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Nepal stands at a pivotal moment in its digital journey. With 132 percent of cellular mobile phones proliferating and with 55.8 percent of online penetration expanding even into remote corners the question is no longer if the country will transform, but how that transformation can be guided toward equity and inclusion. Central to this is the role of girls and young women: from coders and entrepreneurs to engineers and digital-diplomacy leaders, they represent an enormous reservoir of talent that remains largely untapped. In a country where digital strategies have been drafted to accelerate progress on health, education and economic development, Nepal cannot afford to leave half its population on the sidelines.

As we marked the International Girls in ICT Day 2025 last month under the theme “Girls in ICT for Inclusive Digital Transformation,” this article explores what that transformation could and should look like for Nepal. We examine the current landscape, shed light on both barriers and opportunities and chart a possible roadmap to ensure every girl in Nepal can confidently claim her place at the digital table.

Every year on April 24, the global community unites to celebrate Girls in ICT Day, shining a spotlight on the critical role that girls and young women play not just as technology users, but as innovators, creators and leaders of our digital future. 

The celebration is rooted in a powerful historical parallel. Thirty-six years ago, the Hubble Space Telescope was launched, an achievement made possible in no small part by Nancy Roman, often called the “mother” of Hubble. Roman faced early resistance: she was told astronomy and the vastness of space was no place for a woman. Undeterred, she persevered, securing legislative approval and funding that transformed human understanding of the universe. Her story is a testament to the fact that when women are given the opportunity to lead, the boundaries of possibility expand exponentially.

In Nepal, the year’s celebration featured hackathons, ideathons, AI exposure workshops and digital safety training. These events witness the enthusiastic response from the young participants but their urban-centric nature definitely leaves countless curious girls in rural and marginalized communities disconnected from the celebration.

The big picture

Nepal’s digital transformation journey, as outlined in the 16th Periodic Plan, is focused on modernizing governance, enhancing service delivery and integrating technology across key sectors. The government has prioritized faceless service delivery through tools like the Nagarik App, supporting Digital Nepal Framework 2.0, which seeks to expand digital infrastructure, broadband connectivity and cybersecurity measures. Education and healthcare systems are also undergoing digitization, with plans to implement digital learning platforms and an integrated health information system to improve accessibility. 

Gender inclusivity is embedded in the transformation efforts, with targeted programs aimed at expanding digital literacy among women and marginalized communities. Policies emphasize increasing technology access and affordability for women, children, gender minorities and individuals with disabilities, ensuring equitable participation in Nepal’s evolving digital economy. Employment initiatives like IT-based job programs for youth further aim to bridge gaps and provide digital employment opportunities. Fintech solutions such as IME Pay, Khalti and eSewa have empowered women-led businesses, offering financial inclusion and digital banking services to underserved communities. These structural changes indicate that Nepal’s digital transformation, if effectively implemented, has the potential to bridge the gender divide and economic disparities for a more inclusive future.

But challenges still persist.

Women in ICT in Nepal 

Nhasala Joshi, the co-founder of Women Leaders in Technology (WLiT), recalls how, in professional settings, people often assumed she was an assistant when she attended meetings alongside her male employees. This seemingly small but deeply rooted assumption speaks volumes about the gender disparity in Nepal’s ICT sector, where women still struggle for recognition in leadership and technical roles. It reflects a larger societal pattern, one shaped by entrenched biases, systemic exclusion and a biological deterministic attitude that diminishes women’s professional agency.

According to a Women in Information Technology (WIIT) study, women constitute only 7.88 percent of the workforce in Nepal’s ICT companies, particularly in core technical roles, and an even lower 0.51 percent in ICT-enabled firms. These figures stand in stark contrast to 42 percent female tech representation in the Philippines, 34 percent in India and 22 percent in Indonesia, underscoring Nepal’s lag in gender-inclusive digital employment. The UN Women’s Gender Snapshot Report (2022) warns that this exclusion could cost Nepal Rs 15bn by 2025, reinforcing the economic urgency of closing the digital gender gap.

Women in Nepal’s digital landscape face systemic barriers that limit their full participation in ICT. Deep-seated biases in hiring, restricted access to digital literacy programs and weak cybersecurity protections perpetuate gender disparities. Key challenges also include limited mentorship opportunities, financial barriers to accessing education and training, and inadequate support for work-life balance, making it difficult for women to return to the workforce after career breaks. 

