Celebrating Krishnashtami: The eternal power of Lord Krishna

Lord Krishna was such a God, who saved this earth from the cruel clutches of Kansa and Kaurava  both. This savior of the world, this darling of Gokul and Mathura, gave humanity a message of love and affection. He preached to the great warrior Arjun in the battlefield of Kurukshetra that this world is transitory and there is no such thing called permanent relation. 

Per ancient scriptures like the Mahabharat, Krishna told Arjun, who was unwilling to war against his own kith and kin: You can liberate this world from injustice. You will not be called a warmonger but a true lover of mankind. So you have to fight this great war of Mahabharat at any cost to free yourself from the tyranny and terror of the Kauravas. 

For showing the path of righteousness, Krishna is remembered today with respect and reverence. Krishnasthami is celebrated in Nepal and India with great fun and fervor. 

Krishna was very fond of  Makhan (butter) in his childhood and he used to steal it from every household with his like-minded friends. That is why he is also called Makhan-Chor (the butter thief).

Krishnashtami is an annual commemoration of the sacred birth of Krishna, the eighth Avatar of Lord Vishnu. This festival is observed on the auspicious eighth day (Astami Tithi) of the dark fortnight of the month of Bhadra every year with pomp and show, especially in Tarai-Madhes and other regions where Vaishnavites, the adherents of Vaishnav Dharma, live. 

Krishna Lila, a Ramlila-like drama based on the life of Krishna, is staged at night every year as a special spiritual feature in these regions, by recreating flirtations of Krishna’s youthful days with the Gopinis (milkmaids) mentioned in the scriptures. 

Krishna was deep in love with Radha. He used to play the flute inviting Radha to come to him.   

Vidyapati, a pioneer poet from the Mithila region, has also narrated Krishna’s love toward Radha in many of his poems. He has painted several rosy pictures of their love as well as pictures of Radha’s sadness when she had to spend lonely and long periods of separation in Krishna’s absence. 

One of Vidyapati’s poems goes like this:

Who said,

The southern breeze was soothing?

Its gentle touch kills lonely women

And the pollen of flowers

Scorches like a fire

Trans. Deven Bhattachaya

(Love Songs of Vidyapati P 95)

This year, Krishnashtami falls on September 6—20 Bhadra, 2080 BS. The month of Bhadra is considered very much sweet and soothing. Devout devotees fast the whole day and they break their fast at midnight when, per the Veda, Upanishad and other religious scriptures, Kishna was born.

Observed with much fanfare across the country, this auspicious day not only signifies the pious birthday of a Vishnu incarnate but also of a divine preacher, who inspired the whole of mankind with his divine knowledge and supernatural powers. Krishnashtami is not merely a ritualistic celebration, but also a day of eternal and everlasting religious significance. Western customs and movements like the Hare Krishna movement (ISKON) draw from Lord Krishna and his teachings. 

Such is the eternal power of Lord Krishna. 

The author is a veteran linguist

Greed and fear-led policy-making

When greed and shortsightedness are primaries in scheming economic policies and adopting other policies that have their roots in political instability and political impulses, nations fail, nationals are dissatisfied and the private sector is discontented.

Greed is reflected in policy-making and policy implementation. Sectors like infrastructure development, administration processes and contract administration offer examples. Greed has been the root cause for institutionalization of corruption and bribery. Incompetence, ineffectiveness and inefficiencies are on the rise in Nepal where economic policies derive through political desires to acquire wealth for political parties as well as for individuals. Unwarranted and self-interested longing for wealth and power on the part of powers that be results in poor infrastructure development works that takes a huge toll with development efforts producing sub-standard and unacceptable outcomes. 

Institutionalization of corruption, greed-led policies, programs and contracts is emerging as one of the major ‘threats’ for Nepal’s sovereignty, national identity and stability. 

Scams like the Lalita Niwas land-grab offer an example. Nepal’s Parliament remains susceptible to greed-led policies even as some voices continue to challenge such policies. 

