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Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal is leaving for India on Saturday to take part in the oath taking ceremony of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Indian Prime Minister Modi is preparing to take the oath of office and secrecy for the third time on Saturday.

Prime Minister Dahal and his Indian counterpart Modi held a telephonic conversation on Wednesday night.

On the occasion, the two leaders briefly discussed the matters concerning mutual benefits and common interests of both the countries, a Baluwatar source informed.

ALSO READ: What will Modi’s 3.0 mean for Nepal ? 

During the conversation, Indian Prime Minister Modi invited Dahal to participate in his swearing in ceremony.

After receiving Modi’s formal invitation, Prime Minister Dahal started preparations to leave for India.

According to a source, he will leave for New Delhi on Friday evening or Saturday morning.

The Prime Minister’s Office informed that a Cabinet meeting to be held today will decide on the Prime Minister’s visit by accepting Modi’s invitation.

Corruption in Nepal is a pervasive issue that hinders development and erodes public trust in government institutions. The Right to Information (RTI) Act, a powerful tool for transparency, aims to combat corruption by ensuring public access to information. However, a recent survey reveals that local governments are not RTI-friendly, posing significant challenges to transparency and accountability.

Local governments are not RTI friendly

This author has recently conducted a survey across 753 local governments in Nepal and confirmed that these entities are not RTI-friendly. Specifically, an RTI request for details on the purchase, maintenance, and fuel expenses for motorcycles procured for ward chairpersons revealed that only 210 out of 753 municipalities, or almost 29 percent, provided the requested information.

Among the respondents, Hilihang Rural Municipality questioned the legitimacy of the request, insisting that information be requested in person at their office. Varahatal and nine other municipalities redirected the requests to their financial and physical asset sections without providing the actual information. Approximately 30 percent of municipalities responded via email, stating that no motorcycles were purchased, hence there were no repair or fuel expenses. Most of these municipalities were from Taplejung District and Madhesh Province. Of the total information received, 20 percent came from section officers or IT officers instead of the designated information officer, and 10 percent was provided by the chief administrative officers.

District-wise RTI response rates

Among all 753 municipalities, Syangja District had the highest response rate, with 64 percent (seven out of 11) municipalities providing information. No information was received from any municipality in Dailekh, Dolakha, Eastern Rukum, Salyan, and Solukhumbu districts. Banke district ranked second, with 62.5 percent (five out of eight) municipalities responding, followed by Dolpa with 62.5 percent (five out of eight), and Panchthar, where 62 percent of the municipalities provided information. Districts with only one municipality providing information included Bardiya, Doti, Gorkha, Humla, Kapilvastu, Mugu, Mustang, Myagdi, Rasuwa, Rautahat, Rolpa, and Sankhuwasabha. Rautahat district had the lowest percentage of information providers, with only 5.56 percent (one out of 18) municipalities responding.

Discrepancies in reported expenses

In most local governments that provided information, transportation expenses were recorded according to provincial laws, but some municipalities reported unusually high expenses. One municipality reported spending Rs 68,000 on repairs for a single motorcycle over four months, and monthly petrol expenses were as high as 55 liters. The survey revealed a significant insight: municipalities that operated transparently had no trouble providing information, whereas those with financial opacity or expenditures made without proper legal and procedural frameworks were nearly impossible to obtain information from.

Academia delaying to embrace RTI

The academic sector has also been slow to embrace RTI. A review of 11 university websites revealed that very few publicly posted the photo, contact number, or email of the information officer, a mandatory provision of RTI. Notably, thousands of academic institutions like schools and colleges, where the huge amount of national budget has been spent, are out of access to information because they are not complying with the rule of RTI yet. Second important public service sector is the health sector and they are also not following the obligatory liability of RTI.

Corruption everywhere in Nepal

Corruption permeates every facet of Nepali society, as evidenced by Transparency International's 2023 report, which places Nepal 108th out of 180 countries with a score of only 35 points. Alarmingly, 84 percent of Nepali citizens view corruption as the country’s most significant problem, and 12 percent of those seeking public services admit to paying bribes. The challenge of reducing corruption is exacerbated by the fact that institutions meant to combat corruption often shelter corrupt individuals themselves, exemplified by the fake Bhutanese refugee scandal involving the Ministry of Home Affairs and other leaders of various political parties.

RTI to combat corruption

The right to information predates the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. On 14 Dec 1946, the United Nations General Assembly stated, ‘Freedom of information is a fundamental human right and the touchstone of all the freedoms to which the United Nations is dedicated.’ This right implies the ability to gather, transmit, and publish news without interference. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, adopted in 1966, guarantees the right to information, albeit with some restrictions regarding the reputation of others, national security, incitement to violence, public health, and morals.

However, obtaining information from public bodies is not straightforward. The right to information campaign envisions a scenario where information is disclosed proactively without formal requests. The Right to Information Act 2007 and its Regulations 2008 mandate public bodies to disclose 20 types of information every three months.

The National Information Commission, established 16 years ago, has made limited progress. Only a small number of journalists and activists utilize RTI in their professional lives, and its promotion has not reached the general populace.

