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Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba’s recent meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi during her visit to India has sparked significant discussion within Nepal’s political circles, particularly within her party, the Nepali Congress (NC). There are murmurs within the NC that this meeting could signal India’s endorsement of Arzu as a future leader of the party and potentially as a future prime minister of Nepal. Over the past few years, Arzu’s husband and NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba, has elevated her position within both the party and national politics.

Currently, she serves as a Central Working Committee member of the NC and a member of the House of Representatives. She played a crucial role in forming an alliance with the CPN-UML to establish the government, which led to her holding the powerful Foreign Ministry portfolio in the KP Sharma Oli-led government.

While she may not run for party president in the 2026 general convention, Deuba seems intent on securing her a significant position within the party. Deuba, who has already served as party president twice, is ineligible to run for a third term due to the party’s statute. Senior leaders such as Purna Bahadur Khadka, Gagan Kumar Thapa, and Shekhar Koirala are currently vying for the party presidency. It remains unclear who will succeed Deuba or emerge as the next leader from his faction. According to NC leaders, Deuba might retire after assuming the Prime Minister’s office again, as per an agreement with Oli, who is expected to hand over the premiership to Deuba in two years.

Some NC leaders speculate that Deuba may propose his spouse, Arzu, for the prime ministerial position due to his advanced age—he is already 80. Others, however, doubt that Arzu will become Prime Minister. Nonetheless, it is evident that Deuba is making every effort to elevate his spouse within the party. At nearly 60 years old, Arzu could remain active in party politics for at least the next two decades.

Deuba’s succession plan has been in motion for some time. He pushed for Arzu’s appointment as chairperson of the Agriculture, Cooperatives, and Natural Resources Committee of the House of Representatives last year, followed by her appointment as Foreign Minister a few months ago. These moves have significantly bolstered Arzu’s standing both within the NC and on the international stage. There was little opposition within the party to these appointments. Even Deuba’s rivals, Gagan Thapa and Shekhar Koirala, did not object. NC insiders believe that Arzu is likely to secure a prominent position at the party’s upcoming general convention, positioning her as Deuba’s political heir.

Arzu is not new to NC politics. Her political journey began in earnest after her marriage to Deuba in 1993, despite her mother, Pratibha Rana, being a leader in the Rastriya Prajatantra Party. Arzu became actively involved in politics after Deuba formed the breakaway faction, Nepali Congress (Democratic), in 2002. Although she has made significant strides within the party, her progress has been closely tied to her husband’s influence. To counter criticisms that Deuba was using his power to elevate her, Arzu contested an election from Kailali district but was defeated. In the 2022 election, she was elected under the proportional representation (PR) quota and is reportedly preparing to contest future elections from Kailali. If Deuba does not run in future elections, Arzu might even contest from Dadeldhura, where Deuba has won for the past three decades.

Arzu’s recent visit to India was a diplomatic success, earning her respect and recognition that few of her predecessors had achieved. Her meeting with Indian Prime Minister Modi, in particular, was seen as a significant accomplishment, enhancing her stature within Nepal's political landscape. This success, coupled with her increased visibility within the party, suggests that she is being groomed for a larger role.

There are clear signs within the NC that Deuba is positioning Arzu for future leadership. In a recent Central Committee meeting, NC leader Shashank Koirala noted how women seem to navigate political challenges more easily than men. Arzu’s growing acceptance within the party indicates that Deuba’s plan is progressing. Despite being relatively new to active politics and having faced opposition, she now enjoys substantial support. Her rank as the seventh in the cabinet hierarchy, ahead of several key figures, reflects the trust and confidence the party leadership has in her abilities.

However, the path to leadership will not be without challenges. Several factions within the NC, led by figures like Deputy Prime Minister Prakash Man Singh and senior leaders such as Shekhar Koirala, Bimalendra Nidhi, and Krishna Prasad Sitaula, may resist Deuba’s efforts to elevate Arzu. Influential general secretaries Gagan Kumar Thapa and Bishwo Prakash Sharma also command considerable support within the party. While Deuba’s close allies may not oppose Arzu’s rise, there is no guarantee that the rest of the party will follow suit, which could deepen existing divisions. With leaders like Dr Koirala and General Secretary Thapa already positioning themselves for party leadership, Arzu’s ascent is unlikely to be smooth.

