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In recent weeks, the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), the fourth largest political entity in the House of Representatives (HoR), has emerged as a focal point in national politics.

Firstly, the primary opposition, the Nepali Congress (NC), has been demanding resignation of RSP leader Rabi Lamichhane from the post of deputy prime minister and minister for home affairs over his alleged involvement in a fund misappropriation from a Pokhara-based financial cooperative. 

Several NC leaders have demanded that Lamichhane step down to facilitate an independent and impartial investigation.

While some Congress leaders, notably General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa, have vocally criticized Lamichhane, internal dissent persists, with some advocating for patience before demanding resignation so soon after the formation of a new coalition. Some factions within the party believe that ousting the RSP from the coalition could jeopardize the current alliance. They are of the view that the party should wait for at least 100 days before demanding Lamichhane’s resignation.

Furthermore, there are also voices within the NC that suggest adopting a more conciliatory approach toward the RSP, acknowledging the potential for future collaboration, especially if all communist parties unite in subsequent elections. Despite the assertive stance of figures like Thapa, senior leader Shekhar Koirala, and certain youth leaders, Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba maintains a neutral stance.

Shankar Tiwari, an NC youth leader and a political analyst, emphasizes the party’s commitment to upholding the rule of law, stressing the importance of ensuring that ongoing investigations into Lamichhane remain uninfluenced by political power dynamics. He argues that Lamichhane's appointment as home minister presents a conflict of interest, particularly as he is under police investigation, setting aside any political motivations.

Nevertheless, critics view the Congress’ stance as an attempt to prevent Home Minister Lamichhane from opening old corruption cases, which could potentially implicate its own leaders. The RSP too accuses the main opposition party of stifling its voice by disrupting parliamentary proceedings. 

Lamichhane told a gathering on Saturday that he was willing to engage in a debate with NC General Secretary Thapa in his own constituency, Kathmandu-4. He said the allegations leveled against him by the NC were baseless.

Thapa had claimed in the HoR that Lamichhane was involved in the misuse of funds from the Pokhara-based Suryadarshan Cooperatives, citing a report commissioned by the Pokhara Metropolitan City. 

“A study panel commissioned by the Pokhara Metropolitan City states in its report that one of the individuals opening a fake account in the cooperative is Rabi Lamichhane. Rs 10m has been released in Lamichhane's name, although he is not a member of the cooperative,” Thapa told parliament.

Lamichhane denies any wrongdoing and maintains that he hasn’t been named as a defendant in the case pertaining to the fund misuse of the financial cooperative in question. He has questioned NC’s political integrity, pointing that one of its sitting ministers had felt no moral compulsion to step down even when he was being investigated by the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority.  

Lamichhane was referring to former health minister and NC leader Mohan Bahadur Basnet, who is under investigation for his alleged involvement in a corruption case concerning the  procurement of Telecommunication Traffic Monitoring and Fraud Control System (TERAMOCS) of Nepal Telecommunication Authority (NTA). 

Friction has also arisen between the RSP and its coalition partners regarding a potential alliance in the forthcoming by-election scheduled for April 27 in Ilam-2 and Bajhang (A). Political observers say the CPN (Maoist Center) and CPN-UML will find it hard to deal with RSP in the coming days. 

While Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal of the Maoist party and KP Sharma Oli of the UML have stood by Lamichhane, potential sources of friction linger. Although the RSP played a pivotal role in forming the current alliance, doubts persist regarding the coalition's cohesion.

Recently, RSP Vice-chairperson Swarnim Wagle disclosed Prime Minister Dahal’s offer for the RSP to join the government some three months ago. “Many told us that we could have waited until 2027. But we felt if we can make positive changes from the government, why not accept the offer,” Wagle said about his party’s decision to join the ruling coalition. “We have chosen ministries related to good governance and youths. If we fail to deliver, we will step down.” 

Wagle’s rationale for accepting the offer also betrays RSP’s plan to pull out of the coalition if the party ministers are not allowed to work independently.    