Role of citizens and challenges

Citizens can play a crucial role in monitoring government plans. No monitoring has been done on whether the projects have achieved the goals and objectives, which can be done effectively using RTI by general people. The case of Laxman Prasad Sarraf from Parsa district illustrates the challenges faced by citizens in exercising RTI. Despite multiple visits to the municipality and the National Information Commission, Sarraf has not received the requested information about the expenses and design statements for constructing a local school building. This highlights the structural weaknesses within the commission. Most of the information seekers have not been  following the process of RTI because of lack of awareness. 

To curb corruption and promote transparency, it is necessary to promote the positive impact of RTI among the general public. The lack of strong laws to protect whistleblowers also contributes to the difficulty in accessing information. Despite challenges and bureaucratic resistance, RTI empowers citizens to demand accountability and transparency. By leveraging RTI effectively, Nepal can make significant strides in curbing corruption and fostering a more transparent and accountable governance system. 

India’s 18th Lok Sabha (lower house of parliament) election results are out, with the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) securing the majority needed to form a new government. Although the BJP did not achieve a single-party majority as it did in 2014 and 2019, coalition support ensures that Narendra Modi will enter a historic third consecutive term, a first since 1962. 

The election results indicate a weakening of the BJP’s dominance, a resurgence of the Indian National Congress, and a growing influence of regional parties. This also marks the return of coalition governance in India after a decade. Since Nepal and India are close neighbors, a pertinent question arises: What will India’s Nepal policy look like under Modi’s third term? Over the past decade, Nepal-India relations under Modi's leadership have seen many fluctuations. 

Modi’s emphasis on the ‘neighborhood first policy’ in 2014 placed Nepal at the forefront. However, Nepal-India relationship hit its lowest point right after Nepal promulgated its new constitution in 2015. Seemingly to show its disapproval of Nepal’s new charter, India imposed an undeclared border blockade for about six months, causing an economic and humanitarian crisis in Nepal that was still reeling from the devastating earthquake of 2015.

Relations began to improve from mid-2016 but hit another rocky patch during the 2019 map dispute. Despite these highs and lows, Modi visited Nepal five times during his first two terms. Under his leadership, bilateral mechanisms were revived, several long-standing issues were resolved, and numerous connectivity projects—such as the cross-border pipeline, Integrated Check Post, railways, roads, and digital connectivity— were advanced. In the final months of this second term, two countries signed a power agreement to export Nepali electricity in India and Bangladesh. 

Recently, bilateral relations have stabilized, and with Modi’s third term, major changes to India's Nepal policy are unlikely. Over the past decade, the BJP has strengthened its ties with Nepal's political parties. In several instances, Nepali leaders are employing BJP channels to reach out to the highest level of government to resolve outstanding issues.

This elevation of bilateral relations to a political level has opened more communication channels. Prior to 2014, interactions were largely limited to bureaucratic and security agencies, with minimal high-level exchanges. Recently, the relationship has evolved into a robust development partnership, though some contentious issues remain unresolved. 

While the BJP has faced criticism for allegedly fueling Hindu radicalism, these claims lack independent verification. Before the elections, political analysts speculated that the BJP might push to turn both India and Nepal into Hindu states in Modi’s third term. However, the return of a hung parliament may hinder such plans. The Modi government should reassure Nepali leaders that there is no such agenda in Nepal. 

Continuation of Modi as prime minister presents an opportunity for Nepal to address pending issues and explore future avenues. Compared to the BJP, the Indian National Congress and other parties have fewer communication channels with Nepal's political leaders. Key contentious issues, such as the Peace and Friendship Treaty and border disputes, require intense diplomatic and political dialogue. Both sides must avoid politicizing these issues to maintain healthy bilateral relations. India’s Nepal policy is expected to remain stable for India’s political parties are not much divided on foreign policy issues. 

Nepal government and political parties need a clear strategy for engagement with India. All political parties in Nepal should unify on major issues with India, ensuring that changes in government do not disrupt bilateral relations. Consistent positions from major political leaders, regardless of their power status, will facilitate smoother negotiations with India on contentious issues. It would have been better if those issues were settled when there was a powerful government led by Narendra Modi for 10 years. 

Enhanced coordination between political leadership and bureaucracy is essential. Rather than focusing solely on India’s Nepal policy, Nepal must prepare its own strategy for dealing with India, which is poised to become the world’s third-largest economy. The key question is how Nepal will manage this relationship, with economic and development partnerships forming the foundation of bilateral ties over the past decade. 

Madhes Province Chief Minister Saroj Kumar Yadav on Wednesday lost his confidence vote.

He sought the vote of confidence at the Province Assembly meeting this evening.

Of the 103 lawmakers present at the meeting, 50 votes were cast in favor of Yadav 53 votes were cast against him.

The Janata Samajbadi Party Nepal-led government collapsed after he failed to garner a vote of confidence.

This has paved the way to form a new government in the Madesh Province.

The central coalition is preparing to form a new government under the leadership of Janata Samajbadi Party.

Earlier, the Janata Samajbadi Party had made an agreement with the CPN-UML and CPN (Maoist Center) to form a new government.

However, the party had tried to rope in Madhav Kumar Nepal-led CPN (Unified Socialist) and Mahantha Thakur-led Democratic Socialist Party in the government.

Though the CPN (Unified Socialist) had voted against Chief Minister Yadav, the party has not been able to make a decision on whether to join the government or not.

Meanwhile, the Nepali Congress and Thakur-led Democratic Socialist Party had voted in favor of Yadav.