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The repeated promulgation of constitutions shows that Nepal has been a constitutional laboratory for experimenting with various democratic models. From the Rana oligarchy to absolute kingship, the partyless Hindu monarchy, multiparty democracy and now a federal republican system, the country has transitioned through diverse political frameworks. After decades under the unitary system, Nepal has embraced federalism since 2015. 

These transitions reveal that Nepal has adopted a new constitution almost every decade in a span of 75 years. Recently, some groups have started advocating for a directly-elected executive form of government—the only model yet untested. The recurring failure of political leadership is often mistaken as the failure of constitutions, prompting public frustration and calls for change. However, no constitutional reform can succeed without honest, visionary and committed leadership. 

In the 1940s, public outrage ended the Rana regime. During the 1950s, King Tribhuvan restored monarchical authority, and later King Mahendra imposed a partyless system that faced strong public resistance. In response, King Birendra promulgated the 1990 constitution, recognizing multiparty democracy. Yet, it was later replaced by the interim constitution of 2007, which in turn gave way to the 2015 constitution—the first drafted by people's elected representatives as mandated by the 2006 Comprehensive Peace Accord that formally ended the decade long (1996-2006) Maoist insurgency.

Chronicles of change  

Of Nepal’s seven Constitutions, the Government of Nepal Act, 1948 was the first constitutional document. However, it did not vest sovereignty in the people of Nepal. 

Professor Laxmi Prasad Kharel, in Comparative Law and Nepalese Legal System, observed that the 1948 Act was “doomed to die from its inception”—the Ranas opposed sharing power, and the people rejected it for failing to meet their expectations. 

During the Rana era (1846–1951), state power was monopolized by the Rana family. Jung Bahadur (1817–77) seized power in 1846 and made himself permanent prime minister.

In 1951, an Interim Constitution was introduced but King Tribhuvan failed to fulfil his promise of establishing a constituent assembly. The King retained the power to appoint and dismiss the Prime Minister and Ministers and the cabinet functioned at his pleasure. The interim constitution lasted eight years, during which King Mahendra ascended the throne and imposed a direct rule on 1 Feb 1958, governing nearly two years without any constitution. 

In 1959, King Mahendra promulgated a new constitution where the Cabinet was accountable not only to the parliament but also to the King. He retained sweeping powers, including the power to dissolve the government and lower house and declare emergency under Article 55—making him politically supreme. In 1962, he replaced it with another constitution establishing the party-less Panchayat system, combining monarchical and parliamentary features. It banned political parties and imposed discriminatory citizenship provisions requiring knowledge of Nepali language. 

The 1962 constitution was replaced by the 1990 constitution, adopted after the people’s movement. The 1990 constitution introduced a multi-party democracy system and an independent judiciary. 

Federal dreams  

The 1990 constitution also failed to survive for long. The Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2007 was crafted through a political understanding following the abolition of the constitutional monarchy. It served as a transitional framework until a new constitution could be promulgated through the Constituent Assembly. 

The interim constitution, 2007 was the first Constitution to be written by Members of Parliament. It mandated the Constituent Assembly to enact a formal Constitution institutionalizing republicanism, federalism and secularism. 

During the period of 2007 to 2015, “The first priority today has to be the creation of a truly federal, democratic, republican political system and to ensure its development rising above the party-political lines and transient priorities. This task cannot be accomplished by limiting oneself to a certain political ism or anti-ism,” observes political scientist and professor Krishna Khanal in his book Federalism in Nepal: Management and Implementation.

Prof Bipin Adhikari in his book, Salient Features of the Constitution of Nepal, 2015, observes that inclusivity and diversity are the core focus of the 2015 constitution. However, Nepal’s journey toward inclusion depends, to a great extent, on the quality of democracy and constitutionalism it will achieve on the foundation of its constitution, argues Prof Adhikari in another book, From Exclusion to Inclusion: Crafting a New Legal Regime in Nepal. 

So, how can one discredit the progressive features of the current constitution? We can find hope in every political movement, but in Nepal’s case, the political transformations have, often, failed to deliver. Frequent repeal or enactment of constitutions cannot be considered a yardstick of a healthy democracy. Rather, the actual implementation of the constitution should serve as the foundation for good governance and a truly healthy democracy.   