Within the coalition, managing Lamichhane presents a significant challenge for Prime Minister Dahal and the UML. Earlier, Lamichhane had to leave the Home Ministry within a month after he was dragged into a controversy for holding dual passport and citizenship. But he is unlikely to give up that easily this time, even though the NC has been disrupting parliamentary sessions, demanding that the government investigate Lamichhane.

Despite controversies, Lamichhane’s popularity remains intact, as evidenced by his resounding victory in by-elections. RSP’s electoral successes in Chitwan and Tanahun have bolstered their confidence, and it plans to contest the upcoming by-elections and not support other coalition parties.  

The RSP’s reluctance to engage in electoral alliances signals a potential rift within the government, though it is unlikely to directly impact coalition dynamics. To influence the election and party’s popularity, Lamichhane could also leverage his position as home minister by investigating major corruption scandals involving the leaders of major political parties. If that happens, it could exacerbate tensions within the coalition.

To demonstrate effective governance, Lamichhane is already pursuing investigation into the gold smuggling case involving former parliament speaker and Maoist leader Krishna Prasad Mahara. RSP's long-term aspirations to emerge as a significant political force by the 2027 general elections may prompt them to withdraw from the government if hindered by Prime Minister Dahal and his main coalition ally, UML.

Senior RSP leaders assert their commitment to fulfilling promises or resigning, garnering tentative support from Prime Minister Dahal, who believes RSP ministers are more likely to deliver tangible results, shaping public opinion favorably. However, populist decisions by RSP ministers is likely to cause friction within the coalition. So, managing the RSP presents a formidable challenge for both ruling and opposition parties alike.

Established in 1985 with the aim of regional cooperation, integration and socio-economic development of its member countries and the region as a whole, South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), as of now, is a “zombie” organization that could only be technically said to be operational; its spirit, ambitions and zeal dead as no progress has been made in its mandate. Upon its foundation, SAARC’s main goals included enhancing the well-being of South Asians, advancing their quality of life, fostering economic growth, social progress, and cultural advancement, ensuring dignity and realizing full potential for all individuals, and furthering collective self-sufficiency. However, despite having great potential as an intergovernmental organization to uplift the entirety of the South Asian diaspora, SAARC’s performance in recent times is underwhelming at best and utterly disappointing at worst.

Failure of SAARC

SAARC currently finds itself in a state of inertia, lacking clear direction and meaningful mandates for the future. This stagnation can be attributed to a multitude of factors plaguing the organization. Foremost among these are the longstanding bilateral conflicts, notably the deep-rooted animosity between India and Pakistan, which overshadows SAARC's agenda and hinders consensus-building among member states. The Indo-Pak conflict deeply impacts SAARC, hindering its functionality by causing recurrent tensions that divert attention from its agenda, fostering insecurity and instability in South Asia. This cycle of suspicion undermines cooperative efforts within SAARC, exacerbated by India’s dominant position in the region, which complicates efforts to promote equality. 

The last SAARC Summit was scheduled to be held in Islamabad, Pakistan, in Nov 2016. However, it was indefinitely postponed due to escalating tensions between India and Pakistan. The URI surgical strike, which occurred on 29 Sept 2016, led to heightened military activity along the Line of Control (LoC) and exponentially increased the already dense diplomatic hostilities between the two countries. This ultimately led to the cancellation of the summit. The ongoing bilateral conflicts and diplomatic hostilities between India and Pakistan have since prevented the resumption of SAARC summits, underscoring the organization's challenges in fostering regional cooperation amidst deep-seated geopolitical rivalries.

Further adding to this issue is a pervasive lack of trust among member nations, stemming from historical grievances and competing geopolitical interests. Political instability and governance challenges within member states further detract from regional cooperation efforts, while economic disparities limit the scope for mutually beneficial initiatives. SAARC’s institutional capacity is also hampered by weak administrative structures and bureaucratic inefficiencies, exacerbating its inability to deliver tangible outcomes. External interference from global powers and regional actors seeking to advance their own interests further complicates SAARC’s ability to pursue an independent and coherent agenda. Collectively, these challenges render SAARC a ‘zombie organization’, struggling to navigate a complex landscape fraught with obstacles to meaningful regional cooperation and development.

