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Tihar, the most awaited festival after Dashain for many, is in the corner. People wait for this festival for many reasons, like lights, colors, and probably money they receive as dakshina. I love them all. But the most important aspect that every Nepali person waits for is the day when we light the house with diyos (traditional oil lamps made with clay). Every year, thousands of diyos are bought by many to light up their house. In the pottery square of Bhaktapur, many potters are seen drying their clay works in the sun. The area is made in such a way where the sun rays don’t fade away till evening. Every shop has divided their area to dry their work in the same ground. Traditionally, people from the Prajapati caste are involved in the work of creating clay and earthenware products. But today, this job is not just limited to the Prajapatis.

Samir Dhonju got into this profession because he was interested in the artistic work that goes into making earthenware goods.  “There was a time when this work was associated with people a certain caste, but things have changed these days. I really enjoy working with clay and making various products,” he says.  Dhonju has been doing this for a year now and he wishes other youths like him to join the profession. “There is certainly a good scope in this line of work, but many young people just don’t want to get their hands dirty,” he adds. Dhonju enjoys the creativity involved in making clay products.  

Shiva Prasad Prajapati, who has continued his family generational profession, says his family shop has existed since the Malla period, making it one of the oldest in his neighborhood. 

“Almost 8 or 9 generations of my family have followed this craft,” he says. For this year’s Tihar festival, he has already made around 200,000 diyos. “I started working before the Dashain festival and I’ve already sent the diyos to the market, which is why there isn’t much rush in my shop,” he says. 
His diyos are delivered to places like Kathmandu, Kavre, and Barhabise.  

Shiva Prasad sells a dozen diyos for Rs 40, while 100 pieces can cost up to Rs 400 depending on demand. He says the clay used in making diyos are not readily available these days. 

“We used to collect the clay from forests around Doleshwor and Suryabinayak, but now it’s illegal. So we have to go through a proper tender process to procure clay these days, which makes it costlier,” he adds. 

Not far away from Shiva Prasad’s shop, Ranjana Prajapati is busy drying freshly made diyos. She started the shop some nine years ago and made a good earning, until people started using electric lights instead of traditional diyos to light up their homes during Tihar. 

“The demands for diyos have definitely gone down, but the demand has not entirely died out,” she says. “Diyo demand shoots up during the time of Tihar, because there are still many people who understand the cultural and traditional values of lighting diyos.”   

In the run-up to the Tihar festival, Ranjana has already made 10,000 diyos, which she says is far fewer than in the previous years. 

Ranjana fears hers will be the last generation to continue her family profession, as her children are not interested in pottery making.  

Budhi Ram Prajapati, who is in his seventies, didn’t make any diyos for this year’s Tihar. “Demands have gone down, and I can’t make diyos with the same speed and precision like in my heydays,” he says. 

There was a time when he could make up to 35,000 diyos all by himself. Today, only Budhi Ram and his wife run their clay workshop. Their children left the generational craft to pursue more lucrative enterprises. 

Budhi Ram notes the contradiction: while the number of households is rising, the demand for diyos is falling.    

For Aakash Karmacharya, however, traditional diyo lamps hold deep cultural significance.“I love the warm glow of diyos. I find them far better than those distracting LED lights,” he says. Karmacharya is one of those people who prefers traditional practice over convenience of modernity when observing a cultural festival like Tihar.  

For generations, potters in Bhaktapur and beyond have shaped these symbols of light with care and devotion, their hands preserving a legacy that goes far beyond decoration. Though challenges like rising costs and fading demand persist, the spirit behind each diyo remains strong.

“While electric lights may be easier and more convenient, the humble diyos hold a deeper meaning of culture, craft, and community, and it is our responsibility to preserve the tradition,” says Karmacharya. 

Following a month of fear driven by GenZ protests, major political parties, primarily the Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML, are holding crucial meetings to address issues such as leadership change, elections, and their stance on the Sept 8–9 demonstrations. The main agenda for both parties is leadership transition.

