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In the last week of June, three people died and 16 others fell ill after consuming wild mushroom curry in Makwanpur district in Bagmati Province. These incidents are common during the monsoon season as people lack knowledge about wild mushrooms. The district security personnel of Makwanpur advised against eating wild mushrooms. However, this is not a solution. We need more awareness about our wild edible species.

According to available data, wild mushrooms in Nepal belong to 108 families, 357 genera, and 1,291 species. Among these, there are 159 edible mushrooms, 74 medicinal mushrooms, and 100 poisonous mushrooms.

Nepal’s traditional diet, rich in fresh, locally sourced ingredients, promotes health and well-being through nutrient-dense foods like lentils, vegetables, and whole grains, along with probiotic-rich fermented items. However, the growing trend of adopting Western dietary habits, often involving processed and packaged foods, raises concerns about losing the benefits of our own nutritious foods. It’s crucial to question if these new habits truly improve our health or if they compromise it by increasing the risk of chronic diseases and environmental impact. Supporting our traditional foods fosters better health, sustainability, and cultural heritage.

Foraging, the practice of searching for and collecting wild food resources, has a deep-rooted culture in Nepal. Seasonal foraging yields a diverse array of wild edibles such as ferns, fiddlehead ferns, wild asparagus, and yarsagumba (a medicinal fungus). Every season brings a new bounty of fruits and vegetables, mostly organic and naturally provided by Mother Nature. Many believe that consuming wild, seasonal foods can greatly enhance health, reducing the need for medical visits.

Foraging is practiced globally, with foragers in the UK harvesting wild garlic and dill, which can evoke nostalgia for similar Nepali herbs like chyapi. It’s said that foraging for your own food limits your carbon footprint and helps to maintain the natural landscape. Done correctly, it reconnects us to nature while limiting our impact on our natural surroundings. Humans need to be an active part of changing the environment—even on this small scale.

Foraging should be modest, carried out with an understanding of the plants, fungi, and the delicate balance of biodiversity within different habitats. This practice needs to be done by someone thoughtful, informed, with knowledge of the local area.

The practice of foraging yarsagumba is not sustainable, and the local governments and protected areas authorities are charging people to reduce this unsustainable way of foraging. Sustainable foraging is crucial to ensure that future generations can also experience and benefit from these natural resources. It involves mindful collection practices that do not deplete the ecosystem, ensuring plants and fungi can continue to thrive.

In Nepal, foraged produce includes:

Ferns and fiddlehead ferns: Popular in many Nepali dishes, rich in vitamins and minerals.

 Wild asparagus (Kurilo): Known for its medicinal properties and high nutrient content.

 Yarsagumba: A rare and valuable fungus used in traditional medicine for its purported health benefits.

Wild berries and fruits: Various types are collected seasonally, providing essential vitamins and antioxidants.

Emphasizing foraging within our diets supports health, maintains biodiversity, and preserves cultural practices. Practicing sustainable foraging ensures these natural treasures remain available for future generations.

Edible and medicinal plants in Nepal

·  Githa (Dioscorea bulbifera): Often foraged during the monsoon season.

·  Bhyakur (Dioscorea deltoidea): Typically available in the monsoon season.

·  Tarul (Dioscorea alata): Harvested in the winter, especially around Maghe Sankranti.

·  Taro (Colocasia esculenta): Available during the monsoon and early autumn.

·  Chiuri Fruit (Diploknema butyracea): Collected in late summer to early autumn.

·  Kaphal (Myrica esculenta): Found in mid to high altitudes, foraged in late spring to early summer.

·  Wild Lemon (Bimiro): Available during the monsoon season.

·  Wild Strawberries: Found in hilly regions, available in late spring to early summer.

·  Amala (Phyllanthus emblica): Available in winter.

·  Chutro (Berberis asiatica): Collected in the autumn.

·  Siltimur (Zanthoxylum armatum): Foraged in the monsoon season.

·  Timur (Zanthoxylum armatum): Available in late summer to early autumn.

·  Kurilo (Asparagus racemosus): Found in spring.

·  Ban Lasun (Allium wallichii): Available in the monsoon season.

·  Wild Mushrooms: Collected during the monsoon season.

·  Ausadi: the mother of fermenting ingredients. Ausadi, a mixture of wild herbs and roots, plays a crucial role in the fermentation process for making traditional liquors across various communities in Nepal. This tradition is deeply rooted in cultural practices and is passed down through generations. Each region might have its own unique blend of herbs, contributing to the distinct flavors of their homemade liquors. This practice showcases the rich biodiversity of Nepal and the knowledge of local flora.

These foraged plants and fruits not only provide food but also have significant medicinal and cultural importance. They reflect the deep connection between the people of Nepal and their natural environment, highlighting sustainable living practices that have been maintained for centuries.

