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The Mahasamiti meeting of Nepali Congress started on Monday after a six-year hiatus. Although the party’s top decision-making body, which is supposed to meet every two years, last held its meeting in 2018, which came hot on the heels of Congress’ historic electoral drubbing in general elections. 

In these past six years, the party has re-emerged as the largest party, thanks to the electoral alliance with the CPN (Maoist Center) and a few other fringe parties in the 2022 general elections. However, the grand old party is still not out of the woods yet. The party’s popularity is diminishing, intra-party rift is becoming increasingly tense, and the organizational structure is in shambles.  

The electoral alliance in 2022 elections catapulted NC back to the top spot, but many in the party are of the view that they should think about contesting the next general elections without any alliance.     

NC General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa and his team is pressing the leadership of Sher Bahadur Deuba to pass a resolution that the party will not forge a pre-poll alliance. However, Deuba and his supporters are not keen about the idea. 

In a direct reference to the Maoist party, in his political document, Thapa states: “The Mahasamiti meeting should make a resolution that the party would not forge a pre-election alliance, and will not create an environment in which the cadres will be forced to vote for other parties.”

The document further states though the prospects of a single party securing a majority are slim under the current electoral system, there can be a post-election alliance to deliver a government on the basis of common minimum program. The grassroots level cadres, according to Thapa, feel that pre-poll alliance is eroding the party’s ideology. 

“Between the 2017 and 2022 elections, our popular votes have shrunken by five percent. This is because NC cadres and supporters did not get the chance to vote for their party,” Thapa told the Mahasamiti meeting. 

Regarding the existing alliance with Maoist, Thapa said that the party should stick to it for the next four years, but come the next general elections, the Nepali Congress should fight alone. 

The faction led by senior leader Shekhar Koirala has a similar position on electoral alliance. 

“When I visit outside Kathmandu, our cadres often ask me, ‘When will we contest the election as a single party?’ Because of the electoral alliance, our vote share has decreased to 27 percent from 34\35 percent,” he said.

The reading of Thapa and Koirala regarding the pre-election alliance is the same, but their ambition to become the next president of the NC prevents them from joining hands to mount pressure on the current leadership. 

NC President Deuba and his supporters do not subscribe to Thapa and Koirala’s views. They believe that the alliance with Maoists helped the Congress become the largest party, and that this partnership could be continued in the future. 

The NC leadership takes the alliance with the Maoists as a compulsion and strategy to keep its main rival, the CPN-UML, out of power. But the local level leaders are not satisfied with the alliance. This was evident when the party members disregarded the NC-Maoist alliance and voted for the UML candidate in the National Assembly elections of Koshi province. The incident has created an environment of distrust between the NC and the Maoist party. 

NC leader Nain Singh Mahar says local level cadres are dead set against pre-poll alliance, mainly with the Maoist party. 

Given the animosity between two parties during the insurgency era, the NC cadres do not want to vote for the Maoist party. During the armed rebellion launched by the Maoists, the rebel force killed scores of NC cadres and confiscated their properties. To this day, the supporters of NC see the Maoists as their enemy. Even when the Maoists decided to join mainstream politics, scores of NC leaders and cadres were against the peace process initiated by former Congress leader Girija Prasad Koirala.

In the 2022 general elections, the NC forged an electoral alliance with the Maoists to defeat the UML. Soon after the elections, the Maoist chairman, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, whose party polled behind the UML in third position, urged the NC to support his prime ministerial bid.

When the NC rejected Dahal’s bid, the Maoist leader went on to join forces with the UML to become prime minister. This led to a bizarre scenario where the NC, despite winning the most number of seats in the House of Representatives, was consigned to the opposition aisle. Deuba’s leadership was heavily criticized at the time. Questions were also raised about alliance politics, particularly when two parties with opposing ideologies come together. 

The Deuba leadership managed to break the Maoist-UML alliance and reform another government under Dahal, but the debate over electoral alliance did not leave the NC. Deuba and his supporters may not want to pass the resolution rejecting the pre-poll alliance, as it could create friction within the current coalition. But this does not mean that the pressure is not off from Deuba. 

