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The Election Commission (EC) has expedited preparations for elections of local governments whose tenure expires on May 19. Along with the preparations, the commission is also busy exploring ways to reform the electoral process and formulating an integrated election law. In this connection, Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to Chief Election Commissioner Dinesh Kumar Thapaliya.

How are the preparations for local levels going?

On December 24, we met the prime minister and proposed April 27 as a date for local level polls. Even if the date is yet to be finalized, the commission is ready to conduct elections before the expiry of the terms of the 36,000 local representatives on May 19. As of now, we are busy updating voter lists and are in consultation with officials of the finance ministry, security departments, and other concerned bodies.

Are there plans to use the Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) in the upcoming elections?

The commission is ready to and in favor of using the EVM system, but it is not possible without political consensus. The EC has held talks with them several times but to no avail. Also, to use the EVMs, we have to have mass demo sessions, at least a year before the announcement of election dates. So there is no chance of using EVMs for local level elections, but we still can do it for elections of federal and provincial parliaments, but again, only if there is political consensus.

Also read: Krishna Pokharel: 2021 was a year of disillusionment in Nepali politics 

How will this election cycle differ from previous ones?

The election process and voting system have not changed from the previous time, but we are planning to use new technology for surveillance so that elections are more free, fair and peaceful. But primarily, the commission is focusing on civic education, which includes educating the public on the importance of their votes, election-time etiquettes, etc.

What is the progress on a single ‘integrated law’ for all levels of elections?

A few days earlier, the government agreed on the principle of an ‘integrated law’. We will now create a taskforce to prepare related Acts. In two months, we will present the integrated law to the government, which in turn will present it in parliament.

How is the commission planning to curtail excess campaign spending this time?

This time, we are working on an Act that will make it mandatory for candidates to disclose their property details so that the EC can monitor the excesses in their election promotional campaigns. We have also decentralized powers and authorized local election committees to check for adherence to election code of conduct. We appeal to everyone to report any misconduct as only with collective effort can we hold free and fair polls.

From the dissolution of the federal parliament to its reinstatement by the judiciary, 2021 witnessed many events of historical political importance. ApEx’s Pratik Ghimire talked to Krishna Pokharel, a political science professor at Tribhuvan University, to make some sense of the developments.

How do you recall 2021 in terms of political developments?

The year was hectic, in the sense that there were plenty of political developments, both at federal and provincial levels, in what was a relatively short time. After a long time, people were expecting a stable government that would deliver much-needed development works. But things went the opposite way and for most folks the past year turned out to be a year of disillusionment. As we have a mixed electoral system, there is no alternative to coalition governments and so the parties, in the coming year, should look to build more mutual trust.

What in your view were the top three political events of 2021?

There were many. But if I have to choose the top three, the first would be the unconstitutional dissolution of the House, followed by its reinstatement. Second, even after the restoration, the same party that dissolved the house didn’t let it run so that it could dub its previous step “progressive”. Lastly, the formation of a coalition government of the leftist and democratic forces was another significant development. 

Also read: Krishna Khanal: Too early to speculate about future Nepali Congress presidency 

Do you think our constitutional bodies functioned well in 2021?

Except for the Public Service Commission and the Office of the Auditor General, no other constitutional body worked well. They rather acted like puppets of the government, not as neutral arbiters and advisors. For instance, the Election Commission gave a timely verdict concerning a vertical split in the Janata Samajbadi Party Nepal but delayed a similar verdict in the case of the NCP, acting as a pawn of the person in power. And now when Sher Bahadur Deuba is in power, it has started favoring him.

How would you review the judiciary’s functioning?

Turmoil in the judiciary showed that when the right people are not in the right place, the organization in question can never deliver. The same judiciary functioned well when Ram Prasad Shrestha was the chief justice. But things are different now due to its new “vulgar leadership.” The judiciary’s head demanding his share in appointments of constitutional bodies, cabinet, and envoys is not something the public expects, thus eroding their faith in the justice system.

What did you take away from the four recent general conventions of major political forces?

Starting with CPN-UML, even if the inauguration was grand, the ending was not-so-impressive as the convention elected a list of party office-bearers handpicked by KP Oli. From the fifth general convention, the party had adopted a democratic practice of electing party officials through election, but Oli destroyed that practice in the eighth GC.

For me, the GC of RPP was just a media hype because even if the party technically has new leadership, there are only two members (one general secretary and the chairman himself) as office-bearers from the Rajendra Lingden team—that’s not an overhaul. The result is a clear tussle between the former king and Kamal Thapa.

Nepali Congress, of course, is a party with a long democratic history. A part of party leadership has continued, but another part has changed. Even if Sher Bahadur Deuba has a majority in the party, there are new and young faces even in his faction. So the general convention of the Nepali Congress is a combo of continuity and change.