Let’s build, not blame 

The problems in politics should not be mistaken for problems in the constitution. Merely testing different constitutional models cannot provide a lasting solution. The enactment of a constitution is not a magic stick to transform the state. What Nepal needs now is collective commitment to effectively implement the constitution. 

Conflicting provisions, if any, can always be amended through due process. Actual transformation can be achieved through constitutional stability, not through frequent changes of constitutions.  Weak governance, a politically influenced administration and public dissatisfaction with political leadership are to blame for the current mess, not the constitution.

On Sept 8, most GenZ youths probably woke up earlier than usual, driven by hope and a mission to protest against the rampant corruption plaguing Nepal at the Maitighar Mandala. They never expected that they would find state-sanctioned bullets to their heads. This article seeks to look at what lapses led to a meltdown of security mechanisms, specifically on the Sept 8 protests. This is because I align with the views of many experts, including Dr Balram Timalsina, who believe that the two days should be viewed in a completely different way and there should be two separate commissions to investigate them. Sept 8 was a protest driven by ‘frustration’ against the deep-rooted corruption in the country. Sept 9 was a protest driven by ‘anger’ against the state-sanctioned violence.

The beginning

Unlike traditional protests, most preparations for this one took place on social media. Individuals like Raksha Bam and Purushottam Yadav personally visited the Kathmandu district administration office to obtain permission for a peaceful protest between Maitighar and Everest Hotel, Baneshwor. The authorities granted the permission, but appeared unaware, or perhaps even indifferent, to how many people would turn up in support.

As a leaderless protest, different groups called people to gather at Maitighar at various times, but it began shortly before 9 am. Initially, there were just a handful of people, but looking at the rate of people coming in, everybody (except the authorities)  knew that this protest was going to make its mark in history. In hindsight, the atmosphere around 9 am was lively, with GenZ showcasing its creativity through paintings and printed memes held high above their heads.

The crowd’s behavior clearly showed it was a headless movement. Many were small groups of friends and classmates, seemingly attending their first protest. However, a particular group stood out. Anyone familiar with Kathmandu’s protests would easily recognize these faces and allegiances. Not everyone was there independently; some had vested interests. The protest had been infiltrated, though this was not entirely unexpected given the crowd of over 12,000 people. Yet, the state still seemed unprepared for such a contingency.

Intel and security failures

The intelligence agencies failed to analyze and predict the gravity of the situation, leaving authorities completely off guard. The National Investigation Department (NID), under the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) at the time, should have been properly mobilized to monitor developments. The blanket ban on 26 social media platforms had already created public hostility toward the government. The Nepo-Baby trending on TikTok gained more traction after this ban, as people, especially GenZ, shifted to TikTok, increasing the trend’s reach and influence on the protest.

The NID and other security intelligence units failed to monitor social media activity, relying instead on outdated methods of intelligence gathering and analysis. In recent years, the NID has come under scrutiny, with growing questions about whether it should remain under the PMO. Experts have long criticized it for being used by leaders to surveil political rivals. Had the NID been more proactive, other security agencies and possibly even the Prime Minister would have been aware of how the situation was unfolding on the ground.

The Nepal Police and the Armed Police Force (APF) are responsible for crowd management. They looked severely undermanned and did not take enough precautions to prevent a scenario where things would go out of control. Despite the fact that it was planned as a peaceful protest, it was the duty of the state and the security forces to prepare for any sort of contingency that may arise as the situation developed.

The escalation

People in the protest have said that initially they planned to march up to the Everest Hotel and return to Maitighar. When they reached the Bijuli-bazaar bridge, the only obstacle they faced there was a rope. As they marched on and reached in front of the Everest Hotel, they were stopped by a proper barricade set up by the Nepal Police, who clearly looked undermanned to deal with such a massive crowd. Behind them was a layer of APF and one water cannon. Behind this layer, leading up to the Parliament building, there was no police presence at all. 

As soon as protesters reached the barricade, some began pushing to break through, even forcing others toward it. Peaceful protesters struggled to move back as they were crushed by the crowd behind them. Meanwhile, another group arrived from Tinkune, positioning themselves behind the police line. The police suddenly found themselves nearly encircled, but tried to hold their ground until the group approaching from behind advanced and tore down the barricade. Water cannons were fired, but they failed to stop the massive crowd. The police, including the APF, retreated toward the parliament building. Facing ‘zero-resistance’, protesters reached the parliament’s southern (main) gate. Some moved toward the western gate, attempting to surround the building. Until then, there had been no baton charge, but as protesters gathered at the southern gate, police struck with batons once and began firing teargas to disperse the crowd.