On Oct 14, NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba named Vice-president Purna Bahadur Khadka as acting party president. He also announced that he will not contest for the presidency in the upcoming general convention. For now, the leadership issue within the NC remains on hold, with growing speculation over who will succeed Deuba. Around 53 percent of the party’s general convention representatives have submitted a memo to acting president Khadka demanding a special general convention. As per the party statute, a special convention must be called if 40 percent of representatives make such a demand. Deuba has already instructed party leaders to convene the convention as soon as possible.

Within the UML, KP Sharma Oli said in the party’s central committee meeting on Oct 15 that he is ready to relinquish leadership if the party’s central committee or general convention decides so. He, however, urged leaders not to pressure him to resign through social media.. Oli maintained that he has done nothing wrong and therefore sees no reason to give up power. Before the GenZ protests, Oli had stated that he would either remain party chair or retire altogether, refusing to serve as the party’s “second man.” The UML plans to hold its convention in the second week of December.

In the CPN (Maoist Center), Pushpa Kamal Dahal has taken a strategic step by converting the party’s central committee into a general convention organizing committee, naming himself its convener. Dahal is now forming GenZ wings within the party that support the continuation of his leadership. Publicly, Dahal has stated that he does not intend to retire from active politics.

The Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) is expected to retain Rabi Lamichhane as party chairman. However, the party is seeking a popular face to assume a more active leadership role, as Lamichhane’s status remains uncertain. Discussions are reportedly underway with Kul Man Ghising, the current Minister of Energy, Water Resources and Irrigation, to become the party’s deputy chief.

One thing is clear: in the coming months, major political parties will remain occupied with conventions and leadership transitions.

Alongside internal matters, parties are clarifying their positions on the March 5 elections. The UML is emphasizing the restoration of Parliament instead of fresh polls, arguing that the current government is unconstitutional and that a free and fair election is not possible under present circumstances. Speaker Dev Raj Ghimire has been consulting with political parties to solicit their views on parliamentary restoration. In a document presented to the UML’s central committee, Oli proposed launching street protests to press for the revival of Parliament. UML leaders are hopeful about restoration, partly because several senior Supreme Court justices have past affiliations with UML and NC. However, they fear a split among the judges, which could result in a fractured verdict.

There are also doubts over whether parties could manage GenZ protesters if Parliament is revived, since its dissolution was one of the major demands of Prime Minister Sushila Karki when she assumed office. Observers warn that restoring Parliament could lead to another round of political conflict.

At this juncture, the NC’s position remains crucial. For now, it appears the party is keeping both options of Parliament restoration and fresh elections open. The NC has said it is ready for elections, but argues that the government has failed to create a conducive environment. Party leaders claim they continue to receive threats and intimidation from some protesters, while the government has failed to control such activities. NC leaders also assert that, as in the past, they will not be swayed by Oli on national matters. Much will depend on how intra-party dynamics unfold within the party, as senior leaders may struggle to form a unified position in Deuba’s absence.

The Maoist Center was the first to declare that elections are the only way out of the current crisis. The party believes it could gain strength in a new parliament, as NC and UML were the main targets of the GenZ protests. The Maoists were also the first to acknowledge the GenZ movement.

Meanwhile, second-tier leaders of major communist parties are exploring the possibility of left unity. They argue that UML, the Maoists, and smaller communist factions should at least form an electoral alliance if full party unification is not feasible. However, Oli remains central to this process. On Oct 15, Dahal publicly said that left unity could be possible if Oli steps down. Some UML leaders believe unification might happen if former President Bidya Devi Bhandari returns to the party and assumes leadership.

So far, the major political parties have not held a joint meeting to find common ground on elections. Such a meeting could be pivotal in shaping a collective position. The election is still five months away, and if consensus is reached between the government and major parties, polls could be held within three months. Although President Ramchandra Paudel convened the first round of talks between the government and political parties last week, substantive negotiations have yet to begin.

