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The just-concluded 14th Nepali Congress General Convention will be best remembered for two reasons: the emergence of Shekher Koirala as a serious contender for party leadership—and the ubiquitous green water-tanks that doubled as ballot boxes. People were left scratching their heads as the CPN-UML, the country’s largest party, had only just successfully employed e-voting to elect its leadership in its general convention. If e-voting was good enough for UML, why wasn’t it for NC?

Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to Neel Kantha Uprety, former chief commissioner of the Election Commission and researcher on elector finance and governance.

What do you think explains the tech-phobia of Nepali Congress?

Even in the previous UML general convention in 2014, electronic voting had been considered before one of its leaders refused to accept it at the last minute. We tried to convince him, but he would not budge. But this time, the party really did switch to electronic voting. I believe Congress must also have considered using the paperless system, but their conservative beliefs stood in the way. They are afraid of technology. This is akin to counting cash by hand even after getting it counted by a reliable machine.

Is there any other reason behind the NC’s reluctance to switch to electronic voting?

The other reason is that politicians and local hooligans can’t tear ballot papers or manipulate the results if all votes are cast electronically. This might be an unpopular but true reason. 

Also read: Rajendra Lingden: No one person or family will direct RPP 

Nepal piloted an electronic voting system in one constituency back in 2008, but why didn’t it continue?

We had brought well-working second-hand machines from India. They were good to use, but due to unavoidable technical complications, we had to stop using them. The machines were designed for fewer candidates than we usually have in Nepal. The software was also not designed for the election system in Nepal. We could have worked on it, but nobody cared to do so.

So our conservative politicians are the hurdle, then?

The latest data shows 38 million mobiles are in use in Nepal—which is more than our population. Most people, even the elderly, have started using smartphones. This proves that we are a technology-friendly country but politicians have been halting our progress. They lack interest, belief, and willpower to start something new. These days, the machines can be customized for just about any election . Politicians fear the instant results machines provide.

National elections are around the corner. Could we switch to e-voting by then?

Before switching to electronic voting in the general election, political parties should normalize the use of machines in their conventions. It would help build public trust. In India also, machines were first used by political parties for their internal elections. And we should re-pilot them by deploying them in a few constituencies across the country this time. When the Election Commission can give results with 100 percent accuracy, everyone will accept it, for sure.

The ‘Unity General Convention’ of the pro-monarchy Rastriya Prajatantra Party elected senior leader Rajendra Lingden as its chairman. The three-day event, held in Kathmandu, saw Lingden defeat Kamal Thapa, who accused former King Gyanendra of interfering in the party’s affairs and lobbying against him.

Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to Lingden about his vision for the party and the challenges he expects in the new political journey.

What do you think will be your major challenges as the new party chair?

Besides internal reforms in management and administration, we will now focus on uniting all forces who share our agenda and sentiments. Although our agenda is extensively popular, our party has been weak, and that’s a cause of concern. So our major challenge will be to win the trust of our well-wishers and supporters.

Is the restoration of the Hindu state and monarchy possible? What if there is a referendum on this?

RPP often raises this agenda, so it looks like we are the only ones interested. But actually, the entire nation wants a Hindu state and monarchy. For instance, you surely have seen a large population participate in different rallies calling for the restoration of the Hindu state and monarchy. It is possible, definitely. We will reinstate monarchy and Hindu state, sooner or later—it is just a matter of time. And if there is a referendum, there is no doubt that our agenda will win.

Also read: Rupak Sapkota: Time has come for a ‘neutral zone of peace’ idea 

Yet your party has been a poor electoral force of late. How will you turn things around?

Yes, our performance in elections has been poor. We have never been so weak in our history. Despite having a large following, we failed to turn them into our vote banks. It is because of our poor mechanisms and strategies. For example, during the general election of 2017, we failed to create a reliable and trustworthy coalition with other parties. Also, among 165 constituencies in the federal parliament, we only contested in five constituencies. Similarly, of the 330 provincial constituencies, we managed to contest only in four places. So our poor showing was not a surprise.

Nirmal Niwas congratulated you on your victory. What is your expectation from the former king and what kind of an obligation would you feel towards him?

There is no such thing as expectation or obligation between us. Our party was not, is not, and never will be directed by any particular person or family. We did not form the RPP according to anyone’s will. We back the agenda of the Hindu state and monarchy as we believe they are the twin pillars necessary to maintain social harmony and unity, not because somebody wants us to take them up. It is nothing but a misconception. I met the former king in a group meeting a few days ago and that was after almost four years.

Your relationship with Kamal Thapa seems to have frozen. Is that a right reading?

