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Once a new government is installed in Kathmandu, deliberations on Nepal-India relations take the center stage of national politics.  However, attempts have been made for a long time to find a permanent solution to the problems seen in Nepal-India relations. Be it the border dispute or the friendship treaty of 1950 and others, there have been a long series of discussions between the two countries. In this context, the Eminent Persons Group’s (EPG) report is currently being discussed in Nepal at a level that has once again achieved par. After the formation of the new government consisting of the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML, when the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Nepal, Arzu Rana Deuba went on an official visit to India, questions were raised about whether Minister Deuba would raise the issue of the EPG report. Same concerns were raised with the erstwhile governments. While releasing a book written by one of the members of EPG, Suryanath Upadhyay; on Sept 7, PM Oli expressed his belief that the Indian prime minister would receive the EPG report, despite the fact that the current government does not appear to have made a formal comment on it. The prime minister’s commentary carries meaning in bilateral matters, whether it is at a book launch or in other casual settings. Importantly, it has extra significance because the current prime minister and India have a turbulent past.

Is it accurate, nevertheless, that this report is being discussed aggressively in Nepal? In what way does this report matter for Nepal? Shall Nepal be adhered to this report? The purpose of this article is to depict how, during the last six years, the EPG report has been seen as an enigma and what path Nepal needs to tread on.

Formation and flux

In the year 2011, when Baburam Bhattarai was the prime minister, during his visit to India, the proposal to form EPG was made public through a joint statement. The purpose of the proposal was to further strengthen multi-dimensional relations between the two countries. The then prime minister of India, Manmohan Singh, also agreed to this. Five years later, in 2016, there was a formal agreement on the formation of EPG. After the announcement of the EPG, the group held a meeting in Kathmandu and formally started the study. The mandates assigned to the EPG were to analyze previous treaties, mostly the 1950’s treaty and agreements between the two countries. In a similar vein, to suggest essential actions to improve the social-economic, political, and cultural ties as well as mutual trust between the two nations.

Likewise, suggesting other areas required for fostering and bolstering friendship between the two countries, as well as institutional frameworks for ties and steps to eradicate cross-border crime while boosting peace, prosperity, and cordiality. The EPG held a total of nine meetings in both countries and approved the report of the EPG in 2018. On behalf of Nepal, Bhekh Bahadur Thapa (coordinator), Rajan Bhattarai, Nilambar Acharya, and Suryanath Upadhyaya were members. Bhagat Singh Kosiari (coordinator), Jayanta Prasad, Mahendra P Lama, and Bhuvanchandra Upreti, members from India, are in the group. The EPG members agreed to submit the approved report to the Prime Minister of India first and then to the Prime Minister of Nepal. After six years, the Indian side has not received the report.

Following the adoption of the 2015 Constitution of Nepal, the UML, led by KP Sharma Oli, formed the government. The Nepali Congress was out of power. The Madhesh-centric parties were agitating because of dissatisfaction with the fast-tracking of the constitution. Nepal and India's political ties were not harmonious. Given this context, the formation of the EPG between Delhi and Kathmandu was created purely for ‘political face saving’ of each side. The agitated Madhes based parties resisted the formation of the EPG without a broader consultation. The EPG was meant to assess the boundary between India and Nepal, but instead it is controlled by leftists, with not a single person from borderland included. The formation of EPG and its procedure seems to be divisive prima facie inside Nepal.

Don’t be stuck; be strategic 

Despite the political and diplomatic ups and downs, there has been no decrease in the intensity of economic exchanges and people-to-people relations between the two countries.

The India-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship  was signed by the last Rana prime minister of Nepal, Mohan Shamsher Jang Bahadur Rana, and the then Indian ambassador to Nepal, Chandreshwor Prasad Narayan Singh on 31 July 1950 and came into force the same day. However, the Treaty of 1950 was engulfed in controversy before its ink had even dried. That controversy kept coming to the surface from time to time. The controversy mostly comes from ‘communist-oriented intellectuals’ and from those who believe in the nationalism shaped by the late king Mahendra. As a result, this issue remained an important issue in the relationship between the two countries. Undoubtedly, the treaty signed by the prime minister from the Nepalese side and the Ambassador from the Indian side reflects prima facie inequality. Similarly, in the report of EPG, Nepal has put forward a proposal that some articles of the peace and friendship treaty of 1950, such as 5, 6, and 7, are not up-to-date.

The way the Nepali members of EPG have been leaking  the contents of the report in various programs from time to time shows how impatient the members are, and it also cannot be said that there will be no influence of other external forces against India while the EPG study is going on. As some of Nepal's former foreign ministers and members of EPG sometimes make irresponsible comments in programs organized by various NGOs and institutions, Nepal should now make this report public, albeit unilaterally. This appears to be strategically weak and a violation of EPG’s privacy. This will only give India a space to act more tactically.

