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Imagine Kathmandu before the infamous Kot Massacre on September 14, 1846. Brisharaj Rajkarnikar, a man from the Newar Uray community of Yala (Patan), was experimenting with sweets. He shared his creations with family and neighbors, and soon, word of his expertise reached the royal palace.

Brisharaj was summoned to the court, where his sweets became a favorite among the king, queen, and other royals. After the Kot Parba, he was called back to the palace to resume his role as the royal sweet-maker under the new ruler, Jung Bahadur. One day, while working in the kitchen, Brisharaj met Maharaja Jung Bahadur and seized the opportunity to get approval to open a sweet shop. Thus, in 1848, Ram Bhandar was born.

However, maintaining the quality that has been a hallmark of the shop for over 175 years is challenging. Sixty-nine-year-old Divakar Rajkarnikar is Brisharaj’s great-grandson and the current owner of Ram Bhandar. However, things are far from sweet sailing at the sweet shop today. There are many challenges in maintaining quality, Divakar ‘dai’ (elder brother) told me on the phone. He explained that sourcing high-quality raw materials has become increasingly difficult, and finding and retaining skilled human resources is another hurdle.

Ram Bhandar, named after Lord Ram and featuring a logo with a bow and arrow, has long been a symbol of Nepali culture. Located in Thapathali, Kathmandu, the shop has been famous for sweets like jeri, swari, malpuwa, selroti, lakhamari, lalmohan, and gund-paak. After the collapse of its original location, the shop found a new home on the banks of the Bagmati River, thanks to the Ranas. The shop’s association with Nepal’s royal families further cemented its reputation.

Sweets hold a special place in Nepali culture, and Ram Bhandar’s offerings, especially the rasa-madhuri, have become essential to celebrations, festivals, and personal milestones. The Rajkarnikar family has preserved traditional recipes and techniques, avoiding artificial colors and preservatives. Divakar dai recalled how his father and grandfather would personally deliver sweets to customers who couldn’t visit the shop, a tradition of personal touch that continues to this day.

To adapt to modern times, the family has invested in new equipment, including cold rooms to ensure freshness. Divakar dai’s son, who holds an MBA from Australia, has returned to help blend tradition with modernity for the shop’s continued success. Ram Bhandar also plays a vital role in local empowerment, employing 18 people, 40 percent of whom are women.

Despite competition from Indian sweets and unhealthy industry practices, the Rajkarnikar family’s commitment to quality and tradition remains strong. There is potential for Ram Bhandar to expand internationally, bringing Nepali sweets to a global audience through franchising or establishing outlets in Nepali communities abroad. Ram Bhandar’s story is a remarkable journey of tradition, quality, and cultural significance. For over 175 years, the Rajkarnikar family has maintained a legacy that spans generations, making Ram Bhandar a beloved institution in Nepal.

Divakar dai says, “Nepali people remember Ram Bhandar no matter where they live. Even today, Nepalis living abroad order sweets online for Dashain, Tihar, or on Aama/Ba ko Mukh Herne Din (Mother’s Day and Father’s Day respectively), and we deliver them to their loved ones. When they return to Nepal, they visit our shop, and a taste of jeri swari brings back childhood nostalgia or memories of student life.”

Ram Bhandar’s legacy is built on the love and trust of its customers. The business isn’t just about making money. It’s about continuing a 175-year tradition and four generations of dedication, moving forward with moral responsibility. Franchising opportunities and establishing outlets in Nepali communities abroad could be viable paths for growth.

Ram Bhandar’s journey from a small home business to Nepal’s oldest sweet shop is a remarkable story of tradition, quality, and cultural significance. Its sweets are a connection to the past, a celebration of the present, and a promise for the future. With a rich history and unwavering commitment to excellence, Ram Bhandar remains an integral part of Nepal’s cultural and culinary landscape.