The author is UK-based R&D chef

From the land of Sagarmatha, the highest peak in the world, I congratulate Keir Starmer on being elected the prime minister of the United Kingdom.

The 2024 UK general election was held on Thursday, July 4, to elect 650 members of Parliament (MPs) to the House of Commons, the lower house of the UK Parliament. The governing Conservative Party under Rishi Sunak was defeated in a landslide by the opposition Labor Party under Starmer.

The arrival of the new Prime Minister has ushered in a wave of changes. With a message to the world—‘We’re back’—Starmer envisions Britain taking a more prominent role on the global stage, following years of strained relations with Europe over Brexit and internal political turmoil.

In the hours following his inauguration, Starmer engaged in a series of calls with world leaders, including US President Joe Biden, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, European Union leader Ursula von der Leyen, and Ukraine’s Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

Starmer assumes office amid multiple crises, including conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East.

He recently traveled to Washington, DC for NATO’s 75th-anniversary summit, affirming that Britain’s steadfast support for Ukraine will continue. He has also pledged to increase UK military spending to 2.5 percent of GDP.

On July 18, Starmer will host European leaders at England’s Blenheim Palace for a meeting of the 47-nation European Political Community. This gathering presents an opportunity to begin repairing ties with the UK's European neighbors, which have deteriorated since the UK left the European Union in 2020.

Starmer aims to reduce some of the post-Brexit barriers affecting the movement of people and goods between Britain and the EU. However, he insists that he will not reverse Brexit or seek to rejoin the EU’s single market and customs union.

Starmer’s demeanor, gestures and body language all signal that the UK is ready to reassert itself. He will need to navigate the rising influence of France and Germany within NATO by backing up US decisions, as well as the dominance of the US in the West.

In developed countries, foreign policy and international relations typically remain stable despite changes in government. However, with the arrival of a new government following a significant election result in the UK, the Labor leader has the potential to positively impact the UK’s international relations, foreign policy, economy and peace efforts. His leadership appears intelligent and bold, promising to steer the country effectively on multiple fronts.

Let’s hope the new government addresses all the gaps left by the previous administration. In his first speech as British PM, Keir Starmer promised to ‘rebuild’ a country that voted en masse for a change in direction amid widespread public anger over deteriorating public services and a faltering economy. The new government faces significant challenges, including boosting economic growth, reforming the social care system and securing new funding for local authorities.

In just a few days on the job, six key issues have emerged as immediate priorities for Prime Minister Starmer: immigration, NHS strikes, the prisons crisis, planning reforms, relations with nations and regions, and EU relations. These priorities demonstrate that he is focused on addressing both national, regional and global issues.

A nation’s power is not solely determined by its wealth, military strength, population, or territory; the leadership and diplomatic skills of its leader are also crucial. Effective leadership can harness these resources to navigate challenges, inspire progress and foster a cohesive and resilient society. Given a landslide victory, Starmer is well-positioned to lead effectively. With a strong mandate from the electorate, he has the political capital to implement his vision and address the pressing issues facing the country. This overwhelming support can enable him to drive substantial changes and navigate the complexities of governance with greater confidence and authority.

The author is a member of the Supreme Court Bar and has been practicing corporate law for around three decades

Embattled Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal is more than certain to lose the confidence vote on July 12. However, as he is determined not to step down easily, one thing is clear: There won’t be a smooth, amicable transition of power.

From the parliament’s lectern, Dahal is expected to criticize CPN-UML Chairperson KP Sharma Oli and Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba for their surprise alliance, which reduced his government to a minority. The Maoist prime minister may accuse them of political backstabbing, question their political morality, and warn against their plan to amend the constitution. Yet, does Dahal have the moral high ground to criticize NC and UML?

Indeed, it would have been better if NC and UML had made the secret agreement's text public, but they did not. But a careful review of Dahal’s 10-year journey since the 2015 constitution shows he has no grounds to complain about betrayal by NC and UML.

Let’s revisit some instances where Dahal used NC and UML after one another to his advantage. After the promulgation of the constitution in 2015, Oli became the new prime minister with support from Dahal, whose party was in third place. But by July 2016, Dahal withdrew support from Oli and aligned with the NC to form a new government and become prime minister for the second time. Despite being in coalition with NC, Dahal later secretly signed a deal with UML for an electoral alliance, betraying NC.

In 2018, Dahal merged his party with CPN-UML to form the Nepal Communist Party, aiming to lead the powerful communist party. When Oli denied him the full-fledged party presidency, Dahal campaigned to remove Oli from power. This intra-party feud led to the dissolution of Parliament, for which all senior NCP leaders share responsibility. An agreement between Deuba and Dahal to lead the government in rotation resulted in more power struggles. 

After the 2022 national elections, where the Maoists secured only 32 of 275 seats, it was natural for NC to claim government leadership as the largest party. But Dahal, after tough bargaining, aligned with UML to become prime minister, only to betray UML in the presidential elections by supporting NC candidate Ram Chandra Paudel.