By the time the EPG group is formed and it completes its studies, India has a government led by Narendra Modi. During this period, a government was formed in Nepal under the leadership of KP Sharma Oli, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, or Sher Bahadur Deuba. However, none of the prime ministers have been proven instrumental in handing over the EPG report. In the recent past, UML Chair Oli, who led a powerful and stable government and became the main opposition, raised the issue of EPG from the rostrum in the Parliament, but this report was not prioritized even during Oli's tenure. Now is the time, and like the EPG members, the prime minister who understands the seriousness of the relationship between Nepal and India should discuss the relationship between the two countries better than commenting in informal forums. The jingoism between Nepal and India should be ended by fundamentally solving the enigma of EPG.

Incidentally, the Nepali Congress, the largest party of Nepal, is also in the role of an ally in the journey of driving the country along with the Oli government. The current coalition government can hold talks with the government of India. Finally and above all, it seems relevant that everyone remembers the analogy given by diplomat Madhurman Acharya to India in relation to Nepal. He depicts in his book, Nepal World View: ‘India is a kalpbriksha, the tree that gives you the fruit you wish. If handled carefully, India provides many solutions to Nepal’s problem. But when the wrath of the bigger neighbor becomes difficult to manage, it can be the source of trouble as well.’

@randhirJNK

Nepal will present its positions and policies on a broad range of national, regional, and global issues at the ongoing 79th session of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA), according to top officials.

In a recent address to Parliament, Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli outlined his intentions for the UN forum. “Nepal has its own policies, viewpoints, and challenges, along with our achievements,” he said, emphasizing his commitment to sharing Nepal’s progress and challenges with the global community while seeking international cooperation where necessary.

Prime Minister Oli is set to travel to New York this week to participate in the annual UN meeting. Officials indicate that he will spotlight Nepal’s key political milestones, including the 2015 Constitution and its defining features. Oli will also outline Nepal’s vision of democracy, making the distinction between democracy and anarchism.

Oli will also reaffirm Nepal’s foreign policy fundamentals, particularly its emphasis on relations with neighboring countries. In his Parliament address, Oli reiterated that Nepal’s foreign relations are guided by the principle of “amity with all, enmity with none.” He added that Nepal’s foreign policy is anchored in the UN Charter, non-alignment, non-interference in internal political affairs, and a firm stance against external interference.

Nepal is also expected to express its concerns regarding the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war and conflicts in the Middle East. Additionally, climate change will feature prominently in Oli’s address to the UN assembly, with the prime minister planning to raise awareness about its impact on Nepal’s Himalayan region. “I will draw attention to the link between melting Himalayan glaciers and rising sea levels,” Oli said, stressing that this is not just a regional issue but a global concern.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres last year expressed alarm over the effects of climate change on Nepal, noting that it faces severe impacts due to the climate crisis. “Nepal is one of the countries suffering the most, and other South Asian nations may soon face similar threats from receding glaciers,” Guterres said in a 2023 address to Nepal’s Parliament. “What is happening in this country as a result of climate change is an appalling injustice and a searing indictment of the fossil fuel age.”

On the sidelines of the UNGA, Prime Minister Oli will attend the “Summit of the Future: Multilateral Solutions for a Better Tomorrow,” focusing on securing a sustainable future for humanity and the planet. The prime minister plans to present Nepal’s views on critical issues, including the protection of children and the environment. He will also address the challenges faced by small island nations due to rising sea levels, linking them to the broader issue of climate change impacting mountainous countries like Nepal.

Preserving ecosystems will be another priority for Oli at the UN. He told Parliament that he plans to discuss the interconnectedness of mountain and ocean ecosystems, underscoring the need for global cooperation in environmental preservation. Additionally, Prime Minister Oli is expected to participate in discussions on drug-related problems, a growing concern for Nepal, though he did not elaborate on specific details.

Prime Minister Oli assured Parliament that all his statements at the UN would be made public, and he pledged to provide a detailed report to lawmakers upon his return. “I want to assure the honorable members that after my return, I will report to the House about everything I did and said. All my statements will be available to the media—nothing will be kept secret,” Oli said.

The international airport has become overwhelmed with a surge of students. In recent years, youth migration has emerged as one of the country’s major issues. While every government claims to be drafting policies and programs aimed at retaining young people within the country, these efforts appear ineffective. Reports indicate that over 2,500 youths depart from Tribhuvan International Airport daily. 

Although many attribute this exodus to employment opportunities abroad, a large number of students are also leaving for educational purposes. As more young students pursue studies overseas, the number of students enrolling in Nepali universities and colleges has decreased significantly . Particularly in bachelor’s and master’s programs, enrollment has dropped far below the allocated seat numbers. On one hand, universities and affiliated educational institutions face a drought of students; while on the other hand, the international airport is struggling to manage the overwhelming crowds of outbound students.