Situation awareness and brutality

While this was happening, the Home Minister was attending a parliamentary committee meeting to discuss a bill. They were promptly extracted, exposing once again the weakness of our intelligence system. After their extraction, curfew was imposed around the Parliament, and police began shooting at protesters trying to storm the building. With mobile network signals nearly shut down due to the massive crowd, people had no way of knowing about the curfew or what was happening ahead.

The area around the Parliament remained tense throughout the day as hospitals filled with the injured. Instead of easing the situation, police brutality escalated. By evening, videos surfaced showing police storming Civil Hospital, located in front of the Parliament, and firing teargas shells inside. In Bir Hospital, where ad hoc blood donation camps had been set up, police again used force, injuring people who had gathered to donate blood for victims in critical condition.

Police started search operations, storming private residences and hostels looking for protesters, storming shops and beating shopkeepers. They were charging innocent travelers with batons. On Sept 8, the principle of use of force was totally disregarded. Police brutality was at its height, which acted as fuel for the rage for the fires that would ensue the next day.

Conspiracy 

There are a lot of speculations and conspiracy theories going around regarding the use of snipers to shoot students and instigate violence from external forces. A video showing a student in the middle of the crowd getting shot is circulating, reinforcing these speculations. Questions are being raised as to how a person in the middle of the crowd could get shot and not the person standing in front of him.

According to security analyst Chiran Jung Thapa, conspiracies cannot be ruled out; however, the use of snipers can only be proven after a thorough investigation. As per his observations, 2,200 shots were fired by the Nepal Police as a whole, but most of them were fired into the air. When a bullet is shot into the air, it does not simply disappear, it has to come down. When coming down, the bullet will follow the trajectory in which it was fired. This might be the reason why a student in the middle of the crowd got shot.

Conclusion

It is not that the security forces of Nepal are incapable of handling protests of such a scale. Their capacity was seen in March when Durga Prasai drove his vehicle through the barricade of Tinkune all the way to the Parliament building, instigating the protestors to join him. Back then, the security forces were well-prepared with adequate layers of barricades, personnel and equipment, enabling them to stop the protesters from moving toward the Parliament building.

It is because of a lack of preparedness or intention of the concerned authorities, heavy politicization of intelligence and security agencies, lack of professionalism among the security personnel on the ground, and rulers tripping on power with inflated ego that the tragic incidents of Sept 8 unfolded and paved the way for the destruction of Sept 9.

The author is program coordinator & research associate at the Nepal Institute for International Cooperation and Engagement (NIICE)

Nepal’s interim government is operating amid a deep national crisis. Public trust in the state is weak. Institutions are working at cross purposes. Citizens, especially the youth, are demanding change on the streets, while political factions and external actors closely watch for any weakness to push their own agendas. The government’s mandate is limited but crucial: conduct national elections within six months, of which one month has already passed. This cannot be achieved through short-term political arrangements or by simply reacting to every crisis. The state must fix its weak institutional foundations. Fortunately, the Constitution offers a clear instrument for this task: the National Security Council (NSC). This is one of the government’s most strategic, but most underused, institutions.

Nepal’s instability is not happening in isolation. Youth groups are demanding structural change, while political parties that lost power after the dissolution of the lower chamber of the bicameral parliament (the House of Representatives) see this as a chance to make a comeback. At the same time, supporters of a return to the erstwhile royalist order are becoming more vocal, presenting themselves as an alternative political force. External actors are also watching the situation closely. 

A weak and distracted Nepal suits the strategic interests of some regional and global powers. The longer state institutions remain uncoordinated, the more space internal and external actors will find to influence national affairs. The current situation, latent inter-agency rivalries, uncoordinated responses, and widespread public anger reflect a deep crisis of coordination and command. If this gap remains, it could become very difficult to control later.

