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The United States Department of State’s 2024 Country Report on Human Rights Practices for Nepal gives a bleak report of persisting human rights concerns, citing credible reports of arbitrary killings, torture, arbitrary detention, abridgment of press freedom, and human trafficking. While the government has prosecuted some abuses, it “did not consistently punish officials convicted of human rights abuses,” as per the report published on Aug 12.

While the 2023 report has a very lengthy introduction and numerous appendices and references, this new report only has a single introductory page which is strong on a desire to “decrease the volume of statistical data in the report.” The country reports by themselves are, overall, one-third the length of the previous year.

International media like AP, AFP, CNN and Reuters among others accused the report of having taken a stunning turn with references removed to sexual orientation abuses, and horrid conditions in ally countries played down as a shot at people who have gotten into trouble with US President Donald Trump.

The report has alleviated condemnation of a number of states that have proved to be staunch supporters of the Republican leader, such as El Salvador and Israel, which human rights activists assert have had established records of violations. Rather, the State Department issued an alarm of what it called a sliding trend of freedom of speech in Europe, including the UK, and stepped up its attacks on Brazil and South Africa, both nations with which Washington has been at loggerheads over a myriad of issues.

The report was published months later after Trump officials drastically rewrote an early draft to make it conform to the principles of ‘America First’, government officials said on condition of anonymity with Al Jazeera.

Coming back to Nepal, the report states while the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) documented no allegations of arbitrary deaths at the hands of security forces during 2024, there were four deaths in prison from January through mid-Aug 2024, reportedly caused by torture, denial of medical attention, and inhumane prison conditions.

One such incident was with Sunil Shahi, who died on 8 April 2024 in the Kailali prison when he was allegedly brutally attacked with an iron rod by prison officials and inmates after a failed attempt to escape. His body showed signs of utmost brutality, and the investigation continues.

The government went on paying the family of Padam Limbu, a protester who succumbed to police injuries in 2023. Limbu, who was declared a martyr, had already been awarded Rs 1.3m in the previous year and was awarded another Rs 500,000 in Feb 2024.

Even though Nepal’s constitution stands up for free expression, journalists have to deal with structural and situational barriers. Ambiguity of the criminal code, defamation legislation, and the Broadcasting and Working Journalist Acts allows selective prosecution and fosters self-censorship.

On 19 Feb 2024, photojournalists protested at Tundikhel when they were not allowed into Democracy Day events organized by the Nepali Army for a last-minute ‘special pass’ requirement.

The report also refers to threats to investigative journalists. Center for Investigative Journalism–Nepal reporter Gopal Dahal was threatened in Dec 2024 by Dharan Sub-metropolitan City Mayor Harka Sampang and his supporters following a critical report.

In July 2024, journalists reporting on a protest against ride-sharing were assaulted by public transit operators. The government took no action about it, the Federation of Nepali Journalists (FNJ) said. Death threats were also leveled against the then-general secretary of the FNJ on stories on smuggling.

The Labor Law of 2017 preserves the freedom to bargain collectively and unionize but is not strong in enforcement, particularly in the informal sector, where over 70 percent of the workers and over 90 percent of the women work. The State Department reports that the Ministry of Labor does not have sufficient inspectors to enforce minimum wage, hour, and occupational safety laws since some of the positions are unfilled.

Although there are fines, they are never imposed in the private sector. Occupational safety enforcement has been referred to as “the most neglected area,” and violations were found in agriculture, construction, mining, transport, and factories.

The study finds routine police practice of arresting individuals before interrogation and coercing them into confession. While the law requires suspects to be taken to court within 24 hours, the Advocacy Forum found that police violated this rule in eight percent of over 1,100 cases it followed.

In perhaps the most high-profile case, Kantipur Media Group chair Kailash Sirohiya was held in May 2024 for suspected misuse of an illegitimate citizenship number. The FNJ termed the arrest as retaliation for Kantipur Daily’s reportage on senior politicians.

Protracted pretrial detention is a concern due to court delay, whereby individuals are at times detained for years before their trial. Preventive detention, for as long as 12 months without being charged, was not used in 2024, according to the report. Although torture is criminalized, the statute of limitations stands at six months, and impunity is the norm. NGOs documented 16 allegations of torture in police detention through mid-Aug 2024, mostly affecting poor and vulnerable individuals. Police reluctance to investigate fellow officers, victim intimidation, and coercive extrajudicial settlements all facilitated impunity.

Marriage before age 20 is illegal, but child marriage remains common, especially among Dalits and Madhesis. Between mid-July and the end of the last fiscal year, the police documented 52 cases. Early marriage still restricts education for girls and exacerbates exposure to domestic violence and trafficking.