Despite increasing internet accessibility (with women making up 43.6 percent of Nepal’s total social media users) this connectivity does not equate to equal opportunities in the digital economy. Many women continue to face online harassment, cyber threats and limited exposure to tech-driven employment, reinforcing their marginalization in Nepal’s digital transformation. Furthermore, Nepal’s policy framework lacks explicit mandates for gender equity in ICT, offering insufficient legal protections for digital safety and empowerment. Without deliberate action, these gaps will widen, leaving women on the periphery of Nepal’s digital progress rather than at its center.

The way forward 

Despite the stark differences, the same study shows that the ICT sector is gradually becoming more inclusive for women, offering signs of progress toward equality. Encouragingly, wage disparity appears less pronounced in Nepal’s ICT sector, with 87.9 percent of surveyed women reporting no compensation differences compared to male counterparts. Women are also recognized for their strong ethical professionalism, effective customer relations and innovative thinking, underscoring their potential to shape the industry. Much remains to be done to ensure meaningful participation for women in digital transformation. 

For Nepal’s digital transformation to be truly inclusive, efforts must begin with investing in girls in ICT from an early stage. Strengthening digital literacy programs in schools, communities and workplaces is essential to ensuring that young girls not only understand technological tools but can also envision career opportunities in ICT. Nepal must also push for stronger cybersecurity laws and workplace inclusivity policies to safeguard women’s participation in the sector without fear of harassment or discrimination. Investment in women-led tech initiatives can accelerate progress by providing funding, mentorship and incubation opportunities for female entrepreneurs in technology. Additionally, shifting cultural narratives is crucial—society must actively encourage young girls to pursue digital careers and showcase female tech leaders as role models.

Digital transformation in Nepal is more than a technological shift—it is a structural reimagining of economic, infrastructural and social development. As Nepal embraces digital tools to modernize public service delivery, governance and economic opportunities, ICT emerges as the essential enabler of this transition. However, for this transformation to be truly impactful, it must be inclusive, ensuring that women, who make up nearly half of the nation's population, are active contributors rather than passive beneficiaries.

Former President Bidya Devi Bhandari’s nine-day visit to China has been interpreted differently by various sections of the society. Much of the commentary and analysis was based on reports in the Nepali media often lacking objectivity or verification. This tendency, with a few exceptions, remains a characteristic of Nepal’s media landscape.
Before delving into her high-level visit to Beijing and Gansu province accompanied by leaders of the CPN-UML and a Minister of the Government of Nepal, it is worth recalling who Bidya Devi Bhandari is. She served two terms as the president of the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal, becoming both the country’s first female president and a founding president of the republican era. During her tenure, she faithfully upheld the Constitution and acted as a guardian of national interest, always prioritizing sovereignty and integrity without compromise.

In Nepal’s political history, Bhandari has made lasting contributions that are widely recognized. She championed the women’s movement, significantly advancing women’s participation in policymaking, especially in politics. Before becoming the head of state, she was the vice-president of the CPN-UML—the party’s second-highest position. Although she entered the presidential office carrying her party’s legacy, she fulfilled the responsibilities of her high office with dignity and neutrality.

Now, let us return to the core issue: the nature of her visit to China. She visited the northern neighbor in the capacity of a former head of state, not as a CPN-UML leader. Contrary to reports in Kathmandu, she was not invited by the International Department of the Communist Party of China (IDCPC), but rather by an organization named the Chinese Association for International Understanding. However, it is true that the IDCPC facilitated the visit. During her stay in Beijing, she addressed a gathering of political parties from China’s neighboring countries as a guest speaker. She understandably presented herself as both a former head of state and a former vice-president of the CPN-UML, which is appropriate and does not harm anyone. After all, political leaders carry their legacies.