Baral is a UK-based R&D chef

Digital transformation is a hot topic around the world, both in academia and in practice. Nepal cannot stay away from this discourse and has also envisioned the idea of a Digital Nepal. However, digital transformation presents various challenges, not only in the developing world but also in developed countries. Philosophers even raise the question, especially because of the rise of artificial intelligence: is it doing anything good for human society? However, in my opinion, it’s not possible to reverse the situation. We have to learn to live with the digital paradigm. But it’s necessary to reflect on questions such as: are we focusing too much on the digitization of everything, or do we need to strike a balance? Or, in practical terms, digitalization for what? For whom, and how? I have been reflecting on this discourse based on my research and personal experiences from three different countries. Here, I have first-hand experience and some insights to share.

During my first PhD in Industrial Engineering years in South Korea, I gained valuable insights into technology's profound impact on society. South Korea’s remarkable transformation from a country struggling with poverty due to its colonial past to a leading tech innovator is a compelling example of technology's potential. I saw the benefits: advanced infrastructure, thriving tech companies and a highly-skilled workforce. The success of companies like Samsung and LG illustrates this transformation.

The South Korean government played a crucial role in this progress. Through strategic policies fostering innovation, attracting global investment and a strong emphasis on Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) education, the country built a workforce adept at handling technological challenges. Ongoing investment in research and development kept South Korea at the forefront of technological progress, raising living standards and driving economic growth. However, my experience also revealed the complexities of rapid technological change. Despite its many benefits, the pressure to stay constantly connected in the digital world led to stress and mental health issues, and exclusion of elderly people from fast-changing technology, demonstrating that technology’s advantages must be balanced with attention to personal well-being and social dynamics.

In my second PhD, which focused on how technology enables development, I had the opportunity to closely observe the digitalization in the mountain regions. I encountered a dramatically different situation. While South Korea advanced rapidly, Nepal faced significant challenges. Despite its rich cultural heritage, I found during my research, Nepal continued to struggle with political instability, inadequate infrastructure and limited access to quality education, hindering technological progress. Issues such as unreliable electricity and limited internet access, especially in rural areas, were common. The education system often fell short in preparing individuals for a technology-driven world, and economic constraints further limited investment in technological development.

The digital divide in Nepal is striking. Urban areas have better access to technology and education, while rural regions lag significantly. The high cost of technology and internet services limits accessibility for many, and gender disparities affect women’s opportunities in technology, reflecting broader cultural and educational inequalities.

Now, continuing with the same research and working in Norway, I observe a more balanced approach to technology. Norway navigates a middle path between the extremes of a highly digitized South Korea and a digitally excluded Nepal. Here, technology is integrated into society with a focus on social well-being, environmental sustainability and educational improvement. Norway’s approach prioritizes quality of life and social equity. There is a strong commitment to ensuring that technological advancements do not undermine personal well-being, with policies promoting work-life balance and reducing the stress associated with constant connectivity. Although Norway faces its own challenges in digital transformation, the country is actively working to maintain this balance.

Environmental sustainability is another key focus in Norway’s digital strategy. The country emphasizes green technology and sustainable practices, ensuring that technological progress does not come at the expense of the environment. This commitment reflects a responsibility to future generations and the planet. Norway’s education system is inclusive and forward-thinking, integrating digital literacy from an early age to prepare students for a technology-driven world. Continuous investment in teacher training and educational resources supports this goal, creating a workforce ready to adapt to technological changes.

From my experiences in South Korea, Nepal and Norway, it is evident that technology can drive significant progress, but it must be managed thoughtfully. South Korea’s success shows how education and innovation can lead to advancement, while Nepal’s challenges underscore the need for inclusive policies and infrastructure. Norway’s balanced approach demonstrates that it is possible to leverage technology’s benefits while prioritizing social well-being, environmental sustainability and educational improvement.

For Nepal, valuable lessons can be learned from both South Korea and Norway. By investing in reliable infrastructure, focusing on inclusive education, adopting a balanced approach to technology and promoting sustainable practices, Nepal can work toward a future where technology enhances the quality of life for everyone. This balanced and inclusive strategy can help ensure that the benefits of technology are accessible to all while minimizing potential drawbacks.