Only the pre-1990 Bhutanese and Tibetans are accepted as refugees by the government, whereas the majority of the other estimated 12,000 Tibetan refugees are not documented. Other state refugees like Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Sri Lanka are regarded as irregular migrants despite having been accepted by UNHCR. Exit permits for third-country resettlement charge refugees Rs 1,063 ($8) a day as a fine for ‘illegal stay’. The government has not been issuing Tibetans with new refugee cards since 1995.

Social stigma against unmarried pregnant women, including migrant workers, is also reported. There were no reports of enforced disappearances, though transitional justice under a newly amended Truth and Reconciliation law still has to be put into practice.

The State Department concludes that there has been no essential transformation in the general human rights situation in the country, while documenting ongoing abuses from arbitrary killings to restriction on press freedom and inadequate labor protections.

The report cites “credible reports” of illegal or arbitrary killings, torture, arbitrary detention, limitation of freedom of speech, and trafficking in people, including forced labor. While the government attempted to investigate some of the abuses, the State Department reports that punishment for convicted officials remained sporadic.

It says that while Nepal has a legal system for protecting rights, the enforcement is selective and uneven, and vulnerable groups like journalists, marginalized groups, refugees, and informal workers remain at risk of systemic threats.

Neighbors’ watch

About India, the report said, “The government took minimal credible steps or action to identify and punish officials who committed human rights abuses.” It says the same for Sri Lanka too. 

On Pakistan, it added, “The government rarely took credible steps to identify and punish officials who committed human rights abuses.”

The report flagged “significant human rights issues” in Bangladesh. It says that primarily under the previous government of Sheikh Hasina, there were credible reports of: arbitrary or unlawful killings; disappearances; torture or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment; arbitrary arrest or detention; transnational repression against individuals in another country by the previous government, serious restrictions on freedom of expression and media freedom, including violence or threats of violence against journalists, unjustified arrests or prosecutions of journalists, and censorship; significant restrictions on workers’ freedom of association; violence or threats against labor activists or union members; and significant presence of the worst forms of child labor. 

But the report says the interim government of Muhammad Yunus worked with the United Nations and used both its ordinary justice system and the Bangladeshi International Criminal Tribunal to hold the perpetrators accountable.

For China, the report says genocide and crimes against humanity occurred against predominantly Muslim Uyghurs and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups. However, the government did not take credible steps or action to identify or punish officials who committed human rights abuses, it says.

Nepal’s political jostling always manages to keep everyone on the edge of their seats—ranging from possible communist reunification to sporadic pro-monarchical protests. However, one constant has kept looming around the mainstream ever since the current constitution’s ratification—a directly elected executive. Apart from the two major parties, this seems to be on every party’s manifesto—from CPN (Maoist Center) to the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP). There are, of course, variations to the concept—most of which I’ll touch upon very basically below. 

The appeal of a directly elected executive is clear, especially in Nepal’s polity. It brings democracy front and center, appealing to voters eager to sideline political disarray and usher in leadership to provide “effective” governance. The latter is also the reason why this change is championed by parties whilst in opposition but eschewed once in government. This might be why this concept seems irrefutable, as governments struggle to last meaningfully and public perception of governance has consistently been poor. A peaceful transition to a new form of governance—“effective” and “long-lasting”—would appear to be the way out. The issue is, this runs away from its flaws, which are consistently shunned as “details to be worked out”. The details, however, aren’t as bright as political jingoism would have you believe. 

The current constitution could be amended to account for two forms of a direct executive—through the President or the Prime Minister. The first option of a directly elected President is heavily favored by the Maoist Center and its close allies. This would mean a single head of state and the government, appealing to those against “political extravagance”. This system would also include a legislature—whether it is directly elected or PR representation as some have suggested. This would include two cases—wherein the directly-elected President holds a majority in legislature, and wherein they don’t. In case they don’t, governance wouldn’t get “effective” and would instead deteriorate as the legislature will likely look to stamp its authority when it perceives an overbearing executive. There’s a strong chance where key legislation like the budget is stalled leading to government paralysis or even shutdown—as evidenced consistently in the United States. 

However, let’s assume they do—the President’s party has a commanding legislative majority. There will, of course, be a fundamental question of checks and balances but contextualizing it to Nepal’s polity shows its dangers. A presidential majority might seem like former Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s political endgame, given the circumstances surrounding his resignation during his first term. Although it seems long gone now, it wasn’t too soon ago when former President Ram Baran Yadav had to step-in to prevent Dahal’s overreach. Even if one were to disregard that event, a simple look into Nepal’s history with majoritarian governance backed by the military, be it in 2005 or prior to 1990, should inform one of the possible prospects ahead. 