Amidst the failure of SAARC to fulfill its mandate, India to strengthen its geopolitical grasp in South Asian region as well as Southeast region made a strategic move by extending invitations to the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) leaders to the BRICS summit held in 2016 at Goa. This move signaled a major diplomatic shift, showcasing India’s willingness to turn to BIMSTEC in response to SAARC’s ineffectiveness at meeting its expectations. Subsequently, the Indian Prime Minister engaged in a bilateral meeting with BIMSTEC leaders. Since then, the member states have been reluctant to resume the SAARC summit. India has been consistently participating in the BIMSTEC summit, looking to establish it as a formidable alternative regional platform for the five SAARC nations to discuss sub-regional cooperation.  

Rise and Significance of BIMSTEC

BIMSTEC was established on 6 June 1997 through the Bangkok Declaration. At present, BIMSTEC consists of seven member states out of which five member states are also the member of SAARC namely, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, Sri Lanka and two member states are from Southeast Asia, namely Myanmar and Thailand. Basically, BIMSTEC is a sector-driven institution unlike SAARC and many other regional alliances. Since its establishment, fourteen priority sectors of cooperation have been identified through the BIMSTEC ministerial summit held on different occasions. These sectors are trade and investment, transport and communication, energy, tourism, technology, fisheries, agriculture, public health, poverty alleviation, counterterrorism and transnational crime, environment and disaster management, people-to-people contact, cultural cooperation and climate change. The member countries of BIMSTEC  lead these sectors which are divided among them. They meet at different levels, like BIMSTEC summits, ministerial meetings, senior officials’ meetings, and expert groups.

BIMSTEC, as a trade bloc, presents numerous opportunities as the combined GDP in the region is around $2trn which is likely to grow exponentially in the near future. Among the member states, Myanmar’s intra-BIMSTEC trade accounts for approximately 36.14 percent of its overall trade, while Nepal and Sri Lanka have intra-regional trade shares of roughly 59.13 percent and 18.42 percent respectively. Bangladesh’s intra-BIMSTEC trade share stands at 11.55 percent, whereas India and Thailand have shares of around three percent within the BIMSTEC. 

Could BIMSTEC be an alternative to SAARC?

SAARC is a purely regional organization characterized by member nations sharing a collective history, geographical closeness, shared cultural identity and regional values. The member countries of SAARC are bound not only by historical ties but also by common developmental challenges, necessitating collaborative efforts for effective resolution.

Conversely, BIMSTEC serves as a bridge between South Asia and Southeast Asia, leveraging its potential to connect the economies of both regions. By integrating South Asia with the vibrant economies of ASEAN, BIMSTEC acts as an inter-regional organization facilitating economic cooperation and trade. Its scope extends beyond the confines of South Asia, embracing a broader regional outlook.

SAARC and BIMSTEC are not interchangeable options or substitutes for each other. Rather than viewing SAARC and BIMSTEC as competing entities, it is more appropriate to recognize them as complementary frameworks with distinct but mutually reinforcing objectives. SAARC’s emphasis on intra-regional cooperation complements BIMSTEC’s inter-regional connectivity aspirations. The collaborative efforts within SAARC pave the way for addressing common developmental challenges, while BIMSTEC’s outreach to ASEAN economies opens avenues for enhanced trade and economic prosperity.

The authors are a law student at Kathmandu School of Law

Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs Narayan Kaji Shrestha is paying an official visit to China from March 24 to April 1 at the invitation of his Chinese counterpart Wang Yi.

This visit marks the first significant diplomatic engagement by a senior minister since the formation of a new coalition government on March 4. Shrestha’s transition from the home ministry to the foreign affairs portfolio underscores the shifting dynamics within the government. In addition to bilateral discussions with his Chinese counterpart, Shrestha, a prominent Maoist leader, is scheduled to hold meetings with top officials and leaders of the Chinese Communist Party.

Given lingering suspicions and allegations surrounding China’s role in orchestrating the recent political realignment in Nepal, Shrestha’s visit carries considerable significance domestically and internationally. Despite assertions from ruling alliance leaders that the coalition shift was driven solely by internal factors, doubts persist regarding China's influence.

