seeks to unite the citizens in an enduring sense of duty to uphold constitutional norms, not just the ‘loyalty of lip service’.

The Parliamentarians and the provincial leaders must ask themselves whether, as responsible public servants, they have stood up to the constitutional promise of maintaining the concept called “rule of law” and “egalitarianism”.

The governments’ failure to guarantee the fundamental rights (by curbing inflation and by providing jobs) can end up disrobing egalitarianism, the rule of law and the overall objectives of the preamble. 

Way forward

The people should raise their concerns strongly against unscrupulous exploitation of their rights and value their hard-earned money. A culture of accountability and honesty will not flourish in the country unless the consumers themselves become more vigilant.

Article 46 of the constitution empowers every citizen to knock the doors of the Supreme Court (Article 133) or High Courts (Article 144) for the realization of fundamental rights. Article 48 casts a fundamental duty on every citizen to abide by the constitution and the prevailing laws. 

Do we care about these provisions?

The governments’ failure to curb inflation or their failure to introduce welfare schemes amidst rising inflation reflects poorly on our political leaders. For them, nothing else matters save absolute power, it appears. This has a profound negative bearing on the entire democratic system of governance.

To protect fundamental rights, the government should rein in food inflation. There should be frequent administrative checks on retail prices, hoarding of food commodities and unabated smuggling of food items to the neighborhood.

Escalating food prices are especially worrisome as they undermine the right to food.  The mismanagement of the economy and lawlessness should not be the hallmarks of our federal democracy.

Margaret Thatcher, a British politician, had rightly said, “The Constitution has to be written on hearts, not just paper.” If we really want to live and breathe in a democracy, our constitution must be acknowledged in letter and spirit.   

It’s high time to realize that the country cannot survive with uncontrolled inflation and frequent disruption of constitutional mandates, especially given that Nepal is an ancient country of sustainable development-friendly people.

Take a pledge to implement the constitution, for the country deserves the rule of law. As George Washington has said, “The constitution is the guide which I will never abandon,” the time has come for every Nepali, including leaders and Ministers, to take the same solemn pledge.

Private Royal Guards in the UAE are not the nucleus of the defense forces. There are private companies involved in providing protection and security to the VIPs and important installations in coordination with national defense or the UAE police forces. For example, a specialized and high-tech defense solution company, the International Golden Group, has been supplying human resources to the UAE armed forces, ministry of interior and other defense-security authorities. Nepalis are part of the Royal Guard Abu-Dhabi and Royal Guard Dubai, but their numbers are hard to get. The civil security in the UAE has a troop strength exceeding 100,000, with approximately 1000 employed as armed guards. 

There are many private international and national contracting involved in recruiting armed guards in different parts of the world to lower the costs of war. The personnel needed for long-drawn-out military involvements in troubled nation states like Afghanistan are outsourced to countries whose GDP relies heavily on remittances from labor migration like Nepal. 

Repercussions on stability 

Nepal has a population of around 30m, and it is expected to reach 35.32m by 2050. It is a young country with 20.8 percent of the national population aged 16-25 years and 40.68 percent aged 16-40 years, pointing at a population surplus or a youth bulge.

But the downside is that the unemployment rate for youths aged 15-29 is 19.2 percent compared to 2.7 per cent of the whole population. According to estimates, over 500,000 Nepali youths enter the labor force every year. These figures indicate the quantitative dimension of the employment challenge, something which the state, including political leadership, needs to deal with.

Pensions and salaries are received in large amounts when a nation relies heavily on remittance. There are 125,000 Nepali retirees from the British, Indian and Singapore security forces, who received a total of Rs 61.9bn in pensions in 2021.

Over the years, the government of Nepal, along with the international community, has demonstrated commitment to addressing the root causes of violence and terrorism, focusing on economic development, political inclusivity and social harmony while dealing with armed outfits. 

Initially a rebel group, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) waged a decade-long (1996-2006) insurgency but transitioned into mainstream democratic politics after a peace agreement with the government. 

Some other outfits include the Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha (JTMM) that advocates for the rights of the Madhesi community and the Nepal Defense Army (NDA), a splinter of the Maoists that opposed the peace process and resumed armed activities in the mid-2000s. 

Conclusion 

Historically, Nepalis have become part of the defense forces of other nations through treaties or agreements. Contractors and agents have been part of the warfare mostly visible after the Gulf War. Of late, Nepali youths’ vulnerability to unwanted recruitment and undesired migration has become a matter of serious concern. This situation has arisen due to the lack of relevant domestic policies, lack of political accountability and domestic governance priorities, in the wake of Russia’s offense in Ukraine ignoring the obligations as one of the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council (P5).

Given this context, the government should take immediate action and implement measures to prevent Nepali citizens from joining the armed forces or forces that are not part of treaties and/or bilateral  agreements reached through memorandums of understanding or agreements.

Nepali citizens becoming part of the Russian armed forces is contrary to the spirit of the position that Nepal took at the UN Security Council meeting in March 2022. Such participation goes against Nepal’s foreign policy of neutrality and non-alignment. 

Nepali citizens being part of Russian defense forces has four facets in the international geopolitical situation. It leads to the loss of international political trust as well as diplomatic unease and apprehension; contradicts Nepal’s non-aligned foreign policy as well as long-held stance at the UN, gives rise to political unaccountability and increases the risk of terrorist organizations, political parties or non-state actors using trained personnel. 

So, the government of Nepal and the Parliament need to keep a close watch on the activities of the citizens and circumstances surrounding them within the country and abroad. First, the government should revisit the rules and regulations regarding migration by adhering to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 10 Dec 1948 (General Assembly resolution 217A). Secondly, it should ensure the repatriation of Nepali citizens if they are part of any contradicting treaty or bilateral arrangement, entered particularly through agencies and contractors. Thirdly, for the country to effectively benefit from weapons-trained youths, a number of measures can be taken. 

They include the formulation of a clear transition and reintegration plan for the weapons-trained youths; implementation of a dedicated program for utilizing their skills in service of the country; their mobilization for strengthening intelligence cooperation; amendment in recruitment policies and procedures for assimilation; induction into reserve forces with attractive compensation packages; career progression opportunities and partnerships and collaborations with foreign armed forces where Nepali individuals are serving to exchange knowledge, training methodologies, and best practices. This can contribute to the overall professional development of Nepal’s security forces and help in leveraging the skills of weapons-trained individuals.

Overall, a comprehensive approach is required to address the social, economic, and psychological aspects of the reintegration process to maximize the benefits of weapons-trained Nepali youths for Nepal’s security. Such measures can contribute to a strong and capable security apparatus, ensuring the safety and well-being of the nation and its citizens.

The author is a Strategic Analyst, Major General (Retd) of the Nepali Army, and is associated with Rangsit University, Thailand