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Discrimination against women involves the unjust treatment, exclusion, or disadvantages women and girls face due to their gender. This can manifest in various areas, including employment, education, social and economic opportunities, and daily interactions. On the 1st of Falgun each year, prominent NGOs, INGOs, and leaders gather to discuss women's discrimination in Nepal. While these leaders often highlight progress, such as the rise of women like Bidya Devi Bhandari, Nepal’s second President, and Sushila Karki, the first female Supreme Court Chief Justice, significant challenges remain, especially for women in rural areas. Despite the visibility of women in ministerial positions, often from affluent and educated backgrounds, many women in Nepal still face severe discrimination.

Women in Nepal’s villages encounter significant barriers in education, healthcare, job payments, and exposure to sexual violence in places like schools, hospitals, and public transportation. Many rural women remain unpaid family workers, excluded from important family decisions.

Discrimination from birth

Gender-based discrimination starts at birth, particularly in Nepal's Madhes region. While a family may express joy at the birth of a first daughter, the arrival of a second or third girl often triggers disappointment and discrimination. Families may react negatively upon learning that a woman is expecting another girl, sometimes resorting to harmful practices like gender-based prenatal sex determination. This has led to higher rates of prenatal deaths for female fetuses, resulting in a gender imbalance. Currently, there are 1,290,525 male children and 1,148,758 female children aged 0–4 in Nepal, with the female population lagging by 141,767.

Educational disparities

Despite education being a fundamental right, girls in Nepal frequently face discrimination. Boys often receive better educational opportunities, such as attending private schools, while girls are sent to government schools. In middle-class families, boys might pursue higher education away from their villages, while girls remain confined to local options. In the Madhes region, many girls are married off after completing secondary education. In impoverished families, educational opportunities for girls are often non-existent. According to the Government of Nepal, the national literacy rate is 76.2 percent, with males at 83.6 percent and females at 69.4 percent. In Madhes Province, the literacy rate is even lower, with males at 72.5 percent and females at 54.7 percent.

Violence against women

Violence against women is a pressing issue in Nepal. The Women Rehabilitation Centre reports 1,175 registered cases, including 179 of domestic violence, 179 of rape, 115 of sexual abuse, 25 of human trafficking, 69 of child marriage, 47 of dowry-related violence, 24 of witchcraft allegations, and 130 of polygamy. Koshi Province has the highest number of domestic violence (358 cases) and rape (72 cases) incidents. Child marriage, sexual abuse, dowry-related violence, witchcraft allegations, and polygamy are more prevalent in Madhes Province.

Health care discrimination

Healthcare discrimination poses severe risks for women in Nepal. Accessing quality healthcare is often challenging due to poverty, lack of education, and inadequate transportation. Discrimination and mistreatment in medical settings further discourage women from seeking necessary care. Although Nepal has reduced its maternal mortality rate from 539 per 100,000 live births in 1996 to 239 per 100,000 live births in 2016, progress has slowed. Each preventable death is one too many.

Women’s leadership

The 2015 Constitution of Nepal mandates that at least one woman holds a high-ranking position among the President, Vice-President, Speaker, Deputy Speaker, and Chair or Vice-Chair of the National Assembly. At the local level, women must occupy at least one mayor or deputy mayor position, and women hold 40 percent of top political roles across Nepal’s 753 local governments. However, in the 2022 elections, there were only 25 women Mayors/Chairs, 562 Deputy Mayors/Vice-Chairs, and 69 Ward Chairs. Despite their roles, many women leaders still face challenges in making decisions without consulting their husbands.

Restrictions on women’s freedom

Women in Nepal face numerous societal and legal restrictions that limit their freedom. These constraints hinder their ability to fully participate in society and make independent decisions. Addressing these issues requires governmental action and societal change, including implementing laws to protect women’s rights and shifting cultural attitudes. Many girls are forced into marriage due to a lack of freedom, with parental figures making crucial life decisions on their behalf. Promoting women’s rights and empowerment is vital for building a more equitable society.

Gender discrimination in Nepal is a persistent and widespread problem that affects women and girls across the country. Our charity is dedicated to combating this discrimination, believing that everyone deserves respect and equality. Your support is crucial in helping us create a more just and equal society for all.