The Maoists have come from a different background and, in the party, relations between leaders and cadres are like ones between commanders and commandos. But this party is now gradually adopting democratic ways. They have elected their provincial heads through elections. And we have to see how the public will take self-criticism of Pushpa Kamal Dahal expressed in his political document as that will determine the fate of the CPN (Maoist Center). 

The recently-concluded 14th general convention of the Nepali Congress has generated a lot of speculations, particularly concerning the much-desired generational change at the top and the party’s future electoral prospects.  

Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to Krishna Khanal, political analyst and professor of political science at Tribhuvan University, about the party’s present and future.

How would you evaluate the recent Nepali Congress general convention?

As the party’s membership distribution process is controlled by main leaders, I had thought the final results would reflect a compromise among various factions. But the distribution of votes says the opposite. We can see a strong urge for change. To an extent, this has started a good trend. The election of leaders like Gagan Thapa and Bishwa Prakash Sharma shows what the cadres want.

Only two of the new 13-member office-bearers are old faces. What is the significance of this result?

Your statement is not true. Even as 11 new faces have been elected office-bearers, many of them like Bhishma Raj Aangdambe, Purna Bahadur Khadka and Farmullah Mansur have been near party leadership since the 90s. They are neither new nor represent anything new in the party. So I don’t consider this an indicator of progress.

Also read: Why are Nepali Congress leaders afraid of technology? 

Can Sher Bahadur Deuba run the party as per his wishes this time as well?

I guess yes because the president is the executive with all the powers. There will be more dissent than before for sure, but Deuba will be the man to take the final call on important issues. A few voices of dissent will not stop him from doing what he wants. So it’s better to not expect much.

Is it fair to say that Gagan Thapa or Bishwa Prakash Sharma stand a chance to win party presidency come the next general convention?

It would be too early to say that. But it is true that if they can maintain support from voters in the long run, this convention has created a firm foundation for them. Moreover, four years is a long time in politics. How the party performs in the upcoming elections and how the public sees this particular crop of leaders will determine a lot of things.

What in your view were the salient differences between the general conventions of the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML?

Nepali Congress is an old democratically-run party. So no other party has democratic values comparable to it. The convention was open and tough for candidates, whereas the UML had narrowed down the path to electoral victory by seeking consensus candidates. So these two general conventions can’t be compared. 

The other difference is that NC has an inclusive design for office bearers despite its factionalism. The UML was a one-man show. Similarly, NC cadres know who can lead the party in the future but in the UML, it’s just a matter of who KP chooses.

The just-concluded 14th Nepali Congress General Convention will be best remembered for two reasons: the emergence of Shekher Koirala as a serious contender for party leadership—and the ubiquitous green water-tanks that doubled as ballot boxes. People were left scratching their heads as the CPN-UML, the country’s largest party, had only just successfully employed e-voting to elect its leadership in its general convention. If e-voting was good enough for UML, why wasn’t it for NC?

Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to Neel Kantha Uprety, former chief commissioner of the Election Commission and researcher on elector finance and governance.

What do you think explains the tech-phobia of Nepali Congress?

Even in the previous UML general convention in 2014, electronic voting had been considered before one of its leaders refused to accept it at the last minute. We tried to convince him, but he would not budge. But this time, the party really did switch to electronic voting. I believe Congress must also have considered using the paperless system, but their conservative beliefs stood in the way. They are afraid of technology. This is akin to counting cash by hand even after getting it counted by a reliable machine.

Is there any other reason behind the NC’s reluctance to switch to electronic voting?

The other reason is that politicians and local hooligans can’t tear ballot papers or manipulate the results if all votes are cast electronically. This might be an unpopular but true reason. 

Also read: Rajendra Lingden: No one person or family will direct RPP 

Nepal piloted an electronic voting system in one constituency back in 2008, but why didn’t it continue?

We had brought well-working second-hand machines from India. They were good to use, but due to unavoidable technical complications, we had to stop using them. The machines were designed for fewer candidates than we usually have in Nepal. The software was also not designed for the election system in Nepal. We could have worked on it, but nobody cared to do so.

So our conservative politicians are the hurdle, then?

The latest data shows 38 million mobiles are in use in Nepal—which is more than our population. Most people, even the elderly, have started using smartphones. This proves that we are a technology-friendly country but politicians have been halting our progress. They lack interest, belief, and willpower to start something new. These days, the machines can be customized for just about any election . Politicians fear the instant results machines provide.

National elections are around the corner. Could we switch to e-voting by then?

Before switching to electronic voting in the general election, political parties should normalize the use of machines in their conventions. It would help build public trust. In India also, machines were first used by political parties for their internal elections. And we should re-pilot them by deploying them in a few constituencies across the country this time. When the Election Commission can give results with 100 percent accuracy, everyone will accept it, for sure.