The author is a professor at the University of Agder, Norway

On Aug 14, the House of Representatives (HoR) endorsed the third amendment to the Enforced Disappearances Enquiry, Truth and Reconciliation Commission Act—a significant step toward addressing the cases of human rights violations that took place during the decade-long conflict.

Following the HoR’s approval, the bill is now with the National Assembly (NA) awaiting another endorsement, after which it will be presented to President Ram Chandra Poudel for final authentication. The government aims to complete this process within the next few days, paving the way for new appointments to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the Commission of Investigation on Enforced Disappeared Persons—two transitional justice bodies established 10 years ago.

For a long time, major political parties had differing views on some provisions of the bill, but the Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center) now claim to have reached an agreement. All parties in Parliament supported this consensus. However, conflict victims have begun voicing concerns about the new deal. Without their support, the transitional justice mechanisms may struggle to achieve meaningful progress.

While the agreement among the three major parties is a positive development, it does not guarantee that the two commissions will be able to address the approximately 65,000 complaints filed by conflict victims. Experts also caution that it could take years to investigate all the cases and deliver justice.

US Ambassador to Nepal Dean R Thompson was among the first diplomats to welcome the bill. “Pleased to see the transitional justice bill passed by the House of Representatives. Congratulations to the people of Nepal. This is a meaningful moment in Nepal’s journey to shaping its own peaceful, prosperous, resilient, and democratic future,” he wrote on X.

UN Resident Coordinator to Nepal Hanaa Singer-Hamdy also expressed support for the bill through her X post: “Endorsement of TJ bill is a crucial step in completing the peace process. This milestone brings victims closer to truth, justice, and reparations. It is imperative to engage victims at all stages of its operationalization. As a partner for peace, the UN stands ready to support.”

Veronique Lorenzo, Ambassador of the European Union to Nepal, stated: “Congratulations to Nepal and Nepali people for this historic achievement: passing of Nepal-led and owned, victim-centric TRC bill by House of Representatives.”

However, on Aug 20, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the International Commission of Jurists issued a joint statement acknowledging that while the law includes many positive provisions that could advance justice, accountability, and redress for widespread human rights violations committed during the 1996-2006 conflict, it still contains elements that could undermine a successful outcome.

The joint statement stressed, “To ensure the integrity of the process and bring the law into compliance with Nepali and international legal standards, serious accountability gaps need to be addressed by lawmakers. In addition, all institutions involved in the administration of justice—including the courts, the transitional justice commissions, and the Attorney General—should ensure the bill is construed in accordance with international law and Nepal’s Constitution.”

“Transitional justice in Nepal is long overdue, and the new law can be an opportunity to finally deliver justice for victims, strengthen the rule of law, and create a positive precedent for the region,” said Meenakshi Ganguly, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “This should not turn into yet another exercise in which victims are encouraged to accept compensation without truth and justice.”

A previous attempt at a transitional justice law, which provided the possibility of amnesties for serious crimes, was found unconstitutional and in violation of Nepal’s international human rights obligations, as well as against the Supreme Court ruling of 2015. While the new law includes several significant improvements, parts of it again appear designed to shield those responsible for wartime crimes from prosecution.

In Nepal, many survivors and families of those subjected to violations and abuses have lived in hardship for years, often suffering lasting mental and physical injuries, in desperate need of reparations, while struggling to learn the truth about their loved ones, to receive official recognition, and to see the perpetrators brought to justice. The lack of accountability for serious crimes under international law has contributed to ongoing rights violations and a wider crisis of impunity.

“Victims have been waiting for full acknowledgment of the harms they have suffered and reparations for almost 20 years. For a transitional justice process to accomplish its aims, all five essential pillars—truth, justice, reparation, memorialization and guarantees of non-recurrence—must be pursued,” said Mandira Sharma, senior international legal adviser at the International Commission of Jurists. “Current gaps in this law could threaten the outcome of the process and defeat the purpose of providing effective remedies to victims.”