In the fiscal year 2023/24, a total of 112,593 individuals obtained no objection certificates (NOC) from the Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology to study abroad. According to data from the ministry’s Foreign Study Permission Branch, the number was 110,217 in the previous fiscal year. Although the number dropped to 27,900 in the fiscal year 2020/21 and to 34,096 in the fiscal year 2019/20 due to the Covid-19 pandemic, the trend has since been on the rise. In the fiscal year 2018/19, the number was 63,295. Currently, about 500 students seek NOCs daily. Based on this data, it is estimated that over 100,000 students leave Nepal annually for abroad studies.

Education is often considered the foundation of a country’s economic and social development. However, many argue that Nepal’s education system has not yet found its rhythm. The government’s lack of vision and the dysfunction in educational institutions have left students disillusioned with the domestic education system, driving them towards foreign institutions as an alternative.

In the past decade, the number of students seeking NOC to study abroad has increased nearly tenfold. On average, the number of students going abroad for education has grown by 43.9 percent annually over this period. Nepali universities have failed to attract students due to rising institutional dysfunction and political interference, which has hampered the development of a modern education system and the production of skilled human resources.

Political instability, corrupt leadership, frequent government changes, and power struggles have led youths to conclude that their futures are not secure in Nepal. Universities play a crucial role in developing the human resources needed for national development. They must produce graduates with the skills to analyze, argue, present, and find solutions to problems. However, if the foundation is weak, the resulting development will not be sustainable. Graduates from Nepali universities often lack the expertise required to secure jobs, which further diminishes the appeal of these institutions. As a result, many students opt for foreign education.

In the last fiscal year, the most popular study destinations for Nepali students were Japan, the United States, the United Kingdom, South Korea, Australia, and Canada. During this period, 34,731 students obtained NOCs for Japan, 15,982 for Canada, 14,372 for Australia, 13,339 for the UK, and 11,261 for the US. Similarly, 6,889 students obtained NOCs for South Korea, 1,754 for Denmark, 1,535 for Finland, 1,489 for France, 2,389 for India, 1,446 for New Zealand, and 2,147 for the UAE. A significant number of students also sought approval for studying in Bangladesh, China, Bahrain, Germany, Ireland, Greece, Hungary, Malaysia, Malta, the Philippines, Poland, Qatar, Spain, Sweden, and Thailand.

Not long ago, attending a university in Nepal was a source of pride. Graduating from these institutions was seen as a guarantee of a secure future, and parents took pride in their children’s education. But today, this is no longer the case. Many parents are now reluctant to enroll their children in domestic universities due to the rampant dysfunction. Most universities are plagued by strikes, shutdowns, and political interference, preventing them from adhering to academic calendars. As a result, regular classes, annual exams, and other academic activities have become irregular. It takes almost seven years to complete a four-year bachelor's degree, and errors in results and exam papers have eroded public trust in these institutions.

Human resources are the most important asset for increasing production and productivity. As the daily exodus of young, skilled individuals continues, the country’s political leadership bears the greatest responsibility. A nation’s future is often determined by its political leadership, as they are the ones steering the country’s direction. The hopes for a nation’s economic and social prosperity lie in having political leaders who are honest, capable, and visionary.

If the political leadership is honest, it can positively impact the country’s economic, social, and educational sectors. Only then can the belief that a secure future is possible within the country take root. However, looking at Nepal’s political history over the past three decades, it seems that promising political leadership has yet to emerge. Political instability, corrupt leaders, frequent government changes, and power struggles have led today’s youth to conclude that their futures are not secure in Nepal. Hence, they are in a hurry to leave.

It is natural for the youth to want to secure both their present and future. They are concerned not only about themselves but also about the future of their children. As physically and mentally capable individuals continue to leave the country, the impact on the nation’s economy, society, and politics is becoming increasingly apparent. While remittances may support the economy for now, they are not a long-term solution. Without growth in internal production and productivity, economic prosperity is unachievable.

The most important asset for increasing production and productivity is human resources. If we continue to lose our human capital, even the best policies and plans won’t matter. To ensure the economic, social, and political development of the country, the growing trend of youth migration must be curtailed. This requires the creation of domestic employment opportunities, skills-based education, a stable political environment, strong leadership, and good governance.

A few months ago, I had a meeting with one of my friends doing a PhD in America. He said that in the US, most of the education institutions have a student debate club. Once a week, students discuss various issues with a critical lens. Mainly, the students of the social science stream create discourse on burning issues in society. For instance, racial discrimination is one of the major problems in American society. White people have historically discriminated against black people. 