Prime Minister Karki remains hesitant to invite party leaders to Baluwatar, fearing GenZ backlash. There are deep divisions between the government and political parties over how to interpret the Sept 8–9 protests. The government focuses on the Sept 8 incident, when 21 youths were killed in police firing, and is reportedly preparing to arrest then Prime Minister Oli and then Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak for their alleged roles. The parties, however, insist that those responsible for the arson and vandalism of Sept 9 must also be held accountable to ensure a conducive electoral environment. The Home Ministry’s directive to police not to arrest those responsible for the arson has heightened tensions between the government and parties.

While the government views the GenZ protests as a revolution, political parties do not. They acknowledge the legitimacy of some GenZ demands but reject the idea of it being a people’s uprising. The UML and Maoist Center suspect external involvement, with Oli being more vocal about it. Recently, Dahal hinted at a “geopolitical factor” behind the protests, while Oli, in his party document claimed the incident was “a continuation of the so-called color revolutions that various powerful nations have carried out since the Cold War … to undermine the country’s sovereignty, democracy, and constitution.”

Whether elections will take place remains uncertain. 

An NC leader said, “The ball is in the government’s court. If it creates a conducive environment, the parties cannot refuse elections.” After the Tihar festival, the Supreme Court will begin hearings on the petitions against Parliament’s dissolution. At the same time, various political parties and groups are preparing for street demonstrations with their own demands.

A UML leader remarked, “We are not sure whether the government will take a confrontational approach or choose reconciliation.” 

Meanwhile, Prime Minister Karki is under pressure from President Paudel to engage with political parties and create an environment for elections. Earlier, Karki rejected Paudel's suggestion to include party representatives in the cabinet, opting instead for a party-less government. A source close to the President said Karki was appointed the prime minister with a single, specific mandate of holding elections. “She should focus solely on that; otherwise, problems may arise,” the source warned.

The repeated promulgation of constitutions shows that Nepal has been a constitutional laboratory for experimenting with various democratic models. From the Rana oligarchy to absolute kingship, the partyless Hindu monarchy, multiparty democracy and now a federal republican system, the country has transitioned through diverse political frameworks. After decades under the unitary system, Nepal has embraced federalism since 2015. 

These transitions reveal that Nepal has adopted a new constitution almost every decade in a span of 75 years. Recently, some groups have started advocating for a directly-elected executive form of government—the only model yet untested. The recurring failure of political leadership is often mistaken as the failure of constitutions, prompting public frustration and calls for change. However, no constitutional reform can succeed without honest, visionary and committed leadership. 

In the 1940s, public outrage ended the Rana regime. During the 1950s, King Tribhuvan restored monarchical authority, and later King Mahendra imposed a partyless system that faced strong public resistance. In response, King Birendra promulgated the 1990 constitution, recognizing multiparty democracy. Yet, it was later replaced by the interim constitution of 2007, which in turn gave way to the 2015 constitution—the first drafted by people's elected representatives as mandated by the 2006 Comprehensive Peace Accord that formally ended the decade long (1996-2006) Maoist insurgency.

Chronicles of change  

Of Nepal’s seven Constitutions, the Government of Nepal Act, 1948 was the first constitutional document. However, it did not vest sovereignty in the people of Nepal. 

Professor Laxmi Prasad Kharel, in Comparative Law and Nepalese Legal System, observed that the 1948 Act was “doomed to die from its inception”—the Ranas opposed sharing power, and the people rejected it for failing to meet their expectations. 

During the Rana era (1846–1951), state power was monopolized by the Rana family. Jung Bahadur (1817–77) seized power in 1846 and made himself permanent prime minister.

In 1951, an Interim Constitution was introduced but King Tribhuvan failed to fulfil his promise of establishing a constituent assembly. The King retained the power to appoint and dismiss the Prime Minister and Ministers and the cabinet functioned at his pleasure. The interim constitution lasted eight years, during which King Mahendra ascended the throne and imposed a direct rule on 1 Feb 1958, governing nearly two years without any constitution. 

In 1959, King Mahendra promulgated a new constitution where the Cabinet was accountable not only to the parliament but also to the King. He retained sweeping powers, including the power to dissolve the government and lower house and declare emergency under Article 55—making him politically supreme. In 1962, he replaced it with another constitution establishing the party-less Panchayat system, combining monarchical and parliamentary features. It banned political parties and imposed discriminatory citizenship provisions requiring knowledge of Nepali language. 