The NSC, established under Article 266 of the Constitution, was created precisely for such a situation. It is meant to serve as the strategic brain of national security, bringing together the Prime Minister and the Ministers of Defense, Home, Finance, and Foreign Affairs. However, successive governments have allowed the NSC to remain a ceremonial body, meeting rarely and acting even less. This interim government can change that. Reactivating the NSC requires no new law or constitutional amendment, only political will. The NSC offers a neutral platform to depoliticize security discussions, the authority to bring all security agencies under a common plan, and a legally sound way for an interim government to address security challenges.

Reviving the NSC should not mean only holding closed meetings. It should become a real center for coordination, planning and communication. The government can give it three immediate tasks. First, the NSC should issue a clear public directive explaining which agency does what during a crisis. This simple step will reduce confusion and close the gaps that opportunistic actors currently exploit. Second, intelligence and security agencies must be required to share information and work on the basis of a common threat assessment as fragmented works allow destabilizing elements to take advantage of blind spots. Third, the NSC should hold regular briefings to inform citizens about the security situation and present a common narrative. This is not about revealing sensitive information; it is about preventing rumours, misinformation and disinformation from filling the gap. While the NSC membership is constitutionally fixed, its processes can be more inclusive. It should consult representatives from the private sector, civil society, scholars, technology experts and youth groups as these stakeholders bring perspectives from the ground that government officials often miss.

Given limited time and high risks, the government’s approach must be focused and realistic. In the first phase, the government should activate the NSC by holding a serious, substantive meeting and publicly declaring it as the central coordinating body. This will signal both to the public and to external observers that there is a clear hand on the wheel. It should also launch an independent inquiry by forming a time-bound, judge-led commission to investigate recent protest violence. Showing accountability will strengthen public confidence and deny critics their strongest arguments. Alongside this, the government should establish a crisis communication desk to serve as a single, trusted source for verified information. When rumors spread about “foreign hands” or hidden agendas, citizens should know exactly where to get the truth.

In the second phase, the NSC’s policy directives must be translated into operational orders across all security agencies. In sensitive districts, local security committees made up of officials, police and community leaders should be set up to identify grievances early and prevent external exploitation.

The interim government’s success will not be measured only by whether the streets become quieter for a short period. Its real success will be judged by whether it leaves behind a more coherent, trusted and functional state than it inherited — one that is less vulnerable to internal manipulation and external pressure. The NSC can and should be the central instrument to achieve this. By reactivating the NSC and using it strategically, the government can provide clarity, restore coordination, and close the gaps that currently invite instability.

The author is a self-practicing social analyst. Through her independent study of Nepali society, she provides a unique perspective on societal norms

By embedding practical awareness, strong security, and digital trust in the investor “ecosystem”, Nepal can nurture a generation of empowered citizens. Digitization expands inclusion but also increases potential risks in the absence of adequate financial education. There are many examples in Nepal itself of how many investors have lost their investments due to information insecurity.

Lack of access to financial services is a major factor in this—they lack the ability to distinguish real opportunities from digital fraud. As the “Global Investor Week (Oct 6-12) 2025” begins, it is appropriate to consider the risks and opportunities facing Nepal’s growing young investor class.

Today, conversations about money flourish not at bank counters or in the offices of traders but on smartphones, reels and trading apps. The rapid digitization of financial services has made investing and saving more accessible than ever, creating a new class of first-time investors, many of whom are young and ambitious.

Yet, with these opportunities has come a surge in scams, misinformation and misplaced trust, which threaten to undermine the trust that underpins financial inclusion. The rise of financial influencers, or “finfluencers,” is perhaps the most visible sign of this new era.

They package complex financial concepts into 60-second videos, attracting millions. While some offer trusted insights, others engage in biased propaganda disguised as sound advice, often pushing risky products for undisclosed commissions.

For budding investors, this ecosystem is both a gateway and a minefield. Some proceed cautiously through systematic investment plans or fixed deposits, while others pursue quick gains through high-risk equities or speculative assets. Financial engagement carries both empowerment and risk. A lack of confidence or adequate financial education can discourage participation in formal markets, leaving them dependent on informal and exploitative options.

Financial literacy is essential for the general public as it helps them to choose banking services and make the right decisions. Along with financial literacy, there is also a need to increase digital transactions.

While most people acquire the knowledge necessary to develop a sensible financial plan, many errors will inevitably lead to irreversible adverse financial consequences. In order to survive and compete effectively in today’s environment, the youth, who constitute 70 percent of the population and 100 percent of Nepal’s future, feel strongly compelled to write and teach.