In Gansu, she delivered a statement on China’s Global Civilization Initiative (GCI), announced by President Xi Jinping in 2023, at a high-level political party meeting. China is a civilizational state with a recorded history of more than five thousand years. The revival of such a legacy is a proud moment for any nation. During her visit, Bhandari met with Chinese Vice-president Han Zheng in Gansu and held a meeting with Liu Jianchao, Minister of the IDCPC, in Beijing. In both meetings, she presented herself as a leader of Nepal’s communist movement and a former president. She also met Ji Bingxuan, vice-chairman of the Standing Committee of the 13th National People’s Congress and president of the Chinese Association for International Understanding. Their exchanges focused on goodwill and matters of mutual interest.

While she was participating in programs in Beijing, a wave of speculations and conspiracy theories flooded the media in Kathmandu. Much of the reporting misrepresented the nature of her engagements, fueling unnecessary political tensions. Upon the delegation’s return, Minister Damodar Bhandari held a press briefing to clarify the purpose and outcomes of the visit. He explained that the visit focused on strengthening bilateral ties and covered various issues, including trade, culture, civilizational linkages and people-to-people relations. Understandably, discussions also included party-to-party relations between the CPN-UML and the CPC.

These were the key diplomatic engagements of former President Bhandari during her visit to China. Everyone has the right to interpret the underlying messages, but interpretations must be based on facts and coherence with the agendas of the visit.

Let’s fairly evaluate the visit.

First, no Chinese leader said that Nepal’s communist parties must unite before the 2027 elections, as some Nepali media outlets inaccurately reported. Chinese officials are careful not to interfere in domestic political matters. They consistently emphasize political stability as a prerequisite for development and prosperity. When engaging with Nepali leaders, they often share their own historical experiences of national humiliation and urge Nepali counterparts to maintain stability and pursue development with patience and vision.

Second, Chinese leaders generally welcome guests with honor and respect—more so for someone like Madam Bhandari, who is both a former head of state and a figure with a strong communist legacy. The respect she received should be interpreted as respect for the people of Nepal and its leadership. There is no evidence to support the claim that China is projecting her as the next president of the CPN-UML or facilitating her return to active politics.

Third, some reports suggested that Minister Liu said Madam Bhandari was the only leader capable of uniting Nepal’s communist parties. This was another misrepresentation. While Minister Liu did praise Bhandari, he did not suggest that she was uniquely trusted by China to reunite the leftist forces. This claim is part of a deliberate effort to circulate misleading narratives.

Fourth, Madam Bhandari is not only a former president but also the spouse of Madan Bhandari, the architect of People’s Multiparty Democracy (PMD)—the guiding principle of the CPN-UML. Chinese leaders hold great respect for the late Madan Bhandari and are closely familiar with the PMD framework. Their respect for Madam Bhandari is naturally linked to her late husband’s ideology, which sought to creatively reorient Nepal’s communist movement.

Fifth, the issue of who will be the next president of the CPN-UML is entirely an internal matter of the party. It is neither dictated by Beijing nor influenced externally. KP Sharma Oli is the current president of the party and the Prime Minister of Nepal. He leads both roles with strength and stability. Oli has never faced a leadership challenge within the party. He is seen as the leader who protected and revived the party during difficult times. If and when he decides to step down, he will identify a suitable successor. Should Madam Bhandari re-enter active politics, it will only be with Oli’s endorsement.

Therefore, let us refrain from circulating fabricated plots. Let us respect our neighbors and avoid unnecessarily dragging them into our internal affairs. Let us show our leaders some respect and avoid fueling divisions.

The Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) has filed a corruption case against former Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal and 91 others in connection with the Patanjali land scandal. The move has ignited a debate over whether the CIAA has the constitutional authority to investigate cabinet decisions, with legal experts and political analysts sharply divided.

Nepal’s party, the CPN (Unified Socialist), along with several opposition groups, has denounced the case as politically motivated. Many suspect that Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli may have influenced CIAA Chief Prem Kumar Rai to target Nepal, one of Oli’s most vocal critics, under the pretense of a corruption probe. The rift between the two leaders has been widening since the party’s split in 2021

Public reaction has been swift and skeptical. From social media to teashop gossip, many see this as an attempt to weaken the Unified Socialist and lure away its lawmakers. If successful, such a maneuver could boost the CPN-UML’s numbers in the House of Representatives, potentially pushing the Nepali Congress into second place.

But the greater concern is the deepening erosion of public trust in state institutions.  This growing distrust poses a more serious threat to Nepal’s democratic order than the revival of monarchist sentiment.