Nobel laureate Mohammad Yunus, as the nominee of the agitating student leaders, is leading the advisory government of Bangladesh after the students uprising of July succeeded in dislodging Sheikh Hasina’s 15-year-old dictatorial government. As per the Army Chief’s advice, as reported, Hasina resigned and fled to India for her safety in the wake of violent protests. The takeover of the country has brought back a semblance of law and order in the country after a spate of revengeful activities targeted against Hasina’s supporters and the minority Hindu community. At this point in time, the Yunus government would do well to draw a roadmap for holding elections at the earliest to restore democracy, as Bangladesh has a history of frequent military interventions.

Per media reports, more than 400 agitators lost their lives since the agitation began. But a question arises: Did the Hasina government direct the army to shoot so many people? The army could have exercised restraint, as the protesters were not its enemy. Had it made its limitations known to the government, the result could have been different. If that had happened, Hasina, in all likelihood, would have been spared the trouble of fleeing the country to save her life.

With Hasina effectively out of national politics, the army has become more relevant, as without its support the interim government cannot function.     

Looking back, Bangladesh is the youngest country of South Asia created in 1972. Hitherto, it was West Pakistan, which was the creation of the partition of India in August 1947 on the ground of Muslim-majority areas. Mujibur Rahman, who achieved independence for Bangladesh with support from India, was not allowed to lead the country, as he was assassinated along with all family members except his two daughters (who were abroad) on 15 Aug 1975, the independence day of India. Ziaur Rahman, who led the military coup against Mujib, ruled the country from 1975 to 1981 after which another military General Hussain Mohammed Ershad held the reins from 1982 to 1990. 

The politics changed gradually, as Khaleda Zia, the widow of Ziaur Rahman, assumed assassinated at the hands of the Ershad group and Sheikh Hasina (in revenge of the assassination of her father and other family members), joine hands against Ershad, who paved the way for the restoration of parliamentary system. In 1991, a caretaker government held general elections through which Khaleda Zia came to power and completed her five-year term. The tradition of caretaker governments holding elections continued in 1996, 2001 and 2008. Hasina formed the government in 1996 after a poll win, only to lose power to her nemesis Khaleda in 2001. Two years after getting elected for the second time in 2009, Hasina abolished the system, sparking a strident opposition from Khaleda and her party. The relations between the two parties (Hasina’s Awami League and Zia’s Bangladesh Nationalist Party) and the two leaders got so worse that Zia and her party did not contest the 2024 general elections, after which Zia landed behind bars on charges of corruption. 

Hasina’s decision to rule the country single-handedly by ignoring, suppressing and persecuting the opposition on the charges of corruption ultimately brought about her downfall.

As Hasina appeared increasingly partisan, this shade of hers perhaps led people to believe that she was no longer a leader suitable for steering an unstable democracy, which has suffered repeated military coups. Her sudden departure from the political scene was the result of constant and concerted efforts on the part of her opponents to remove her from power. It is quite possible that the powerful elements opposing Sheikh Mujibur Rahman did not like to see his heir Hasina leading an independent and secular Bangladesh with good relations with India as the demolition of the statue of Rahman and burning of the houses of the Hindus show. 

Hasina’s autocratic rule and a strain of extremism coming from the political force under Khaleda Zia helped the situation to explode. A major reason for the agitation was the legal provision of reserving 30 percent quota for the family members of the veterans of 1971’s war of independence against Pakistan. Though morally justified during the early days of independence, the quota system had lost its relevance. Perhaps oblivious to the atrocities that their parents suffered during the struggle for independence, the new generation is fighting for a better life amid limited opportunities for employment.

What has happened in Bangladesh can happen in any other country with similar conditions. Politicians blinded by absolute power never want to give it up. They want to cling to power by hook or crook. They do not realize that a prolonged stay in positions of power makes them repulsive.  If the frustration among the youth and public despair continue for long and politicians do not take suitable measures to address this volatile situation, public outrage may erupt like a volcano in Nepal also. 

Following the Nepali Congress’s ambiguous stance on forming a pre-election alliance, the ruling and second-largest party in Parliament, CPN-UML, has decided to contest the 2027 national elections alone. This decision comes amid reports suggesting an understanding between the two parties not to form a pre-poll alliance with the CPN (Maoist Center).