There may have been hidden factors forcing Dahal to support Paudel, but it was still a betrayal to UML. In March of this year, Dahal again ditched NC without warning and allied with UML. Just a few weeks ago, Dahal publicly suggested the government could last the full five-year tenure if they navigated between the first and second largest parties. His penchant for switching sides to suit his convenience is not hidden, as he has often demonstrated over the years. Several of Dahal’s former Maoist comrades, including former prime minister Baburam Bhattarai, have accused him of being a power-hungry individual with little to no regard for party ideology.      

Certainly there is no shortage of moral decay and corruption within NC and UML, but should anyone point the finger at or cry foul over their alliance, Dahal should be the last person. 

Dahal simply lacks the moral ground to accuse NC and UML of political immorality. Instead, he should be grateful for their support, which allowed him to lead the government despite waning support for the Maoists. In a coalition, even a small party can lead, but based on the people's mandate, the Maoists should have been in opposition, rebuilding their position. Doors may not be completely closed for him; he could become prime minister again if a rift emerges between NC and UML.

The best option for Dahal would have been to resign once UML withdrew its support. It is perceived that he is trying to influence President Paudel to initiate the government formation process through Article 76(3) of the constitution, making Deuba the prime minister. However, it is unlikely as the process should start from the initial articles of the constitution. Dahal has not publicly stated this, but his close associates suggest the President should appoint a new prime minister per Article 76(3). President Paudel has indicated to Oli and Deuba that he would begin the process from Article 76(2).

While an NC-UML government may not ensure stability, Dahal should wait. After a long gap, the first and second largest parties have pledged to provide political stability and address economic woes. The Maoists now have the chance to play the opposition role, and Dahal should seize this opportunity to rebuild his party. There is no reason for Dahal to be shocked by the NC-UML agreement.

To provide the poor and genuine students access to technical education after their SEE, Pokhara Metropolitan City Office has run an educational academy as Gandaki Polytechnic Institute. It has been expanding access to higher education through a dozen of long- and short-term technical courses including civil engineering, forestry, pharmacy, geo-metrics engineering, industrial training, building construction, automobile and so on. To run this academy, Pokhara Metropolitan City Office annually invests money, labor and attention by providing its inputs in overall development of students. It aims to serve the students, communities, and the region through a quality, market-oriented and demand-based education system. The institute currently has almost 400 students from all over Nepal.

As informed by the Pokhara Metropolitan City Office, the ratio of admission has been increasing in every new educational year since the last couple of years. Smita Adhikari of ApEx talked to Director of Gandaki Polytechnic Institute Laxman Timilsina on the issues of the real value of technical education at the local level.

What do you think is the value of setting up separate educational academies at the local level?

Education is a major base of development. It is that element that supports the creation of the pillars of overall development by shaping the concept of people and making them concerned in their liability in development. So, the Schedule 8 of 2015 Constitution has ensured the local bodies have the right to set the education system in their area. While the right to shape the educational environment goes to the local leaders and stakeholders, it will add value to make the education more productive. It is because local stakeholders are quite familiar with the problems of their area and can identify what type of teaching and learning the people of the area need. Similarly, only the local stakeholders are familiar with the demand of the job market. 

Why the focus on technical education?

While we are not against non-technical education, we should understand that local development needs a large number of skilled manpower to accomplish various technical tasks. Local governments are compelled to hire people from outside countries and districts, as manpower or consultant for the works in their areas. So, Pokhara Metropolitan City aims to fulfill its need of skilled manpower in an easy and economical way. We also want to support other districts too. So, Gandaki Polytechnic Institutes takes students from all over the nation who want to take technical education at a reasonable cost.

What has been the output of the institute so far?

A batch has already passed out in all courses. Eighty percent of the students have joined the job market. The most positive aspect is that those who have not joined the  job market are self-employed. We encourage students to explore new things and identify their working areas. We manage to send them in paid or non-paid internships for jobs as part of their academic curriculum. In some courses we have got the highest score in all over the country too. The admission rate has been growing in every new academic calendar. Every year we have added new technical courses to address the numbers of students willing to work with Pokhara Metropolitan City.

How do you convince the community that an educational academy under the local government is fruitful?

We know that 60 percent of school education in Nepal is occupied by private organizations. Institutions like ours offer a high discount when it comes to the education fees. In comparison to other private institutions, we provide education at a reasonable cost. Likewise, we involve our students in extracurricular activities and inspire them to be confident to face the situations in their life. This year we are giving free education to girls who are talented and sat for their SEE from community schools.

Do you think there are any problems running a local government owned academic institution?

We feel local stakeholders and people representatives including the bureaucracy are very supportive to this endeavor. Nevertheless, the big stakeholders are more biased toward private organizations than the local government-run institutions. So, the lack of encouragement, monitoring and attention from related authorities are the problems that we have been facing.