The transitional justice bill envisages a major role for donor funding to implement the process. Once it is finally adopted as law, donors and Nepali authorities should develop and implement a system for oversight of the management of funds to support transitional justice. This will facilitate access to expertise and safeguard against political and other unwarranted interference, particularly in the handling of justice and reparation processes. The vagueness of the law on some points, and lack of detail in many areas, mean that interpretation and implementation of the mandates of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and Commission of Investigation on Enforced Disappeared Persons will be critical. The appointments of highly qualified and independent commissioners, and of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission secretary, will be especially important early decisions.

It is critical that the transitional justice process be implemented in a robust and independent fashion and that safeguards are established to achieve credible and durable outcomes. Past governments have repeatedly failed to deliver truth, justice and reparations for conflict-era crimes. Transitional justice is a major outstanding commitment of the 2006 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, which ended a decade-long armed conflict between the then-royal government and Maoist rebels, and inaugurated a peace process that included constitutional reform.

“In the past, the commissions have failed to win trust from victims due to repeated political interference in the appointment of the commissioners,” said Smriti Singh, South Asia director at Amnesty International. “The commissioners must be trusted by victims’ groups for their work to be effective and credible. This requires victims’ rights and views to be at the center of a fully transparent nomination and appointment procedure. Commissioners must be competent, impartial and fully independent from any political party.”

The new law, officially titled the “Bill to Amend the Disappeared Persons’ Enquiry, Truth and Reconciliation Commission Act, 2014”—widely referred to as the transitional justice bill—was introduced in Parliament in March 2023 and finally passed in the lower house with the support of Nepal’s three largest political parties following protracted negotiations. 

However, the joint statement by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the International Commission of Jurists says that “there has been little formal consultation with civil society and victims or their families, who hold a range of views on the legislation. While all agree that progress toward addressing their rights and needs has been unacceptably protracted, many also continue to voice concerns that the law as presently drafted might not deliver justice, calling for reform of the bill.” 

Under the current bill, crimes committed during the conflict are either classified as “violations of human rights” or “serious violations of human rights.” While offenses defined as human rights violations could be granted amnesty, “serious violations of human rights” could be referred to and prosecuted in a special court. The definition of “serious violations” is limited to “rape or serious sexual violence”, “intentional or arbitrary killing”, enforced disappearance, provided that the victim’s whereabouts remains unknown; and “inhuman or cruel torture.” These definitions, the statement asserts, are not consistent with international laws and exclude other serious crimes.

For instance, the prohibition of torture and the requirement that it be criminalized is absolute, and there can be no qualification for “inhuman or cruel” torture, since torture by its nature is inhuman or cruel.

The law defines “violations of human rights” as “any act except serious human rights violations committed in contravention of Nepali laws, international human rights, or humanitarian law” (emphasis added). In previous iterations of the law, this category of crimes was completely excluded from prosecution. In the current version, it appears that the special court can adjudicate violations of human rights (not defined as “serious”) that are not granted amnesty, which the Truth and Reconciliation Commission can provide if the alleged perpetrator fulfills certain conditions (such as disclosing the truth, making an apology to victims, or paying compensation), and with the consent of the victims. “The language of the law is imprecise, and while an expansion of the mandate of the special court is an improvement, any amnesty for serious crimes is contrary to Nepali and international law and standards and violates victims’ right to effective remedy and reparation,” the statement adds.

A provision added to the law during the final phase of negotiations would allow the attorney-general, except in cases of rape or “serious sexual violence,” to make a binding request for a 75 percent reduction in the sentencing for those convicted of serious violations. This provision, amounting to a disguised amnesty, contradicts the principle that criminal sanctions must be proportionate to the gravity of the crime and undermines the judiciary’s fundamental role and competency. The court should decide what reduction may be appropriate, if any, based on its own consideration of the facts and submissions by the parties to the proceedings.