In national policies, the occurrences of greed can have across-the-board outcomes. The aim is to observe the repercussions of greed-led national policies and examine their prospective magnitudes on numerous compasses, including economics, social welfare and governance.

Characterizing good governance

The availability of international aid and loans largely depends on the extent of good governance in a recipient country and efforts toward development. Good governance-documented literatures are as old as human civilization. They lay stress on curbing corruption, hearing the voices of the marginalized/underrepresented peoples in decision-making, addressing the needs of the society and maintaining applicable standards of the finished work. Good governance is accountable, consensus-oriented, effective and efficient, equitable and inclusive, follows the rule of law, is participatory, responsive and transparent. 

Governance is often led by fear and greed and an insecure personal character. Fear that an individual is not capable enough to be placed in a favorable position where there is more budget. Personal behavior, also known as the greed personality trait (GPT), is personified by the craving to obtain further and the discontent of not ever having adequate, a trait associated with negative emotions/effect characteristics and aggressive conduct. These negative traits are turning into a national character, a setback for policy-making and forming a greed-free society in the long run. 

There is an involvement of several formal and informal actors as well as the civil society in governance. It may be a political cadre, who can influence decision-making in the interest of international donors that come with monetary pledges. Governments at various levels are one of the actors. Other actors can be landlords, heads of various associations, cooperatives, NGOs, INGOs, research institutions, religious structures and leaders, finance institutions, political parties and the military. They all can play important roles in making/shaping policies. Also, organized crime syndicates have influence particularly in government structures at the national level where decisions are arrived at and implemented. Informal decision-making structures like informal advisors, kitchen cabinets, land mafia and powerful families can influence decision-making, which often result in corrupt practices. 

The 21st century global economic crisis or financial crisis of 2008 highlighted the obsession and eventual ferocity of greed. It was an illustration of the type of recurrent greed that is prevalent in the economic system. The Asian Financial Crisis 1997 is another example of political inaccuracy in economic policies that impacted Southeast Asia.

Democracy sold out

Nepal has her own characteristics and own identity that need strengthening through democracy, but the opposite is happening. Greed-led practices to gain wealth for personal well-being are rampant, causing the investment meant for the nation to go waste.  It can be argued that the nature of corruption in democracies and autocracies for reforms are mere facades as there is corruption in infrastructure, tax collection, cross-border trade and government procurements.

This is part I of a two-part-series. 

The author is a Strategic Analyst, Major General (Retd) of the Nepali Army, and is associated with Rangsit University, Thailand

Closer China-India ties: A global game changer

The post-Cold War unipolar world has been shaken badly by the 9/11 attacks and the war on terrorism that followed achieved partial success leading to the compulsive pullout of the US forces from Afghanistan. The relationship between the US and China remained strained due to the trade war and the conflicting interests over Taiwan and the South China Sea. The Russian invasion of Ukraine and the ongoing war does not see any prospects of settlement soon, thus Ukraine is bound to suffer and face more destruction. Strategic mistakes were made by both Russia and Ukraine, but NATO gained valuable intelligence about the Russian war capability. African countries have been facing civil wars leading to major humanitarian crises and military coups in some of these countries signal no good days on the horizon. The ever-changing geo-political dynamics of this century are thus becoming more challenging.

Asia seems relatively quiet and peaceful because many of the volatile areas and issues have been back burnered. In spite of several border skirmishes, India-China trade continues to boom. The cross-border terrorist activities in Kashmir and the long outstanding border issues of India with both China and Pakistan have led to a strained relationship between them. The existing deadlock is not likely to be resolved soon, thus making the Himalayan region a flashpoint for potential conflicts which may even push the three nuclear nations to a war.