The 1962 constitution was replaced by the 1990 constitution, adopted after the people’s movement. The 1990 constitution introduced a multi-party democracy system and an independent judiciary. 

Federal dreams  

The 1990 constitution also failed to survive for long. The Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2007 was crafted through a political understanding following the abolition of the constitutional monarchy. It served as a transitional framework until a new constitution could be promulgated through the Constituent Assembly. 

The interim constitution, 2007 was the first Constitution to be written by Members of Parliament. It mandated the Constituent Assembly to enact a formal Constitution institutionalizing republicanism, federalism and secularism. 

During the period of 2007 to 2015, “The first priority today has to be the creation of a truly federal, democratic, republican political system and to ensure its development rising above the party-political lines and transient priorities. This task cannot be accomplished by limiting oneself to a certain political ism or anti-ism,” observes political scientist and professor Krishna Khanal in his book Federalism in Nepal: Management and Implementation.

Prof Bipin Adhikari in his book, Salient Features of the Constitution of Nepal, 2015, observes that inclusivity and diversity are the core focus of the 2015 constitution. However, Nepal’s journey toward inclusion depends, to a great extent, on the quality of democracy and constitutionalism it will achieve on the foundation of its constitution, argues Prof Adhikari in another book, From Exclusion to Inclusion: Crafting a New Legal Regime in Nepal. 

So, how can one discredit the progressive features of the current constitution? We can find hope in every political movement, but in Nepal’s case, the political transformations have, often, failed to deliver. Frequent repeal or enactment of constitutions cannot be considered a yardstick of a healthy democracy. Rather, the actual implementation of the constitution should serve as the foundation for good governance and a truly healthy democracy.   

Let’s build, not blame 

The problems in politics should not be mistaken for problems in the constitution. Merely testing different constitutional models cannot provide a lasting solution. The enactment of a constitution is not a magic stick to transform the state. What Nepal needs now is collective commitment to effectively implement the constitution. 

Conflicting provisions, if any, can always be amended through due process. Actual transformation can be achieved through constitutional stability, not through frequent changes of constitutions.  Weak governance, a politically influenced administration and public dissatisfaction with political leadership are to blame for the current mess, not the constitution.

Respected office bearers of the party, former office bearers, and central members, I heartily welcome all comrades to this meeting.

In this difficult situation of the country, today we are holding our meeting at our central office, BP Smriti Bhawan in Sanepa—which has been left in ruins, turned into ashes, and stands as a symbol of destruction after vandalism, looting, and arson. This indeed has shocked all of us deeply.

First of all, I express my heartfelt condolences to all those who lost their lives in the incidents of Bhadra 23 and 24. In this painful hour, I extend my sympathies to the bereaved families. I also wish for the speedy recovery of all those who were injured in the incident.

On Bhadra 23, during the peaceful protest of Gen-Z, there was infiltration, and the protest turned violent, causing the deaths of some security personnel. This incident has left me—and all of us—extremely saddened.

On the morning of Bhadra 24, there were attacks, vandalism, looting, and arson in various places—from the national heritage sites such as Rashtrapati Bhawan (President’s Office), Baluwatar, Singha Durbar, Supreme Court, various ministries, the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority and its offices, Land Revenue Offices, Provincial Government offices, Police Offices, Local Government buildings, District Administration Offices, and other public and essential service institutions—as well as political party offices, the residences of leaders, media houses, and commercial establishments.

This caused unimaginable loss of lives and property. Undoubtedly, this will be remembered as one of the most frightening days in Nepal’s history.

Our party’s central office, along with the offices in 48 districts, and around 125 residences and rented houses of party leaders and comrades were attacked, vandalized, looted, and set on fire.

Historic sites linked to Nepal’s democratic revolution, struggles, and movements—such as the Koirala Residence in Biratnagar, the Ganesh Man Singh Residence in Chakupat of Kathmandu, and the Krishna Prasad Bhattarai Ashram in Badegau of Lalitpur—were set on fire and turned to ashes, which has saddened me even more.