First of all, I don’t think our relationship is frozen. Kamal Thapa is my respected senior and I shall initiate talks to keep our relationship healthy (if there is a misunderstanding) because there is no option but to work together. Of course, you will have competition in elections and a loss is something no one wants. His reaction is normal, and things will get better with time.

A new variant of coronavirus, the Omicron, has been spreading around the world, leading many countries to reintroduce travel curbs. The Omicron variant was first reported in South Africa on 24 November, and the number of infections is increasing quickly. Nepal is at high risk of the spread of this new variant, according to experts. Priyanjali Karn of ApEx talked to Dr Sher Bahadur Pun, chief of Clinical Research Unit at Shukraraj Tropical and Infectious Disease Hospital, to know more about the Omicron variant and how it can affect Nepal. 

How has the WHO responded to the new coronavirus variant?

The WHO labeled the new variant Omicron, and declared it a ‘variant of concern’. Until we know more, we need to be careful as we don’t know how dangerous it can be. The WHO recommends everyone to continue taking precautions. 

How is the Omicron variant different from previous ones?

When a mutation occurs in a virus, a new, different virus is born. It is a natural process, and it keeps happening in nature. With the mutation, some characteristics of the virus change—it gets weaker or stronger. It is a matter of concern if it gets stronger. 

Also read: Time has come for a ‘neutral zone of peace’ idea 

How will it affect the vaccinated?

We still don’t know much about this variant to jump to conclusions. Vaccines prevent the spike protein of the virus from attaching itself to the human body. I am worried that if there is mutation in the spike protein, making it potentially stronger, it can enter the human body more easily. But as with the Delta variant, it might not seriously affect the vaccinated. Still, nothing is for sure and we are still waiting for more research. 

Is Nepal under the risk of a third wave from the new variant?

I doubt we will face something as devastating as the second wave. I am hopeful things won’t worsen the way they did during the second wave as more and more people are getting vaccinated. Again, we cannot assume much at this point.

How concerned should we be then?

We need to be prepared and continue applying preventive measures at all times to protect ourselves and the people around us. We don’t know how threatening this variant is going to be, and the best we can do is take precautions and prevent its spread. Right now, the number of reported Covid-19 cases in Nepal is declining, but the risk is still there. Taking preventive measures should be the priority of every individual. 

Rupak Sapkota has just ended his tenure as the Deputy Executive Director at Institute of Foreign Affairs (IFA). A Phd in International Relations from Renmin University of China, Sapkota is among Nepal’s most-promising young foreign policy experts with a specialization in security and geopolitical studies. Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to him about Nepal’s changing foreign policy picture.

What are the key foreign policy challenges for Nepal?

The rise of China as a strong power center and its competition with the US, which had alone dominated world affairs for decades, has changed global geopolitics. As the US proposes different strategies to continue its dominance, a new cold war is simmering between these two giants. For Nepal, China’s immediate neighbor, this cold war will pose many challenges.

China and India currently have a war-like situation at their border. Further, India has embraced close ties with the US, and together, they have formed geopolitical alliances and strategies such as the IPS (Indo-pacific Strategy) and QUAD, both of which seem directed against China. It will be immensely challenging for Nepal to stay out of all this.

Should Nepal then review its non-aligned foreign policy accordingly?

Nepal’s non-aligned foreign policy was a result of the Cold War between the US and the USSR. And the policy has been with us for almost seven decades. I won’t say it has lost its relevance, but it is certainly not enough. To meet the challenges posed by current world politics and our ambitions for development, a non-aligned foreign policy alone does not sufficiently address our priorities. So, while continuing our nonalignment, we must also look to preserve, promote, and expand our strategic autonomy.

How do you see the ‘MCC vs BRI’ debate in Nepal?

Both the ideas were viewed with the economic lens early on, but later, with great geopolitical shifts, both were heavily politicized. Because of this, we have failed to make a headway on either.

Also, small states like Nepal are more cautious on their foreign policy, diplomacy, and security. So, to settle this ‘MCC vs BRI’ debate, political leaders and experts should convince the public about both, and future decisions must keep public interest at heart.

You suggested a recalibration of Nepal’s foreign policy. How do you do that?

By endorsing and updating our non-aligned foreign policy and the principles of Panchsheel, we can enhance our relations with other countries to gain strategic autonomy and achieve economic development. And most importantly, every diplomatic approach must prioritize our wellbeing amid the climate crisis and the Covid-19 pandemic. We must stay away from any military- and security-related projects and alignments. 

In 1970, Nepal proposed to declare itself a ‘zone of peace’. Do you think we should give it another go?

In the present geopolitical context, declaring the country a ‘zone of peace’ alone won’t mitigate our foreign policy threats. Along with it, this is the time to endorse a neutralist policy because we might witness a confrontation between our neighboring countries soon and, during those times, we will have to make our stance clear.