Like many state institutions, the CIAA is losing legitimacy due to a flawed appointment process, selective investigations, and a deferential attitude toward the political elite—all of which compromise its constitutional autonomy. At the heart of the problem lies the method of appointing the CIAA’s leadership.

Chiefs and commissioners are often chosen based on political allegiance or their willingness to offer bribes for the position. Such practices fatally compromise the agency’s independence.

As a result, the CIAA is frequently accused of targeting “small fish” while ignoring large-scale corruption involving high-profile figures. Its track record in major cases is dismal, with many prosecutions falling apart due to poorly prepared charges at the Special Court.

Had the CIAA built a reputation for fair and rigorous investigations, the current case against Nepal might not have provoked such intense skepticism.

This isn’t just about one institution. Across the board, Nepal’s key democratic institutions are rapidly losing public confidence. The recent delay in appointing the Governor of Nepal Rastra Bank is a case in point, which was marked by indecision and political bargaining at the highest level.

Meanwhile, the judiciary’s credibility continues to decline. One controversial verdict after another has led many to question the impartiality of the courts. Just two weeks ago, the Janakpur high court acquitted former Nepali Congress lawmaker Mohammad Aftab Alam in connection with the 2008 Rautahat blast and subsequent killing of those injured. 

Despite strong testimony from legal experts, witnesses, and journalists implicating Alam, the court found him not guilty. Such rulings fuel public despair and reinforce the perception that justice in Nepal is hostage to politics and impunity. 

The executive branch fares no better. Public trust in the government is at an all-time low, driven by repeated accusations of corruption, opacity, and indifference to citizens’ concerns. One glaring example is the unwillingness of the Prime Minister and ministers to disclose their property details more than a year after the current NC–UML coalition took power.

If Nepal’s political parties are serious about defending the current system against royalist and other anti-democratic forces, they must begin by restoring faith in public institutions. That starts with overhauling the deeply flawed appointment process. Too often, constitutional bodies are staffed not by competent, independent professionals but by political loyalists and former bureaucrats with party affiliations.

These appointees remain beholden to the leaders who installed them, rendering institutions ineffective and subservient. Far from being autonomous, many constitutional bodies now operate as extensions of the executive. The judiciary is no exception.

Over the past two decades, political interference in the justice system has become so normalized that ordinary citizens can identify the political leanings of Supreme Court justices based on their past affiliations. This perceived bias has severely undermined the legitimacy of court rulings.

Both the judiciary and legislature operate in the shadow of partisan influence. Other institutions, including the Nepal Police, Nepal Army, and various regulatory agencies, are also viewed as corrupt and politicized

Because political parties remain at the center of power, the impetus for reform must come from them. Yet history shows a troubling pattern: when prominent political figures are implicated in corruption, their parties work to weaken or discredit oversight bodies. This has been the case since the early 1990s, when the CPN-UML resisted unfavorable court rulings, followed by the Nepali Congress in the 2000s.

After 2006, the Maoists and Madhes-based parties attacked the credibility of state institutions, and now, newer parties like the Rastriya Swatantra Party publicly challenge investigations and court decisions. This persistent trend has done lasting damage to the credibility of Nepal’s democratic institutions.

Political parties often proclaim their commitment to democracy, but that commitment must be judged by actions—not words. True dedication to democratic values requires strengthening institutional integrity, not undermining it for short-term political gain. On this front, Nepal’s political leadership has repeatedly failed.

Public faith in the current political class is near collapse. To address this deepening crisis, Nepal urgently needs principled, accountable leadership at all levels—federal, provincial, and local. These leaders must ensure that public institutions function independently, deliver on their mandates, and operate without political interference.

Today, state institutions are widely seen as corrupt, politicized, inefficient, and disconnected from the public. If political parties genuinely wish to safeguard the political system, they must embrace a long-term, systemic reform agenda rooted in the spirit of the 2015 Constitution.

Although the Constitution enshrines the separation of powers, genuine institutional reform has yet to follow. Nepal does not need a constitutional amendment, but it does need a comprehensive review aimed at strengthening the architecture of democracy. Only then can the country’s political system hope to survive and thrive.