If the NC Mahasamiti meeting endorses the resolution, it will surely create a rift in the NC-Maoist coalition. The next general elections are still four years away, and if NC passes such a proposal, there is a high chance that the Maoists will once again join forces with the UML. 

It’s clear that Deuba doesn’t want to scupper his chance to become prime minister as per the deal reached with the Maoist chairman and current prime minister, Dahal. Deuba will try his best not to get the Thapa-proposed resolution passed from the Mahasamiti meeting. 

Vice-President Purna Bahadur Khadka, a leader close to Deuba, in his political document, states that the election alliance has become a compulsion due to the current electoral system. 

“We are forging the electoral alliance to avoid the risks of political instability because under the current system, no party secures the majority numbers required to form a government.” 

Another General Secretary Bishwa Prakash Sharma has taken a middle path stating that it would be too early to decide about the electoral alliance, as the election is four years away.  He nevertheless agrees that alliance politics is damaging the party's reputation among the supporters.

Frustration is also growing among the Congress cadres and supporters because the current coalition government has failed to deliver. Although the NC dominates in all three tiers of government, the party has not taken any notable initiatives to ensure good governance and development. 

According to Thapa, there is not proper coordination and communication between the party and government, a major challenge that all governments have been facing after the restoration of democracy in 1990.  

As the decision of the ongoing Mahasamiti meeting of the NC could impact the national politics, the Maoist and the UML will be closely following the development.

The government of Madhes province has not implemented a single provincial pride project in six years. Instead, it has focused on smaller programs with budgets no more than Rs 1m, but their progress too have been slow and laborious. Many of these projects have had their budgets frozen. The capital spending has never been satisfactory. The provincial government and ministers often make commitments to implement provincial pride projects but the reality is completely different. Their focus is mostly on small projects proposed by their cadres.

The provincial government has proposed a budget of Rs 44.11bn for the fiscal year 2023/24. However, the focus has primarily been on implementing piecemeal programs even though the provincial government has no dearth of resources. The Ministry of Physical Infrastructure Development has the highest budgetary allocation of over Rs 12bn. However, minister Krishna Prasad Yadav’s focus seems to be on implementing small projects proposed by party cadres rather than larger projects that could benefit the whole province. For instance, Hansapur Municipality in Dhanusha has been provided with 25 projects ranging from Rs 1.5m to Rs 2.5m. Pradeep Yadav, who serves as the treasurer of the Madhes Provincial Committee of Nepali Congress, is the mayor of Hansapur. In contrast, neighboring Dhanauji and Aurahi rural municipalities lack programs of even Rs 2m.

Dipendra Thakur, deputy leader of the CPN-UML parliamentary party in the Madhes Province Assembly, criticized ministers for pouring budgets into their constituencies while neglecting pressing needs elsewhere. The Dalit Development Committee, responsible for uplifting the Dalit community, which comprises 18 percent of the province’s population, has been allocated a meager budget of Rs 6.9m.

Ministers have also been accused of overspending in their areas through budget transfers. Minister for Finance Sanjaya Kumar Yadav and Minister for Industry, Commerce, and Tourism Sunita Yadav have been summoned by provincial assembly committees for transferring over Rs 600m in the last month of the previous fiscal year.

Dr Bhogendra Jha, former vice-chairman of the Madhes Province Planning Commission, said that the capital budget is being distributed without considering the priorities of the local people. Similarly, CPN (Maoist Center) assembly member Mala Kumari Karna criticized the chief minister and ministers for implementing budgetary programs only in their constituencies.

Maoist Center leader Bharat Prasad Sah also emphasized the need for the provincial government to focus on provincial pride projects instead of distribution-oriented plans. “The province hasn't implemented a single significant program over the past six years. I served as a minister in the government led by Janata Samajbadi Party (JSP). I, however, couldn’t implement development-oriented programs due to inadequate support,” he added.