“The law now permits the special court to adjudicate disputes related to reparations, an important expansion of its role. However, it still provides for the appointment of only three judges to the special court, which was envisioned when the court’s jurisdiction was more limited. With the expansion of the court’s jurisdiction, the number of judges should be increased to fulfill its expanded mandate,” the statement concludes.

Case I: A fifth grade female student at a private school in Kathmandu is arguing with her parents because they won’t allow her to sit at the dining table with them and their guests.

Case II: A first grade male student at a private school in Kathmandu insists his mother be by his side during his birthday celebration. However, she refuses because she is menstruating.

Case III: A third grade male student at a public school in Kathmandu has to cook for himself and his younger sister at least four days a month when his mother is on her period, as his father comes home late from work.

Case IV: A fifth grade female student at a prestigious school in Kathmandu is pleading with her mother to write a sick leave application to her teacher, falsely claiming she is menstruating, because she wants to skip a school outing.

At first glance, these cases might seem like isolated incidents involving a small group of students in Kathmandu. However, they are just a few examples of the widespread and varied forms of discrimination related to menstruation—discrimination that often goes unnoticed, unchallenged, and unchecked in society. In this ‘educated and developed’ capital city of Nepal, how acceptable is it for such practices to be commonplace?

While some argue that these practices are a result of Sanskritization or the appropriation of Brahmin culture, this is not entirely accurate. The above four cases reveal a broader reality: silence and ignorance about such discriminatory practices have permeated all cultures for centuries.

 Invisible forms of menstrual discrimination are being perpetuated by educated, urban-based individuals who have built protective barriers around themselves against criticism. These individuals divert attention from themselves by highlighting the more visible forms of menstrual discrimination prevalent in certain parts of Western Nepal, attempting to present themselves in a better light.

Despite menstruation being a completely natural and biological process, young girls and boys are forced to endure the impact of discriminatory practices. This reality is both distressing and condemnable.

In fact, it’s proving to be a silent killer. People, unaware or unwilling of change, continue to promote this status quo at home and beyond, institutionalizing patriarchy. Patriarchy along with unequal power relations is further constructed and shaped by menstrual discrimination, notwithstanding whether it is visible or silent.

Kathmandu may not have visible menstrual huts, perhaps due to economic reasons, but they exist metaphorically—in flats, rooms, corners, or on low beds. Almost all forms of menstrual discrimination in Nepal are related to food, touch, mobility, and participation, which are often believed to be rooted in Western Nepal. 

Invisible forms of menstrual discrimination are linked to the stigma and taboo surrounding menstruation, ranging from shyness and restrictions to emotional abuse and deprivation of services and resources. These discriminatory practices are not a result of poverty or lack of education; rather, they stem from silence and ignorance, which fuel rumors, myths, and fear in the name of culture, religion, or societal honor.

Schools not ready to share responsibility

Schools also play a role in perpetuating menstrual discrimination. Despite being academic and social institutions, they often avoid discussing menstruation or challenging related discrimination in classrooms or other settings.

Over the years, we have spoken to numerous schools and colleges in Kathmandu. We have consistently encountered resistance among teachers and school administrators to discuss menstruation. Although formal education began at Durbar High School in 1853, menstruation has never been included in the curriculum.

Even Kathmandu Metropolis, with its self-proclaimed ‘Book-Free Friday’ initiative aimed at shaping a better future for children, has overlooked the discussion on menstruation. The mere distribution of menstrual pads, which are often plastic and chemical-laden, is insufficient to address the numerous forms of invisible menstrual discrimination. This is far from a holistic approach to dismantling deeply entrenched menstrual taboos.

A baseline report from Nov 2023 reveals dozens of cases of menstrual discrimination, including restrictions on touch, food, clothing, mobility, and participation. Surprisingly, the prevalence of these restrictions is higher in Kathmandu than in Sarlahi and Jumla. Kathmandu, like many places, views menstrual blood as dirty, contaminated, and impure, and the menstruating period as a state of weakness. This narrative must be unlearned.