However, there’s another noble option to executive governance—one preferred by the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) and the RPP—through a directly elected Prime Minister. This appeals to ensure “effective” governance whilst shielding themselves from abovementioned critiques. It must be noted that the only modern example of such a system was in Israel, from 1996 to 2001, when they abandoned it. This system maintains the current structure of government, wherein every voter would likely just have an additional ballot for a prime ministerial candidate. This system would similarly have a legislative majority or minority Prime Minister. Although proponents of this governance structure might assume outright majorities to deliver “effectiveness”, this system is likely to render further political clutter than we currently have. Voters are likely to split ballots—more so than a direct presidential election—where legislators represent local concerns and the Prime Minister is to deliver broad governance mandates. There is empirical evidence to support this, and this was also the primary reason Israel abandoned it in the first place. A minority Prime Minister is fundamentally inept to deliver “effective” governance as proponents promise, whereas the presence of a head of state further raises questions on stability in the face of government deadlock—compromising when the head of state needs to interject to possibly replace the Prime Minister.

However, as in the presidential case—let’s assume the Prime Minister commands a legislative majority for their entire term. The Prime Minister is stable for the entirety of their term and can work “effectively”. However, even in this quixotic scenario—a head of state, whomever it might be, will co-exist alongside the Prime Minister as it does now. A majoritarian Prime Minister forces the head of state to reevaluate their boundaries of accountability, as shown by the French fourth Republic or the recent Israeli judicial reform crisis. The head of state must walk an extremely thin line—they can’t enable authoritarianism like Ahmed during the Indian emergency, nor can they impede governance like Mattarella during the 2018 Italian government crisis. 

Nepal’s history of Prime Ministers with legislative majorities and a supposedly symbolic head of state, going back to BP Koirala to KP Oli’s parliamentary dissolution, should stress how thin of a line it is for the head of state. This is of course under an “ideal” scenario, where the legislative majority lasts throughout the parliamentary term.   

My critique of these respective systems isn’t meant to invite gloom—but rather encourage honest discourse instead of political jingoism. It is completely fair to propagate for either of these systems, but political parties have been given far too much leeway to preach “effectiveness” and direct democracy without a framework of how it would actually work in practice. Nepal needs democratic stability and instead of contributing toward parliamentary maturity, every time a party is in opposition, their campaign is to upend parliamentary democracy altogether. 

Parliamentary democracy might appear messy and unstable—but the alternative cannot be to open another Pandora’s box of experimentation. There might be multiple Prime Ministers in a parliamentary term, divergent coalitions and displeasure over governance but diverting to systems unable to stand such basic scrutiny like above isn’t the solution. Political parties need to get into the nitty-gritty constitutional legalese of alternative systems or stop selling this direct election dreamland once and for all.

The author is a graduate student in economics at the University of South Florida

For modern travelers, airport lounges and restaurants serve distinct but complementary roles, offering comfort and convenience to passengers. Lounges, typically reserved for premium-class passengers or loyalty members, provide a tranquil space with amenities like plush seating, complimentary food and drinks, Wi-Fi, and often showers or business facilities. Restaurants, on the other hand, cater to all travelers and offer a wide variety of dining experiences—from fast food to gourmet meals. 

At Tribhuvan International Airport, travelers don’t have to choose between the two. Yatra Lounge and Restro offers both sides, combining the comforts of a lounge with the culinary variety of a restaurant. 

Located near the International Departure gate, Yatra Lounge and Restro has become a welcoming space for all kinds of travelers. With over 10 years of experience in airport hospitality, the owner understood exactly what tourists and travelers need before a long flight: a peaceful environment, good food, and practical amenities. 

The lounge was created with traveler feedback in mind and designed to meet the specific needs of every guest. Today, it’s a calm, clean, and beautifully designed spot where guests can relax, enjoy a meal, and freshen up. The ambience is serene, far removed from the typical crowded and chaotic airport environment. 

Previously, the area lacked basic facilities. There was no proper water service, restrooms were inadequate, and there was always a crowd. Now, guests can enjoy clean restrooms, take a refreshing shower, and unwind before their flight. For those suffering from jet lag or looking to recharge, Yatra Lounge and Restro offers the perfect place to rest and reset. 