Satish Kumar Singh of Janamat Party said party cadres are favored while selecting development programs. “Only those close to the ministers are benefiting from budgetary programs. We had the opportunity to make federalism work, but the government’s actions are making a mockery of it,” he added.

Chief Minister Saroj Kumar Yadav issued a 19-point directive on Jan 22, pledging to uphold financial transparency and good governance. However, the first budget of Chief Minister Yadav has faced criticism for focusing on distributing piecemeal programs to appease cadres rather than prioritizing substantial projects.

According to Minister for Home, Communication, and Law, Mohammad Shamim, projects such as the Ram Janaki Stadium, one electoral constituency-one road, provincial roads, and universities are considered provincial pride projects. However, he acknowledged that these projects are not gaining momentum. “Service delivery of provincial governments have been affected due to obstacles created by the federal government,” he added.

Over the last few days, I have been thinking about the connections and interlinkages between agency, voice, representation of minority groups and the role of leadership in strengthening and reinforcing them.

The trigger was an invitation to participate at a discussion program organized by Rastriya Dalit Network (RDN) Nepal, one of the leading organizations representing Dalit citizens in Nepal during the World Social Forum.

Over the course of the years, as an external observer and practitioner, I have been grappling with questions related to ways that vulnerable groups can emerge.

On the one hand, personal and positive leadership is indispensable and with it also comes a great level of personal accountability. I do believe that leadership is something that is widespread around the society. It does belong to each single individual but the problem is that, too often, it goes untapped, unexplored.

Yet, if you are a citizen belonging to a vulnerable group like Dalits or persons with disabilities, Muslim or citizens belonging to gender minorities or if you are a woman, then, it’s much harder to leverage this innate dimension. But, if certain conditions are in place, conditions that must stem from the wider society, then it can emerge with positive spillover effects.

What am I talking about? Very practical things to start with.

Why not start with better designed and much more substantial scholarships not only at primary levels for Dalit students but throughout the whole educational cycle? What about tailor-made apprenticeship and internship programs that should at least provide decent living stipends?

These are very tangible and, I would argue, also minimalistic measures, in the sense that, if implemented, they would not require astronomical resources nor any legal provision.

At the same time, there should also be a conversation about more systemic initiatives that are as needed as the former but are also more complex to put in place. Why so? Because they would need the buy-in of the whole society, especially the assent of those in or perceived to be in the so-called historically more dominating groups.

For example, a better and stronger proportional system without loopholes, a system that would really provide representations not only to Dalit citizens but also to other marginalized groups. A conversation should also be tabled about stronger quotas, that though imperfect as they can be, they do potentially represent a game-changer tool to create a stronger, fairer level playing field.

As an observer, I do realize not only the complexity of these issues but also their sensitivity. That’s why only a national conversation can pave the way for reasoned, deliberate discussions. Yet these tools, some practical interventions, some other more strictly anchored to the realm of policy making can truly make the difference.

Thanks to them, citizens from vulnerable groups can be more visible, they can be heard and they can be part of the conversation and, consequently, they can contribute to the wider society. We need to be clear on one thing here: There is no automatism, no guarantee of success.

The reason is simple because, as strong as these measures can be, alone they won’t suffice, they won’t be enough.

Here enters the role of leadership and personal accountability. Leadership is about consistent actions that bring positive outcomes but also, as we all know, the same can bring failures. With failures that are inevitable come frustration and with it, the possibility of simply giving up becomes higher and higher.

Yet this grinding process of self-amelioration is the key to personal success.

The society in Nepal is in dire need of having more people from minority groups to be “good” at succeeding because positive achievements bring recognition and respect. Leading through actions does not require only good communication skills or charisma. What is also needed is know-how and expertise and being in a position to put those into practice.

That’s why the tangibles discussed earlier can truly mark a positive difference in what is a positive feeding loop that generates change, first at personal level, then at societal one. In more practical terms: You have to work hard but also you have to have the conditions in place as well if you want to have a shot at life.

But there is another element in this very hypothetical theory of change that could contribute in making Nepal more just.

Here I go back to the discussions related to the World Social Forum. RDN Nepal is organizing a ‘Dalit Parliament’ but this is a misnomer.