Arzu’s success would mark a significant milestone for female leadership in Nepal, but it could also be perceived as a continuation of dynastic politics within the NC. Whether Arzu can secure party leadership will depend on her ability to navigate the party's complex dynamics, garner broad support, and prove that she can lead independently of her husband’s legacy. 

While her recent achievements suggest she is a formidable contender, it remains to be seen whether she can overcome the challenges ahead. Notably, Prime Minister Oli’s remark about wanting to see a female Prime Minister may indicate that even the CPN-UML chairman is aware of Deuba’s plans for a leadership transition.

Meena Kumari Thakali, a resident of Thini village of Mustang, finds immense joy in welcoming foreign tourists to her small cottage made of mud and dry grass locally known as ‘Ghenka’. In recent years, the number of foreign visitors to her cottage has increased, encouraging her to grow the crops and vegetables needed for her kitchen.

Her daily routine begins with a visit to her farm where she grows a wide variety of food grains and fruits. “Most tourists prefer to enjoy indigenous foods while staying with us in this small cottage,” she said. Stating that the influx of foreign tourists has already begun in her village, Meena Kumari said  she, like other villagers, is excited to welcome tourists to their village.

Meena Kumari belongs to the Thakali community which is known for its culinary skills. Originally from the highlands of Mustang, many Thakali people have migrated to Pokhara and other cities of the country where they have expanded their rich culinary heritage.

“We can’t refuse when we get an opportunity to host guests,” said Battimaya Thakali, 60, from the same village. She explained how the arrival of foreigners in Thini Village has helped in the professional development of local women. “These days, almost all the women in this village are united in homestay organizations, whereas they were limited to household chores three years ago,” Battiamaya, who chairs the local women’s group, said.

Not only in Thini, women in many Mustang villages are taking farm works and tourism business simultaneously. “We need local ingredients in our kitchen to serve tourists,” said Sarita Thakali from neighboring Marpha village.

Local women shared that they have been showcasing their kitchen skills to foreign tourists for more than half decades now. They have turned their household activities into a business without requiring extra investment, relying instead on their labor and dedication in farms to produce ingredients for their kitchen.

Thakali people are known for their set meal which includes rice, lentil soup made of local beans, local vegetables, meat and pickles. Apples, apricots, buckwheat, maize, wheat, potatoes, beans, and greens are the major fruits and crops the women of Mustang cultivate.

The women of Thini village have recently built a public homestay building where they host guests. The building, constructed at a cost of Rs 30m with support from the local government, is expected to help promote their cultural heritage.

Kamala Lalchan, founder chair of the Women’s Cooperative of Mustang, said that the cooperative has more than a thousand women farmers and entrepreneurs as members and shareholders. “More than half of them run homestays and supply food, vegetables and other ingredients to local hotels and restaurants catering to tourists visiting Muktinath Temple,” she added.

Nepal, compared to other South Asian countries, has taken a giant leap in recognizing sexual and reproductive rights through various levels. While the progress is not yet sufficient, it has certainly hit the ground running. Article 38(2) of the Constitution of Nepal 2015, has guaranteed the right to safe motherhood and reproductive health. In Nepal, access to safe abortion services is regulated under the ‘Safe Motherhood and Reproductive Health Rights Act’ (SMRH Act) of 2018. This Act decriminalizes abortion and provides legal provisions for women to access safe abortion services. The SMRH Act allows for abortion on several grounds, including cases where the continuation of pregnancy poses a risk to the life or physical or mental health of the woman, cases of rape or incest, fetal abnormalities, or when the pregnancy is a result of contraceptive failure in married couples. Abortion is permitted up to 28 weeks of gestation in cases where the woman's life is in danger, and up to 12 weeks of gestation for other reasons. In certain circumstances, with the approval of a medical board, abortions can be performed up to 28 weeks. Aborting female no longer requires spousal/parental/judicial consent and that somehow releases the air of objectivity for authorization. That being said,  given the societal structure, the traditional norms and values override this legal provision, as many women still seek parental/spousal authorization for abortion. Therefore, despite laws in place, the musical chair of de-facto authorization for abortion continues.