Nepal’s democratic transition was a historic achievement, born out of years of struggle against autocracy and exclusion. The promise was clear: a more inclusive, transparent and accountable political system that would work for all Nepalis. However, in recent years, that promise appears increasingly under threat—not from overt dictatorship or conflict, but from a more insidious danger: crony capitalism, underpinned by corruption and rent-seeking behavior.

Instead of fulfilling the vision of a just and equitable society, Nepal’s political and economic systems are becoming instruments of private gain. Political power is being used not to deliver public service, but to protect vested interests, distribute favors and reward loyalty. As a result, the foundations of democracy are weakening, and inequality, injustice, and disillusionment are growing.

Graft in daily life

One of the clearest signs of Nepal’s corruption problem is the widespread practice of bribery in daily government work. People often complain that they have to pay extra money to get basic services—like getting a driver’s license, registering land or receiving government help. This kind of small-scale corruption is not just occasional; it has become a regular part of the system. Many lower-level officials take bribes, often with the knowledge or silent approval of their bosses. Because of this, public services no longer work fairly, and people lose trust in the system. Along with this, Nepal is now facing several big corruption scandals, such as irregularities in the construction of Bhairahawa and Pokhara airports, cheating in government purchases, and growing cases of human trafficking. These examples show how deep and serious corruption has become in the country.

Patronage over meritocracy

In a healthy democracy, public appointments and opportunities should be based on merit. In Nepal, however, political patronage has become the norm. Government contracts, licenses and even civil service positions are often awarded to those with political connections, not competence. This has created a dual economy—one that rewards allegiance over ability, and another that marginalizes the capable yet unconnected. Such practices discourage innovation, weaken institutions, and dishearten the youth.

Policy manipulation

Nepal’s business elite, particularly those with political ties, have increasingly influenced laws and regulations to serve their own interests. This includes securing tax exemptions, inflating budgets and establishing monopolies that block competition. Regulatory frameworks are often tailored to fit the needs of a few, undermining the spirit of fairness and market integrity. In effect, public policy is being captured and privatized.

Public procurement sans accountability

Large-scale corruption is particularly rampant in public procurement. Infrastructure, health and education projects are plagued by inflated costs, poor quality, and delayed completion. Contracts are frequently awarded without open bidding, leading to the misuse of public funds. Instead of serving the people, these projects often serve the contractors and politicians who collude behind the scenes. The result is a chronic under-delivery of essential services.

The capture of financial institutions

Even Nepal’s financial institutions are not immune. Several cooperatives and commercial banks are believed to be controlled by political actors or their close allies. These institutions have been used to launder money, issue unsecured loans to cronies and bypass financial oversight. Such practices not only promote corruption but also put ordinary depositors and the overall financial system at risk.

Consequences for the nation

The cumulative effect of corruption and rent-seeking is deeply damaging. Economic growth is stifled because genuine entrepreneurs are crowded out by politically connected firms. Inequality worsens as elites accumulate wealth while basic services for the public remain poor. Most dangerously, public trust in democratic institutions is eroding. When citizens lose faith in the rule of law and the fairness of the system, democracy itself is at risk.

Furthermore, the politicization of oversight institutions—such as the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA), judiciary and police—has rendered many of them ineffective. These bodies are meant to serve as guardians of accountability, but they often appear reluctant or powerless to act against those in power.

The way forward

Addressing these challenges requires more than superficial reforms. It demands structural change and political will. Strengthening anti-corruption laws, ensuring transparency in public procurement and depoliticizing state institutions are essential. Political party financing must be regulated, and the independence of watchdog agencies must be guaranteed. Whistleblowers and investigative journalists must be protected, and a culture of ethical leadership must be cultivated.

Equally important is the need for civic engagement. Citizens must demand accountability, participate actively in governance and resist the normalization of corruption. Democracy does not end at the ballot box—it must be defended and deepened every day.

Conclusion

Nepal’s democracy was built with the hope of justice, equality and opportunity. Allowing that hope to be squandered by corruption and cronyism would be a profound betrayal. Crony capitalism is not just an economic issue—it is also a political and moral one. Unless addressed with urgency and courage, it threatens to undo the democratic gains made over decades. Nepal cannot afford to let democracy become a tool for private profit. It must remain a force for public good.