The Parliament, obviously, is not a real parliament. It is, instead, a much-needed forum for discussion and debate within the Dalit community. It is mostly a series of one-off events held annually where different groups, different stakeholders address issues and problems and try to find a common ground.

It is an important platform but there is the potential of making it even stronger. This so-called parliament could be structured on much more solid grounds in the form of a permanent, though loose, forum that meets regularly and consistently.

Obviously, we have to be realistic about what such a forum can achieve but having in place a venue where groups, activists but also concerned citizens can freely talk, can be a very positive development.

That’s because it would help bring in a sense of having a collective voice, a voice that would represent different views and opinions but would also enrich the conversation.

This dimension would complement and reinforce the efforts from the wider society and the ones stemming from the single individuals belonging to marginalized groups, helping generate reflections that could lead to change.

The goal would not be to agree on everything but rather having a place where voices are heard and ideas shared. While each group in such a diverse nation like Nepal has its own identity and traditions, ultimately what could help the country achieve more diversity and inclusion is a real national conversation.

Something that is not fragmented and divided by specific features, grievances and negotiating positions but instead is driven by the enriching and common elements, the sum of its parts that pulls the country together.

A recognition by the wider society that it is a common responsibility to make the country more inclusive and diverse, a sense of personal responsibility and willingness to contribute from those lagging behind and more collective voices talking to each other, could truly make Nepal fairer, better and more just society for all.

The author is the co-founder of ENGAGE and of The Good Leadership. Views are personal

“Ten years of marriage. Ten years of secrets. An anniversary they will never forget” reads the blurb of ‘Rock, Paper, Scissors’ by Alice Feeney. I bought the book for my husband as it will be our 10th marriage anniversary in the next couple of years and I thought I would spook him with a twisted book. But Rock, Paper, Scissors is mediocre at best. The setting is eerie but that’s about it. There is also something quite déjà vu-ish about the story but that could easily just be me having read a lot of thrillers and watched as many on Netflix.

Feeney has written several books but this was my first time reading her work. I wasn’t familiar with her writing style and that should have given a sense of newness to the story. That it didn’t do so makes me believe all thriller writers follow a trope and once you are familiar with it, it’s not difficult to see where the story is going, no matter who is writing it.

Rock, Paper, Scissors is about a couple who go away on a holiday. Adam and Amelia want to reconnect and rekindle their bond. They were once madly in love but lately, they find that they are unable to understand each other. The therapist suggests they go on a trip to try to relax and mend things so when Amelia wins a weekend getaway on a work raffle, the two pack their bags and leave. The place they end up at, braving a storm, is an old chapel converted into a holiday home.

The story is narrated alternately by Adam and Amelia, giving you insights into both their worlds and perspectives. As far as characters go, both of them are flawed and selfish. I didn’t like either of them. They were always blaming each other for everything. When Adam is telling his story, he is making Amelia seem bad. And when it’s Amelia’s turn, you are sure Adam is the problematic one. There is another character, Robin, who comes in a little later and adds a bit of intrigue. Who is she? Why does she have a key to the chapel where Adam and Amelia are staying? Is she trying to spook them?

But the problem is that there are only a few characters, and it’s mostly all about Adam, Amelia, and Robin. You know one of them is responsible for everything bad that is happening but you don’t know who and you are given very few clues to guess as well. Adam has prosopagnosia, meaning he can’t recognize people by their faces. He watched his mother get killed but couldn’t describe the driver to the police. He lives in guilt that his mother’s killer walked free because of him. You realize this is an essential part of the story but how it factors in on what’s happening isn’t clear till the author decides to shove it in your face.

As far as thrillers go, Rock, Paper, Scissors is average. Though there is tension on almost every page, much of it feels forced and fake. Don’t read it on a gloomy day because it will make you feel lonely, sad, and hollow.

Thriller

https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/56269064-rock-paper-scissors 

Rock, Paper, Scissors

Alice Feeney

Published: 2021

Publisher: Harper Collins

Pages: 312, Paperback