Third-party authorization is a requirement imposed by law or policy, or in practice, that a party other than the woman, girl, or other pregnant people must authorize an abortion where other applicable legal requirements for lawful abortion have been met. The specifics of third-party consent laws vary from country to country and sometimes even within different regions or states of a country. Over the years, women’s reproductive autonomy was/has been heavily controlled by the third party, namely parents, spouses, and the judicial authority. The deep-rooted patriarchy in Nepal still challenges a woman’s right to reproduction despite laws prohibiting it. The Safe Motherhood and Reproductive Rights Act 2017 does not require third-party authorization for abortion, although the practices in Nepal direct otherwise. Given the situation that values, culture, and tradition drive Nepali society, the decision in these matters seems to be collective rather than individual.

From a legal perspective, there is a glimmer of hope that the woman’s body autonomy has been respected. Not only the Safe Motherhood and Reproductive Rights Act 2017, but various international legal instruments have also mandated women's autonomy. International instruments like CRC/Cedaw stress that the state should repeal laws and regulations that impede rural women’s access to SRH. The following has also been supported by the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v Casey, where the Court determined that spousal notification requirements are unconstitutional and placed an undue burden on women’s  liberties. While many believe that judicial authorization for abortion is paramount, Rwanda in 2019 removed judicial authorization requirements for abortion, thereby permitting women over the age of 18 to access abortion without judicial authorization.

States must respect the right of individuals to make independent decisions about their sexual and reproductive health, including whether to have an abortion. The Supreme Court of Nepal seemed very welcoming in respecting women's reproductive autonomy. The Court in the case of Achyut Kharel v Council of Ministers adjudged that a spousal consent requirement for abortion would violate women’s human rights under international law and Nepal’s constitution. Further, in regards to reproductive autonomy, the Supreme Court of Nepal, in the Lakxmi Dikta v Government of Nepal, stated that the right to decide on the number and spacing of one’s children is an essential component of sexual and reproductive rights and reproductive autonomy, and that restrictive abortion laws violate these rights. It also stated that information on the right to decide freely on the number and spacing of children must be included in basic education to fully empower women to exercise this right. 

While such landmark decisions have ensured women's reproductive autonomy, patriarchal lineage continues to impact women’s economic autonomy, often compelling them to seek consent of men even for minor decisions.

Financial resources and social support play a significant role in women’s ability to make informed reproductive choices, including decisions about pregnancy and abortion. Access to economic resources can be substantial, often combined with social support, for women’s ability to access abortion-related information and services. In Latin American countries, in places where abortion is illegal, access to financial resources and emotional support is essential for women to safely access medically supervised abortions in secret clinics. Access to safe and legal abortion services often requires financial resources. In some cases, individuals may choose abortion due to the inability to afford prenatal care, childbirth, or raising a child. Financial constraints can make abortion a more practical option for individuals who are not prepared to bear the costs associated with pregnancy and parenting. However, in Nepal, the situation is more complicated due to the heavy economic dependency of women on men.

This is the prime reason the abortion decision is influenced by the third party’s consent. There is a robust economic dependency of women towards men in rural settings and the decision can barely be taken against a man’s will. Economic disparities and poverty can significantly impact women's access to safe abortion services, particularly for those from low-income backgrounds. Financial constraints, including costs associated with transportation, medical fees, and post-abortion care, can pose significant barriers to obtaining essential reproductive healthcare. Additionally, ensuring access to safe abortion services for women under the age of 18 presents a unique set of challenges that require careful consideration of their best interests. While the SMRH Act may not explicitly require parental consent for minors seeking a safe abortion, it is essential to ensure a balanced approach that prioritizes the well-being of young women in these situations.

Gender inequality often intersects with socioeconomic conditions, making it daring for women to exercise their reproductive rights, including access to safe abortion services. In patriarchal societies like Nepal, many decisions run on the consensus of the male members of the family, and thus females, especially young girls, have limited decision-making power, making abortion decisions on coercion or pressure. Nevertheless, with a focus on policy-level work and reduced economic dependency on men, alongside the protection of women's rights, the de facto third-party authorization for abortion in Nepal comes to an end, validating the provision of de jure prohibition on third-party authorization for abortion.