The world is getting smaller due to an increasingly integrated and globalized economy. In many industries, we are expected to compete against the best from around the world. Knowledge is truly a valuable asset. Without all the facts, sound decisions cannot be made, resulting in countless mistakes. Clarity is second only to accuracy for financial writers and editors.

Therefore, Nepali media reporters have been resolute in their efforts in recent years to make the content of their newspapers and its internet companion editions as accessible as possible to a wide range of readers.

Financial news presentation

It has been observed that despite the newspapers’ efforts, many people continue to find the terms, concepts and presentation of detailed financial news difficult—especially if they are relatively new to the world of business and finance. 

The capital market is more important now than ever. The increasing interdependence of the world’s countries—for which the acronym is globalization—has limited the ability of individual governments to act independently. In recent years, the importance of financial education has increased as a result of the development of financial markets and demographic, economic and policy changes.

Financial markets are becoming more sophisticated and new products are constantly being offered. Consumers now have greater access to a variety of credit and savings instruments provided by a variety of entities, from online banks and brokerage firms to community-based groups.

As a result of changes in pension arrangements, an increasing number of workers will take on more responsibility for saving for their retirement. With increasing life expectancy, individuals will need to ensure that they have enough money to last longer so that they can spend it during retirement.

Financial education

As a major topic in financial education, the definition of financial education should be deliberately kept broad. By using a broad definition of financial education that includes elements of information, instruction, and advice, the identification, description, and analysis of financial education programs is as inclusive and comprehensive as possible.

Financial education is the process by which financial consumers/investors improve their understanding of financial products and concepts and, through information, guidance and/or objective advice, develop the skills and confidence to be more aware of financial risks and opportunities, to make informed choices, to know where to go for help, and to take other effective actions to improve their financial well-being. Instruction involves providing consumers with facts, data, and specialized knowledge to make them aware of financial opportunities, choices, and outcomes.

What is investment?

There is also some pride in being a capitalist. Your savings result in wealth creation. In a world without equity and bond investors, without the railways being built purely for profit, the pharmaceutical industry would be much smaller and Silicon Valley would still be producing fruit.

New technologies or products can be created. Books and movies can be written. A greater level of education can be obtained, leading to careers in fields such as corporate management, financial advisory, law, health care, sales, etc. Having a diversified portfolio of stocks, bonds, real estate, and other securities can significantly increase an investor’s returns and actually reduce risk.

But high-yield investments such as stocks, bonds, and real estate involve a greater level of risk, which can lead to lower investment returns and increased potential for losses.

In Nepal, SEBON and NEPSE have invested some time and resources in educating investors and expanding financial literacy, and the culture of stock investment has grown to the desired extent. 

Importance of financial education

The complexity of financial products means that consumers are now faced with a wide variety of financial instruments that offer a range of options in terms of fees, interest rates, maturities, etc. The quality of some of these financial instruments, such as life insurance policies, is difficult to assess because they are purchased occasionally and there is often a significant time lag between purchase and use.

The deregulation of financial markets and the reduction in costs brought about by the development of information technology and telecommunications have led to an increase in the number of new products tailored to meet very specific market needs.

The internet has also significantly increased both the amount of investment information and the availability of credit products and these products. A review of financial literacy surveys in 12 countries by international agencies concluded that financial understanding among consumers is low.

Financial literacy levels are lower for certain groups, such as the less educated, minorities, and those at the lower end of the income distribution.

Financial education can benefit consumers of all ages and income levels. For young adults just starting their working lives, it can provide basic tools for budgeting and saving so that spending and debt can be kept under control.

Financial education can help families gain the discipline to save for their home and/or their children’s education. It can help older workers ensure they have enough savings for a comfortable retirement by providing them with the information and skills to make wise investment choices with both their pension plans and any personal savings plans. Overall, financially educated consumers are in a better position to protect themselves and report potential abuses by financial intermediaries to authorities. In this way, they will facilitate supervisory activity and theoretically allow for a lower level of regulatory intervention.

As a result, the regulatory burden on firms will be reduced. 

The most commonly used method of providing financial education is through publications. These publications take various forms, including brochures, magazines, booklets, guidance papers, newsletters, annual reports, direct mail documents, letters, and disclosure documents. Another frequently used method is the internet, in the form of websites, web portals, and other online services.