Menstruation has been a part of human existence for over 3 million years, yet we continue to uphold centuries-old perceptions and traditions that are not only derogatory but also violate constitutional and human rights. These practices leave a lifelong impact, reinforcing unequal power dynamics and patriarchy between menstruators and non-menstruators.  

This situation persists because the school curriculum, under the Curriculum Development Center, Ministry of Science and Technology, Government of Nepal, fails to provide accurate information about menstruation or to challenge visible and invisible menstrual discrimination.

The curriculum for grades 1-3 primarily focuses on personal hygiene, such as using face masks, trimming nails, bathing regularly, eating nutritious food, washing clothes, combing hair, and brushing teeth. However, it does not address the importance of changing undergarments daily, proper use of urinals, or maintaining the cleanliness and health of external genitalia for all students, regardless of gender.

This is a significant gap in the socialization of the future generation. The aforementioned discriminatory practices related to menstruation are often learned and internalized between the ages of six and nine. This period of childhood is the ideal time to teach the basic facts about menstruation and menstrual blood, which is ‘clean, natural, and pure,’ to foster equal power relations and dismantle patriarchy.

If we succeed in this, even first graders will embrace menstruation as a natural and biological process, as something to be proud of, regardless of their future experiences. Those who will not menstruate will also understand that they were born with menstrual blood, recognize the existence of menstruators, and develop a fundamental understanding of responsibility, equality, and humanity.

The curriculum for grades 4-5 targets students aged 9-11. During this time, students are highly susceptible to absorbing myths, rumors, and discriminatory perceptions about menstruation. Menstruators often remain silent in the face of abuse, while non-menstruators may misuse their privileges. Additionally, some menstruators may experience menarche during this period, often mixed with diverse emotional, physical, and social experiences. Nepali girls, in particular, frequently face oppression, depression, or negativity.

Given this context, the curriculum for grades 4-5 should aim to provide robust knowledge about menstruation and related skills, including how to manage it with dignity. Although the current curriculum briefly covers menstruation and menstrual management, it does not provide enough information to empower students to live with dignity or create an environment that upholds menstrual dignity. This stage should serve as a departure point for fostering equal relationships and dismantling patriarchy concretely.

For students in grades 6-8, the curriculum covers sexual and reproductive health and rights, nutrition, maternal care, menstrual pain, menstrual huts, and menstrual management. During this stage, when children are about 12-14 years old, almost all menstruators will have experienced menarche and periodic menstruation. Many are distracted for five days each month due to the imposition of menstrual discrimination at home and school, and some may experience moderate or severe menstrual symptoms. Therefore, they need knowledge and skills to differentiate and manage general and serious menstrual symptoms, confidence to choose eco-friendly menstrual products, and the ability to share this knowledge with their peers and younger students.

The curriculum for grades 9-10, which caters to students aged 14-16, currently lacks any content about menstruation across all subjects. Yet, it is crucial to provide students with the knowledge and skills to convey factual information about menstruation, including menstrual law. This can be achieved through child and youth clubs. Additionally, students at this age should learn about menopause, as they often serve as primary caregivers for their mothers and teachers during this stage.

On the other hand, NGOs, media, and the private sector are also failing to address the various layers of menstrual discrimination, even though every menstruator struggles with systemic and symptomatic issues. While some NGOs, media, and private sector entities work on distributing menstrual pads and discussing related taxes and infrastructure, these efforts do not help dismantle the prevailing forms of menstrual discrimination.

Even today, students are taught about constitutional rights and the different levels of government, but education on dignified menstruation is entirely absent. If schools and teachers fail to acknowledge and embrace nature and science, future generations will continue to be subjected to gender-based violence and human rights violations. Similarly, their sexual and reproductive rights will be severely compromised.

It is high time for everyone, including educational institutions, to challenge and dismantle all forms of menstrual discrimination, prevent the violation of constitutional and human rights, and contribute to building a just and equitable society where everyone, menstruators and non-menstruators alike, can live with dignity.