Have you noticed Bollywood actors like Rakul Preet Singh, Bhumi Pednekar, Kriti Sanon, Shilpa Shetty, Malaika Arora, and Janhvi Kapoor promoting ‘ghee coffee’? This trend is gaining attention among the new generation for its touted health benefits. Not only in India, but ghee (or ‘ghyu’ in Nepali) is also becoming popular in the Western world as well.

Ghee, once dismissed by the Western oil industry as unhealthy, is now being praised for its incredible nutritional and spiritual benefits. The oil industry had heavily promoted their unhealthy oils in the large South Asian market, leading to a campaign against ghee. Many of us believed them and switched to so-called ‘banaspati’ ghee and other oils made from seeds.

However, unlike ghee, many modern oils, like hydrogenated fats and seed oils, have been linked to health issues. These oils, often genetically modified and heavily processed, can contribute to inflammation, heart disease, and other health problems. They lack the nutritional profile of ghee and have been criticized for their negative impact on overall health.

For centuries, ghee has been an integral part of South Asian kitchens and Ayurvedic medicine. It’s time to reclaim and celebrate this ancient treasure that our ancestors valued so highly.

The International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON) has played a significant role in reviving the use of ghee within the framework of a sattvic diet, which promotes physical health and spiritual well-being.

Ghee, also known as clarified butter, boasts numerous health benefits. It is packed with healthy fats essential for brain health and hormone production. These fats provide quick energy and help absorb fat-soluble vitamins like A, D, E, and K. Ghee stimulates stomach acids, aiding digestion and nutrient absorption. Its composition makes it easy to digest and beneficial for gut health.

Being free from lactose and casein, It has been used in Ayurvedic medicine for its anti-inflammatory properties, helping reduce inflammation and promoting overall well-being.. When consumed in moderation, ghee can support heart health by increasing good cholesterol (HDL) levels. It has been used in Ayurvedic medicine for its anti-inflammatory properties, helping reduce inflammation and promoting overall well-being.

The butyrate in ghee supports gut health, crucial for a strong immune system, helping the body resist infections and diseases. Ghee’s moisturizing properties make it a favorite in traditional beauty treatments, keeping skin soft and supple and nourishing the hair.

In the past, Western experts told us that ghee was unhealthy, leading many to switch to hydrogenated fats and genetically modified oils. Now, those same experts have studied and realized the value of ghee. It’s ironic that after discarding our traditions for so-called modern alternatives, we are now being advised to return to what we once knew.

It’s easy to make ghee at home. It can be done using fresh cream or high-quality butter. If you want to use fresh cream, you can use cream bought directly from the supermarket or collect it from the top of boiled milk over several days. If you are using butter, I recommend you use unsalted butter.

Using a hand whisk, electric mixer, or traditional churner, churn the cream until it separates into butter and buttermilk. Rinse the butter under cold water to remove any remaining buttermilk. Place the butter in a heavy-bottomed saucepan. Turn the heat to medium to melt the butter. Once melted, reduce the heat to low.

Let the butter simmer. It will start to bubble and foam. The milk solids will begin to separate and sink to the bottom, while the clarified butter (ghee) rises to the top. This process takes about 15-25 minutes. Stir occasionally to prevent the milk solids from sticking to the bottom of the pan and burning. As the butter continues to simmer, it will turn a golden color and develop a nutty aroma. Be careful not to let it burn. The ghee is ready when the milk solids at the bottom have turned golden brown.

Remove the saucepan from the heat and let it cool for a few minutes. Then, strain the ghee through a fine mesh strainer or cheesecloth into a clean, dry glass jar to remove the milk solids. Let the ghee cool to room temperature before sealing the jar. Store it in a cool, dark place. Ghee can be kept at room temperature for several months, or you can refrigerate it for longer shelf life.

The wisdom of our ancestors teaches us that ghee is not just a cooking ingredient but a symbol of health, spirituality, and cultural heritage. It’s time we embrace and celebrate ghee—not because Westerners now endorse it, but because it’s a part of our rich tradition that has stood the test of time.

The author is a UK-based R&D chef