Not only that, security personnel responsible for protecting the lives and property of citizens were attacked, their weapons were looted, and citizens’ private and public properties were destroyed through vandalism, looting, and arson. I demand that the truth and facts of all these incidents be investigated and that those responsible be brought under the legal process.

On Bhadra 24, in this critical situation, President Ram Chandra Paudel played a significant role, for which I extend my heartfelt gratitude through this meeting. His mature role during that difficult time helped avert a greater national crisis. The GenZ movement’s demand for good governance and a corruption-free state, and for freedom of expression, is legitimate. It is my belief that their concerns and aspirations for the country must be addressed. This subject will definitely be discussed in this meeting.

However, the unimaginable, inhuman, and terrifying events that occurred were not spontaneous or accidental but rather well-planned and organized. The facts that are emerging after the incident have started to make this clear.

Therefore, further study and investigation should be conducted as soon as possible. This investigation should move forward not based on temporary gains or losses for anyone but by placing the nation’s overall interest at the center.

Currently, the morale of important institutions across the country has been weakened. In this situation, we must work to uplift the morale of all organs and institutions of the state, including the judiciary and security agencies, and urge them to perform their duties with high spirit.

Over the past 80 years, the Nepali Congress has remained the most trusted, beloved, and largest party in Nepal. The Nepali Congress has never compromised on national sovereignty and democracy. At any period of time, the party’s unique characteristic has been its ability to identify the country’s complex situations realistically and lead the nation out of crisis through peaceful means. That is what has kept our party close to the hearts of the people.

Whether it was the struggle for democracy or any political, economic, social, or cultural movement in the country, the Nepali Congress has always set a national agenda and guided the nation toward a proper direction.

As we hold this central committee meeting today, I feel that Nepalis at home and abroad—our brothers and sisters spread around the world—are watching this meeting closely. Therefore, we must analyze the current political situation comprehensively and take decisions that guide the nation toward progress. Through this meeting, we must reaffirm the values and principles on which the Nepali Congress was founded and has stood throughout history. In the present situation, we must provide appropriate guidance on our party’s internal matters as well as our role in national politics.

The unity of the Nepali Congress is the need of the hour. Given the crisis that has emerged in the country, we must set aside our personal or group differences, conflicts, and disagreements, and stand united before the nation as witness. From now on, let personal or group likes and dislikes, interests and benefits all be put aside. I urge all comrades to hold broad discussions on issues, reach decisions with unanimity, and implement those decisions in a concrete manner.

Questions have arisen regarding the party’s internal life, the upcoming 15th General Convention, and leadership transfer. I would like to say this to my friends: There is never only one head of a household forever. Similarly, in the party, no one remains party president forever. As for me, I have already decided—both by constitutional provision and my own political will—to hand over the party leadership in an orderly manner after the 15th General Convention. Therefore, from the next convention, someone other than me will become party president—there is no doubt about that.

In the present difficult national situation, the Nepali Congress must make itself united and well-organized, and it must also cooperate and coordinate with other political parties that have faith in the democratic system.

The constitution of Nepal, which the Nepali people made through the Constituent Assembly, has come under threat. The House of Representatives—a supreme constitutional institution elected by the people—has been dissolved unconstitutionally and undemocratically.

The government has fixed the date of election for the House of Representatives on Falgun 21. However, a free, fair, and fearless election environment has not yet been ensured. The guarantee of peace and security, which is a pre-condition for elections, does not exist. The morale of the security agencies has weakened.

Therefore, the government bears the main responsibility for creating a situation in which peace and security are restored and the elections can be held peacefully, impartially, and fearlessly, so that everyone can participate willingly.

The government’s attention must be directed toward this. If the government succeeds in creating such an environment for elections, we believe that elections will become the foundation to bring the country back onto the constitutional path.

In a multiparty democratic system, the government has failed to create an atmosphere of trust and coordination with opposition political parties. In this context, the Nepali Congress must hold discussions with other political forces about upcoming plans.