The establishment officially opened on July 15, and while it’s already serving travelers, the official grand opening is still on the way. The delay has been due to various factors, including raw material shortages, labor challenges, and necessary documentation procedures required by the airport authorities. Despite these setbacks, the team has stayed committed to delivering a high-quality experience. 

The menu at Yatra Lounge and Restro is thoughtfully curated. The chef has placed special emphasis on Thakali cuisine, aiming to offer travelers a taste of home before departure or after arrival. This homely touch has resonated well with guests and adds to the comforting atmosphere. 

Beyond local flavors, the menu also features a diverse range of international cuisines, including Italian, Thai, and Chinese dishes. As the team continues to evolve, they are currently in discussions about introducing a signature dish that will represent the brand’s unique identity. A new menu is also in the works, with updates expected soon. 

The ambience at Yatra Lounge and Restro is designed with care and attention to detail. Greenery, soft background music, and comfortable seating create a relaxing space for travelers. There’s a thoughtful mix of open areas and private spaces, with chairs featuring traditional Dhaka fabric, adding a cultural touch to the modern setting. The lounge also includes a kids’ room, catering to families and ensuring children have a comfortable place to unwind while waiting for their flight. 

Understanding airport dynamics is key to smooth operations. Yatra Lounge and Restro is equipped with real-time flight display monitors, helping the staff stay updated on departure and arrival schedules. This foresight allows the team to prepare for peak travel hours, particularly during flight delays or weather disruptions, which are common during the rainy season. 

The management receives pre-information about potential delays, enabling them to proactively manage resources and staffing. As the management emphasizes, teamwork is essential—no one can handle such a dynamic environment alone. A coordinated effort ensures that guests receive seamless service, no matter how busy it gets. 

At Yatra Lounge and Restro, the journey doesn’t stop at just offering comfort—it’s about constantly improving. The lounge actively collects feedback through physical forms and a live online feedback system, ensuring real-time input from guests. Most feedback has been overwhelmingly positive, yet the management acknowledges that hospitality is an ever-evolving field, and there’s always room for improvement. Their openness to suggestions reflects their genuine commitment to guest satisfaction. 

Currently, Yatra Lounge and Restro offers both pre-booking and walk-in access, with the majority being walk-in customers. Looking ahead, the lounge is planning to introduce a membership or pass system, especially aimed at international travelers. Options like Privilege Pass and Priority Pass are under consideration to provide frequent flyers with added convenience and exclusive benefits. 

Although the lounge is open to everyone, the primary target includes frequent travelers who seek peace, comfort, and a quiet space to wait, relax, or refresh. As a pre-security lounge, it’s accessible before check-in, making it an excellent choice for not just travelers, but also airport staff and visitors. 

Unlike most airport lounges that are located post-security, Yatra Lounge and Restro is situated before the boarding pass check, near the International Departure gate, allowing anyone to access it, be it travelers, family members, or airport staff. With around 10,000 employees working at Tribhuvan International Airport, the lounge also provides a welcoming space for staff to dine, rest, or meet visiting relatives. For officers and personnel who can’t bring guests inside the secured zones, this lounge offers a convenient and comfortable meeting point. 

Operating 24 hours a day, the lounge runs on a well-coordinated day and night shift system, ensuring continuous service for travelers at any hour. This has also created employment for nearly 40 staff members, each trained specifically according to their role. Training is provided based on institutional standards, ensuring quality service in all aspects—from food service and customer care to hygiene and operations. 

Yatra Lounge and Restro goes beyond just offering food and a place to sit. It’s a fully equipped pre-flight retreat designed to meet the diverse needs of modern travelers. The lounge offers a range of affordable packages and combo deals that include access to exclusive facilities such as: private sleeping rooms for rest and recovery, recliner chairs for a quick nap or relaxation, massage chairs to relieve travel stress and dedicated workspaces with Wi-Fi for business travelers. 

These services can be availed individually or as part of value-added combo packages, giving guests the flexibility to choose what best suits their time, needs, and travel schedule. Whether you’re on a layover, dealing with a flight delay, or simply arriving early, Yatra Lounge and Restro offers an environment that blends comfort with practicality. 

With a vision to serve a wider range of passengers, it is also planning to extend its services to domestic travelers by providing the travel system for them. As the domestic terminal is located at a distance, this initiative aims to offer a convenient resting and dining point for domestic flyers who may arrive early or have layovers in the international section. 

In addition, the lounge is preparing to enhance the experience for first-time international visitors to Nepal by offering essential travel information through a dedicated help desk service. This will include guidance on local transportation, cultural norms, emergency contacts, and key destinations, making it easier for newcomers to navigate their journey. 