Now, is there any possibility to avoid or at least mitigate such a scenario? The answer would be both ‘Yes’ and ‘No’. China has an all-weather good relationship with Pakistan whereas it remains only fair weather with India; and looking back to their historical enmity and existing animosity the answer most likely would be a ‘No’. However, this projection based mainly on their geopolitical and strategic perspectives may not be that accurate if the perceived notion is examined from the economic perspective. A million-dollar question thus would be—what are such possibilities?

National aspirations

India and China both have their own national aspirations. India wants to be a permanent member of the UN Security Council (UNSC) and become a superpower over time. India qualifies for this because of her economic and technological advancement. China wants to expand its influence globally through the Bridge and Road Initiative (BRI) and become the first economic power well before the mid-21st century. This entails keeping herself safe against containment from superpowers and avoiding direct conflicts. These national aspirations could be the motivating and driving factors for both India and China to come closer. 

International financial institutions have projected that the 21st century will be the Asian century. The Chinese and Indian economies have already left the US economy behind in terms of their Purchasing Power Parity (PPP), nevertheless, the USA is still the number one in both economic and military power and will remain so for some time to come.  However, China and India are likely to supersede the US economy soon. Besides, the US economy would be affected by the de-dollarization initiative and the possible introduction of BRICS currency. Now, what happens if India and China closely cooperate and collaborate for larger economic interests and ally together for the realization of their national aspirations? If this materializes, the realization of the 21st century as the Asian century will happen earlier. India and China together will be the biggest economic and military power in the world and will be in the position to dictate global terms, thus ending the era of a unipolar world. 

Here, a hypothesis ‘the Western world would neither allow China and India to ally nor would they allow them to go to a war’, could be put to test. If they ally, they together will dominate the world and if they go to war, the possibility of a nuclear conflict cannot be denied; and both scenarios will be inconsistent with the interest of the Western power.

In the present scenario, could India ever become a permanent member of the UNSC? Will the best diplomatic and calculated strategic relationship with the USA help India realize her national aspiration? The existing defense dependency on Russian military hardware (more than 70 percent) and the relationship persisting since the Cold War period would not allow India to deviate from its basic strategic line for some time. Since Russia and China are strategically close and aligned, aligning with these two superpowers is likely to help India realize its national aspiration, which is unlikely by a piggyback from the USA. 

Therefore, the national aspirations and huge economic interest are likely to outweigh the military interest and competition, thus encouraging China and India to come closer. Through such cooperation and collaboration, the BRI gets the opportunity to access the Indian and South Asia markets which would, amongst other advantages, help China for the realization of its national aspiration.

Now a million-dollar question arises: Who would or can make this happen? Obviously, this will not happen on its own and some country or statesman has to take initiatives to facilitate the process. Here comes the possible role of Nepal and some of its acceptable statesmen who could lead a Track-II initiative. Nepal could play the role of a lynchpin between India and China. The BRI could be made a tool and the BRI passing through Nepal would bring India and China closer to materializing their national aspirations. The contentious issue between India and Pakistan would become a non-issue once China and India align; many of the outstanding and contentious issues between the three countries would fall in place through an amicable way out. The end result would be the peace that would prevail in the volatile South Asian Himalaya and Trans-Himalaya region as a whole.

In linear thinking, this proposal not only looks like wishful thinking but an absurd one. The issues are not as simple as debated above but also are not unachievable. Since most complicated issues generally have simple solutions, so could this be. The matching chemistry between the present leaderships of China and India could be an opportunity for turning this thinking into reality.

The author is Brig Gen (Retd) of Nepali Army and General Secretary of the Nepal Institute for Strategic Studies

Future of Wagner Group after Prigozhin passing

Against the backdrop of the current global security landscape, there is an undeniable and profound transformation taking place, both intricate and far-reaching, necessitating a thorough and comprehensive examination. Amidst this complex web of challenges, it is crucial not only to understand the Wagner phenomenon within the confines of policymaking but also to extend this understanding to a broader societal context. One of the fundamental questions that arises is whether security forces should be viewed as a public good or a private good. In other words, should they be taken as entities exclusively under the control and responsibility of governments and public institutions, or can they be mobilized by private entities, at any time, and in any location? This question delves into the heart of how security is conceptualized and provided in our contemporary world, and it challenges traditional notions of state monopoly on the use of force. It requires a nuanced understanding of the changing dynamics of security provision and the implications this has for society as a whole.