If this plan materializes, it will mark the first time since the 2013 Constituent Assembly elections that the three major parties—NC, UML, and Maoist—will contest the elections separately. In the 2013 elections, the NC secured the first position, the UML polled in second, and the Maoists finished a distant third. Since 2017, these parties have regularly formed electoral alliances for both local and national elections. Within the UML, there is optimism that if the NC and the Maoists do not form an alliance, the party could emerge as the largest due to its strong grassroots organization. Since the 2022 national elections, the UML has been actively engaging in various campaigns in preparation for the 2027 national elections.

UML leaders say after handing over power to NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba as per the current agreement, the party will fully focus on the elections. However, they recognize the challenges posed by the rise of new political parties, particularly the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), and the growing disillusionment among the youth with traditional political parties. The decisions of the NC and UML not to form pre-election alliances are seen as a significant setback for the Maoist Center, which has managed to retain its third position through electoral alliances either with the NC or the UML. 

The UML is now planning an ambitious third phase of its campaign, aimed at securing a single-party majority in the 2027 elections. After the ‘Mission Grassroots’ and ‘Mid-hills Resolution March’ campaigns, the party is brainstorming a new initiative to expand its influence nationwide. General Secretary Shankar Pokharel presented a comprehensive 33-page plan during a Politburo meeting on Tuesday.

Addressing the meeting, Prime Minister and UML Chairperson KP Sharma Oli made it clear that the party will not enter any electoral alliances for the 2027 elections. He directed party leaders to focus on securing a single majority and emphasized the importance of strengthening provincial committees and developing grassroots plans. Oli also called for unity within the party and the resolution of internal disputes to ensure effective election preparations. He reaffirmed his commitment to handing over power to the NC as per the current agreement, stating, “The transition will occur on schedule. This government will remain in office for the next one year, 10 months, and 15 days.”

UML General Secretary Pokharel’s action plan includes a target of increasing party membership to one million within 18 months. The plan suggests achieving this by recruiting three percent of total voters at the ward level and 6 percent at the municipal and district levels. To strengthen the party organization, the UML plans to hold transparent and regular conventions at all levels and prioritize consensus-based leadership selection, though fair elections will be held when necessary.

Pokharel also proposed assigning suitable responsibilities to those stepping down from leadership roles during conventions. He noted that neglecting the management of individuals who step down, retire, or join from other parties during conventions has created confusion within the party. The proposal stresses the importance of managing these individuals as part of the broader campaign for political consolidation.

The UML also plans to implement a systematic evaluation process for party leaders at all levels, including central committee members and office bearers, to ensure accountability and effectiveness. Pokharel’s proposal states that the  general secretary will evaluate the performance of central committee members and report to the party chairperson, who will be responsible for evaluating the work of central office bearers.

Additionally, the party aims to promote institutional decision-making through secretariat or full committee meetings to resolve internal conflicts and strengthen unity. The UML also proposes establishing permanent party schools at various levels to provide ideological training for both new and existing members. The plan includes creating a training curriculum and producing trainers to conduct these sessions.

To achieve the goals of its ‘Mission 2027’ campaign, the UML plans to effectively mobilize its ministers in the federal government and local representatives to promote its achievements and implement people-centric policies. The proposal emphasizes the need to maintain efficient party offices and enhance public relations and communication strategies. To strengthen its financial base, the party plans to systematically collect levies from members and explore potential income sources. The proposal also calls for party leaders and cadres to maintain simple lifestyles and high moral standards to preserve public trust.

The UML has identified leadership development, strengthening and expanding party organizations, youth engagement, public relations, and overseas party work as its five priority areas. The successful implementation of these decisions will largely depend on the future of the current coalition with the NC. If this alliance breaks down and Maoist Center Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal re-emerges as a kingmaker, there is a high likelihood of a reversal in these plans. 

At this point, Dahal is likely to support either UML or NC only if a pre-poll alliance is in place, as this is crucial for retaining his party’s strength. Major parties also fear that the RSP and the emergence of new independent candidates could pose significant challenges in the upcoming elections.