Similarly, the diaspora living in the US is also facing problems regarding socio-political aspects. In such   burning issues and problems, students present papers, debate with critical thinking, creative thinking, literary theories like White Man’s Burden, race theory, postcolonial studies, race discrimination, gender discrimination, LGBTIQA+ rights, etc. Beside this, there is no hard-and-fast rule for participation. It is like a loose forum where interested parties can discuss and give their opinions.

The culture of these critical discourses has changed  the level of students’ understanding as well as upgraded them critically. Recently ,the students are seeing issues from multiple perspectives. In fact, they are lamenting the racist history where an individual is oppressed just because of a certain race or color. During the discussion, students questioned themselves about human rationality. Even they themselves criticized the irrationality of their ancestors. But sadly, the educational institutions of Nepal have almost failed to create such discourse.

Last time I got an opportunity to attend a debate program on ‘caste system struggle or compulsion’ organized by progressive students of RR Campus . It is a nice gesture, at least  it shows some avenues of change for students. But the opinion of some participants is so casteist. They are students holding a degree in hand. They have seen the fragmentation of society by caste. Still they are proud of the caste and they want to continue it as their parents. In addition they also give irrelevant logic to support the caste system. These are some representative voices only.  Our universities are filled With these sorts of casteist minds.

These practices and understanding of students  that our students and universities are almost unknown about Dalits problems. Meanwhile, the caste system is the major headache in society. Around 13 percent of the population is facing problems because of caste. Each day, Dalits are being victimized by the caste system. Mainly in temples, taps, relationships, etc., dalits are tortured.

In such a society, why are students and educational institutions not showing the same interest as in American universities? In Nepal, state-owned educational institutions seem to be politically trained. The wall painting on college premises and hanging political flags on the gate proved it. The student union is very active in political matters. They obeyed political  leaders, and t designed programmes according to the road map of parties. The rallies, protests, cleaning, blood donation, etc. programmes are the major work of the students union. Unfortunately, social issues like caste discrimination seem to be unknown to students.

Caste is the burning and bursting issue of the Hindu Varna system. Especially in Nepal, each day people belonging to the Dalit community are facing inhumane behavior from so-called on-Dalits. Contrary to this, the mainstream of Nepali society regards caste as a cultural phenomenon. They don’t see any fault in the caste system. Even they argued that caste discrimination will not be removed immediately from society. It takes time, and Dalits have to tolerate it to maintain harmony in society. These hypocritic thoughts of non-Dalits have been protecting the caste system as their tradition and culture for ages. Meanwhile, the constitution of Nepal has strictly prohibited any sort of discrimination that is punishable. The Articles 17, 18, 24 43 and 40 of the Constitution clearly advocate for human rights and freedom.

On the other side, including students, non-Dalits act as if nothing is happening in society regarding caste issues. However, some progressive students’ efforts can’t be denied. Still, they stand with Dalit issues. But the majority belongs to a hypocritically stereotyped group. In fact, the hypocrisy of non-Daltis is violating the law of a state. Which result in torture, murder, social trauma for Dalits. By seeing this scenario, the non-Dalit faction is digging a pit for its own people and system. Therefore, to change such inhuman practices, the students and educational institutions of the state have to take a leading role in developing equity and equality in society. In fact, most educational institutions have huge numbers of non-Dalit students. 

Knowing and seeing such situations in society, educational institutions and their students can’t remain neutral. They must react critically and creatively, as in the Western world. After knowing our educational institutional roles on social issues like caste, one might raise questions. Why are our students remaining silent on the caste system? The obvious answer is that our students are also guided by the Manu Simiriti caste system, and most of them, both teachers and students, are non-Dalits. That’s why they remain silent. But while saying this, how can we deny the magnanimity of students? How can we avoid the Western students' activism on race and color?

Aside from all the lapses, Students should self-criticize themselves and take these mistakes as lessons to rebuild their progressive image for the overall development of society. In fact, by nature, students are progressive. So they should play a vital role in resolving the problem. In addition, students and educational institutions are known for hope, progress, and the future of the state. Therefore, the law, social norms, and values also asked the student to take responsibility for creating a forum for unity against the inhuman system and caste system. In the US, when George Floyd, a black man, was killed, the entire nation came out in protest against racism. Students actively participate in rallies. This shows the maturity of American society regarding racism. Though racism still exists in society, at the same time, voices are being raised and hands are joining to fight against inhumanity.

Thus, Nepali educational institutions and students need to be strong to counter such a heinous system. The Curriculum Department Center (CDC) should include chapters on the caste system. This way, the students will know the dark sides of the caste system. After studying such ill practices, students will organize discourses. They will be aware that their family society does not practice the caste system. Then only will society transform from stereotypes to progressives. Otherwise, the literate actors will be involved in drama, and society will remain irrational forever.