A growing influence

The Wagner Group still poses a significant global security risk due to its involvement in conflicts and destabilization efforts even though the mastermind Yevgeny Prigozhin is assumed dead, with its mercenary activities often on state actors' behalf potentially exacerbating tensions. Prigozhin, a Russian business tycoon, was referred to as the founder of the Wagner Group in 2014 and is slowly claiming the title of "father of modern mercenary forces", which now probably needs no introduction after its attempted mutiny against the Russian establishment in July. Prigozhin, often known as "Putin's chef" for providing catering services to the Kremlin, holds a central role in the group's formation and operations. Under Prigozhin, the Russian-registered Private Military Company (PMC) has fought in Ukraine and won Bakhmut for Russia, and now it is in headlines for its role in Africa as Wagner is now showing its strength to secure victory for Niger's dictator Gen Abdourahamane Tchiani, who declared himself the head of a transitional government on July 28, less than 10 days after Niger's elected president Muhammad Bazoom was captured by the military.

Wagner, who is said to have ties with Russian military intelligence, has recently ignited the debate on future warfare in the ongoing Niger coup after its operations spanned conflicts in Syria, Ukraine, and parts of Africa. Wagner’s intelligence unit has managed to win over the intelligence agencies of several western nations, like France, which had deployed around 1500 troops in Niger, and the US, which has over a thousand troops across two bases. Italy kept around 300 troops, and the European Union had at least a hundred troops, and yet together these troops have somehow failed to check extremism and terrorism attacks in Niger.

Mercenaries in future wars 

Throughout history, the use of mercenaries has been a recurring strategy employed by various civilizations to augment their military prowess. From Ancient Egypt to the modern era, mercenaries have played diverse roles in conflicts and expansion. This article delves into the historical roots of employing mercenaries, explores their utilization by European colonial powers, and highlights the contemporary surge in the use of Private Military Companies (PMCs) in a global context. Wagner has given rise to the rise of future mercenaries with its success in Central African Republic (CAR) where in the heart of capital city Bangui, a statue is placed that stands as a display of support to the CAR and also since Wagner is seen jointly with local security agents for providing security to President Faustin-Archange Touadéra, at least the defensive system of few countries can be seen to be under the mercenary already.

Private militaries covert combat

Like all major warfare initiatives, the US paved the way toward the rise of modern mercenary warfare, where it had to turn to PMCs for its need to undertake its military operations in Afghanistan, Iraq, and elsewhere to avoid the domestic backlash. This tactic of using contractors was thoroughly studied by the Kremlin, and as a result, the Russian version of the US’ most successful PMC, Blackwater, was created under the name Wagner. Although Blackwater later had to change its name to Academi after it was forced out of Iraq after a shooting incident in which 17 civilians died, Wagner, however, enjoys people’s full support wherever it goes to fight, and has always had the upper hand.

As global powers are making Africa a battlefield with the West and China employing methods to take the resources, the ground is also going on the verge of becoming a shadow battleground. This year, the Central African Republic saw the killing of several Chinese workers. China is now claiming that in the whole of Africa, their workers are often kidnapped for which they are increasing their security by deploying PMCs like DeWe Security Service, Huaxin Zhong An Security Group and China Security Technology Group. It is to be noted here that the Chinese government has direct or indirect control over the companies full of security agents with a military background, thanks to a compulsory military service in China. All this is set to make Africa a battleground.

Bhandari is assistant professor at the Department of Conflict, Peace and Development Studies, Tribhuvan University

Das is executive editor at IADN , India’s leading portal on Aerospace and Defense