Remembering our history—whenever the nation faced crises, the Nepali Congress took leadership to resolve them—we must again move forward to build national unity among all political parties. You all know that I have devoted my entire life—since my youth—to the struggle for nationalism, democracy, and the rule of law. When I joined politics for the cause of democracy, the situation was not as simple and easy as it is today. I endured many hardships and imprisonments.

I did not enter politics with the aim of becoming a parliamentarian, minister, prime minister, or party president. My single purpose in thought, speech, and action was—the nation, nationalism, and democracy.

With the affection and support of my comrades, I have held various state responsibilities since the establishment of democracy. I have experienced many ups and downs in politics. Whenever the nation faced a crisis, I have always stood firmly on the side of the nation and the people. And as long as I live, I will remain dedicated to the country and the people.

I have received immense love, affection, and support from all comrades, and I, in turn, have equal love and commitment toward all of you. I have always tried to make the Nepali Congress a party that represents the Nepaliness of all castes, regions, genders, and communities.

Whether by introducing a policy of inclusion within the party or by ensuring reservations in party structures up to the central level, I have led a campaign to make the party structurally inclusive. I will continue to devote myself to this work.

Although my terms as prime minister were often short, I had the opportunity to serve five times—collectively around one full term in duration. Even though most of those were election governments, I believe that I was able to achieve some milestone reforms in certain areas.

I feel proud to have initiated some social reforms such as the liberation of bonded laborers (Kamaiyas) and declaring Nepal free from untouchability.

While I was prime minister, I enacted the Corruption Prevention Act 2059 to fight corruption in Nepal. I also ended the dual ownership of land by introducing scientific land reforms, establishing the basis for the current implementation of the “single land ownership” system.

To establish women’s ownership over property, I made the 11th Amendment to the Muluki Ain (Civil Code), granting equal inheritance rights to daughters and sons in ancestral property. Likewise, I created commissions for the upliftment of Dalits, women, Janajatis, and other marginalized communities, and carried out structural reforms.

In the economic sphere, it was during my premiership that the Value-Added Tax (VAT) was introduced as a major fiscal reform, making the tax system more scientific and modern. As prime minister and party president, I may have had some shortcomings, but I always tried to work keeping the Nepali people and the party at the center. 

All decisions of the Central Working Committee were taken with consensus. Responsibilities handled in government were also carried out with consultation. As far as possible, I have involved all friends in the party’s decision-making process.

On Bhadra 24, when the whole country was burning, I and my family were attacked with the intent to kill. Our house was vandalized, looted, and set on fire. After several hours of tireless effort by the security forces, we were finally rescued. You all know the terrifying physical assault that my family and I had to face. As if that were not enough, malicious and false propaganda was spread in an organized manner to tarnish our reputation and image.

Because of your love, prayers, and good wishes, I was able to recover and come to this meeting to conduct it today. Recalling the various difficult situations I have faced in my political life, I have always believed that one must have the courage to face whatever situations may arise for the sake of the nation, the people, and the democratic system.

At first glance, these incidents may look like personal attacks against me, my comrades, and other political leaders. But looking at the overall picture, I firmly believe that these were attacks against the nation, the system, and the party itself.

From this meeting, I extend heartfelt thanks to the security personnel and well-wishers who rescued us from the hands of the attackers at that moment—I will remember them for the rest of my life.

I believe that this meeting of our party will conduct a concrete analysis of the current situation and make necessary decisions that will lead the country toward proper development. The Nepali Congress must make itself united and face the challenges before the nation.

In this hour, when the nation, democracy, and democratic governance are in grave crisis, we must maintain unity within the party. Keeping this in mind, the Central Committee will seriously discuss and make necessary decisions regarding holding the 15th General Convention of the party within the timeframe stipulated by the party constitution.

Evaluating the present political context of the country, the party will, as required, hold dialogue and coordination with other political forces to move toward development and stability. Because of my health condition, I have designated our party’s Vice-president Purna Bahadur Khadka as Acting President to carry out the duties of the party president. I have full confidence that he will work for the broader interests of the party.

Jay Nepal!