This informative feature will also be bundled into upcoming combo packages. Perfectly positioned near the international departure area and open to all, Yatra Lounge and Restro is the ideal escape before your journey—a place to enjoy a peaceful meal, get some work done, or simply unwind in comfort.

Nearly a decade after the introduction of the National Health Insurance Act, the National Health Insurance Program is facing severe operational and financial challenges, prompting the government to announce sweeping reforms aimed at ensuring its sustainability and effectiveness.

Enacted in 2017, the National Health Insurance Act was led by then Health Minister Gagan Thapa with the goal of making healthcare more accessible, affordable and equitable.

Under the scheme, a family of five was entitled to receive up to Rs 50,000 in medical services annually after paying a yearly premium of Rs 2,500. The programme was initially launched in 36 districts.

However, the insurance program is now at a critical stage. Poor management, inadequate infrastructure and a shortage of skilled human resources have significantly hampered service delivery.

Technical inefficiencies and a lack of proper resource allocation have also contributed to the growing crisis within the Health Insurance Board (HIB).
According to White Paper published by the HIB a few months ago, the board has an estimated Rs 24bn in unpaid claims, including Rs 17.5bn in dues from 2023-24. It also revealed that as of February, around 9m insurance claims had yet to be reviewed—highlighting the severe shortage of qualified staff and ineffective claim processing systems.

Moreover, the removal of the first service point, the designated government health institution where insured individuals first seek treatment, from many hospitals has drawn criticism. Several hospitals and local representatives have urged the government to reinstate this service, citing disruptions in care access and dissatisfaction among the insured public. Recently, HIB has notified that the service can be availed through 391 health offices throughout Nepal.

Government hospitals previously reported that over 90 percent of patients are receiving treatment through the insurance scheme, indicating heavy reliance on subsidized care. In contrast, paying outpatient department (OPD) numbers remain low, raising concerns about the program’s financial sustainability.

Health and Population Minister Pradip Paudel has announced plans to expand the program’s coverage. Speaking to Annapurna Post, sister publication of ApEx, he said the government has increased insurance coverage from
Rs 100,000 to Rs 200,000, with a long-term goal of reaching Rs 500,000. He also committed to enhancing benefits for the poor citizens, promising treatment coverage up to Rs 900,000 under the scheme.

While acknowledging the program’s funding gap, Paudel noted that the government has increased its allocation from Rs 7.5bn to Rs 10bn this fiscal year. “We are aware this is still not enough, but we are committed to improving the system,” he said.

In the budget speech for the fiscal year 2025–26, Finance Minister Bishnu Paudel announced a comprehensive restructuring of the national health insurance scheme. Key reforms will focus on enforcing the Health Insurance Act more rigorously, improving institutional discipline, reducing financial leakages, and enhancing service delivery.

Minister Pradip Paudel emphasized the need to create a system where all citizens are covered by health insurance, with contributions collected from salaried individuals. He suggested that 70 percent of healthcare costs could be funded through these contributions, with the state covering the remaining 30 percent.
He stated that effective resource management in the health sector begins with health insurance.

Despite the implementation of several measures, he proposed that a fixed percentage of the state’s income could be allocated specifically for health insurance. If that allocation proves insufficient, additional methods—such as an annual health insurance lottery—could be introduced to generate funds.

He acknowledged that the state’s resources alone are not adequate. However, he asserted that there are numerous ways to raise funds if there is the political will to do so.

Raghuraj Kaphle, Executive Director of the Health Insurance Board, stated that there is a lack of commitment to making the Board effective, warning that the health insurance system is at risk of collapsing if resources are not balanced. He explained that funding for health insurance comes from both the government and insured individuals, with Rs. 3.5bn currently being collected from the insured.

Kaphle emphasized the need to enhance the Board’s institutional capacity. He attributed the collapse of the health insurance system to a shortage of skilled human resources, inadequate technology, and financial instability. Kafle pointed out that while over 50 percent of people receive free healthcare services, only 46 percent actually pay insurance premiums. “Most of those who use the services  are chronically ill or patients with serious health conditions,” he added.

The government also plans to integrate multiple public health initiatives into the insurance program to streamline resources and improve efficiency. Benefit caps for insured families are set to gradually increase to ensure broader coverage and better health outcomes.

As the National Health Insurance Program approaches its 10-year mark, it stands at a crossroads. While its original vision remains relevant—ensuring accessible healthcare for all—serious systemic reforms and investments are urgently needed. Without these, the program risks becoming unsustainable, failing the millions of citizens who rely on it for essential medical care.