During our childhood, while walking around Asan in Kathmandu, we often saw a rectangular white substance immersed in buckets of water. At that time, we had no idea what it was. Much later, we realized it was tofu. For those still unfamiliar with it, tofu is a form of paneer (cottage cheese) made from soybeans. Tofu is a staple in many Asian cuisines and is a versatile, nutrient-rich food that has gained popularity worldwide, not just for its health benefits but also for its adaptability in various culinary traditions.

According to research, the creator of tofu is said to be Liu An, a Han-dynasty prince of Anhui province, who prepared soybeans in a similar fashion to grains. He followed by drying, mashing, and boiling them, with the addition of sea salt. The salt, which contains calcium and magnesium, acted as both a seasoning and a solidifying agent to form curds. Since then, sea salts have been used to process tofu from soybeans as far back as 200 BC.

Tofu is believed to have originated from Shouxian, a country within the Anhui province in Southeast China. Shouxian civilization, once known as Shouchun or Shouyang during the Zhou dynasty in 203 BC, has since been recognized as a historical and cultural town of China. In Shouxian, tofu was prepared by coagulating smashed soybeans with water and placing them into a curdling box. The technique spread throughout Asia, becoming a staple in Japan, Korea, Vietnam, and beyond. Major consumption of tofu began in the early 1980s in America.

Tofu was first introduced to Japan around the 8th century by Buddhist monks, where it became popular due to the influence of Buddhism and its vegetarian principles. In Japan, tofu became a vital part of the diet, often featured in traditional dishes like ‘miso soup’ and ‘agedashi tofu’.

When was tofu introduced to Nepal? This is a matter for systematic research, but what we can say is that tofu’s introduction to Nepal is relatively recent compared to its long history in China and Japan. With the rise of health consciousness and a growing trend toward vegetarianism, tofu has found a place in Nepali cuisine. It’s commonly used as a substitute for paneer in traditional dishes, and its popularity is growing in urban areas. Though it’s still sold in open buckets in some traditional shops in Kathmandu, you can now find many varieties of tofu in packaged form.

In Nepal, tofu is not only appreciated for its nutritional value but also for its versatility. It can be stir-fried, grilled, added to soups, or used in momo as a filling. The shift toward tofu in Nepali diets reflects broader global trends where plant-based diets are becoming more prevalent.

Tofu is praised for its impressive nutritional profile. It’s rich in protein, making it a great meat substitute for vegetarians and vegans. Additionally, tofu contains essential amino acids, calcium, iron, and magnesium. It’s also low in calories and free from cholesterol, making it beneficial for heart health and weight management.

The global tofu market is experiencing substantial growth, driven by the increasing adoption of vegetarian and vegan diets. In 2023, the market was valued at approximately US$ 274.43 billion and is expected to reach nearly US$ 391.33 billion by 2030, growing at a CAGR of 5.2%.

As more consumers become aware of the health benefits of plant-based diets, tofu’s demand has risen. The environmental impact of meat production has led many to seek sustainable protein alternatives, with tofu being a prime choice. Tofu’s integral role in Asian cuisine continues to drive its demand globally, especially as these cuisines become more popular.

Processed tofu holds the majority share due to its longer shelf life and affordability. The food and beverage sector dominates the market, with tofu being a key ingredient in various dishes. Supermarkets are the leading distribution channel, thanks to their convenience and broad product offerings.

Despite its benefits, tofu faces some challenges. There are concerns about soy’s potential effects on thyroid function and its link to breast cancer, though ongoing research aims to address these issues. Tofu’s bland taste and unique texture can be off-putting to some people unfamiliar with it, though this is mitigated by its ability to absorb flavors from seasonings and sauces.

The Asia-Pacific region holds the largest market share, particularly in countries like China, Japan, and Korea, where tofu has deep cultural roots. In North America and Europe, there is a significant demand for tofu, spurred by rising vegan populations and the increasing popularity of plant-based diets.

The tofu market is expected to continue growing as more consumers seek healthy, sustainable food options. Innovations in tofu products, such as flavored or fortified varieties, and expanding tofu’s reach into new geographic markets will likely drive future growth.

Tofu’s journey from ancient China to a global food staple underscores its importance in the modern diet. Its rise in Nepal reflects global trends, and its market growth signals a broader shift toward sustainable, plant-based eating. As the world embraces more health-conscious and environmentally friendly food choices, tofu’s role in the global food industry is set to expand even further.

The author is a UK-based R&D chef