Notably, Shrestha’s departure for China lacked comprehensive briefings from all ministry departments, raising questions about preparedness amidst heightened Chinese pressure to advance the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) agenda. 

During Prime Minister Dahal’s China visit last year, preparations were made to sign the BRI implementation agreement. But it was put off after Nepal sought some more time, citing the need for further homework. China has been pushing Nepal for BRI implementation, especially after Nepal ratified the US government’s Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) grant agreement.

While Shrestha has publicly advocated for prompt BRI implementation, the Dahal-led government has yet to reach a consensus on the matter, indicating a reluctance to hastily commit to China's initiatives. Even though Shrestha has said that implementation of past agreements remains the top agenda of his China visit,  highly placed government sources say the possibility of Nepal signing the BRI implementation agreement is very low. 

Nepal reportedly had proposed nine infrastructure projects under the BRI, but there has been no progress. 

Although Nepal signed the BRI framework agreement with China in 2017, no infrastructure project has moved forward so far. Of late, China has been trying to bring all areas of cooperation with Nepal under the BRI framework. Controversy has also arisen over China’s unilateral designation of Pokhara International Airport as a BRI project, exacerbating anxieties regarding debt sustainability. With the multi-million-dollar airport still unable to see international flights, there are concerns over how Nepal will repay the Chinese loan. 

Prime Minister Dahal has been urging the Chinese side to convert a significant portion, if not all, of the loan into a grant. He told a gathering in Pokhara a few days ago that efforts were underway to convince China on this matter. Dahal’s appeal for converting Chinese loans into grants reflects Nepal's growing apprehension towards accumulating debt, particularly in light of unfulfilled BRI promises and economic viability concerns.

The prime minister believes that if China converts the loan into a grant and makes it a gift project under the BRI, it would facilitate the BRI implementation agreement. China does not provide grants under the BRI, but the Chinese government could make such a decision if it desires. However, the Chinese side has not given a concrete response. 

Earlier last week, the Chinese Embassy in Kathmandu clarified that the Pokhara airport loan is not a noose around Nepal’s neck. It stated that Nepal’s external debt is higher from international institutions and other countries. China has expressed its willingness to bring international flights to Pokhara but has urged Nepal to provide new air routes for this purpose.

Previously, when the Nepali Congress was part of the ruling alliance, Prime Minister Dahal and other communist parties felt that relations with China were given low priority. China’s proactive engagement following the coalition reshuffle suggests a concerted effort to solidify ties with Nepal’s communist-led government. The absence of contentious issues such as the Nepal-China border dispute in the new alliance’s policy agenda signals an apparent alignment with Chinese interests, prompting optimism in Beijing regarding future cooperation.

Chinese activities seem to have increased in Nepal significantly following the formation of the new alliance. In the past, China has been slow to react to changes in government in Nepal. But this time, it issued a response soon after the new alliance was formed.

During her regular press briefing on March 4, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Mao Ning said: “We would like to work with the new government to uphold the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, deepen traditional friendship, strengthen practical cooperation, advance the China-Nepal strategic partnership of cooperation featuring everlasting friendship for development and prosperity, and deliver more benefits to the peoples of the two countries.”

Two days later, Chinese Ambassador to Nepal Chen Song met with Foreign Minister Shrestha to extend congratulations and engage in in-depth and friendly discussions on bilateral relations and cooperation.

Vice-minister of the Chinese Communist Party Sun Haiyan also held talks with Nepali Ambassador to China Bishnu Pukar Shrestha right after the new alliance was formed.

During the meeting, she sought information about the recent political developments in Nepal. Vice-minister Haiyan had visited Nepal last month leading a delegation of the International Liaison Department of the Communist Party of China. During her interactions with Nepali political parties, she had remarked that efforts were being made to undermine Nepal-China relations.

Similarly, Lin Jian, a Chinese foreign affairs spokesperson, on March 22, reacted to Shrestha’s visit. In a regular press briefing in Beijing, he said: “The upcoming visit will be [Shrestha’s] first overseas visit after taking office as Nepal’s deputy prime minister and minister for foreign affairs.”

“China stands ready to work with Nepal to take this visit as an opportunity to further deliver on the important common understandings between leaders of the two countries, deepen political mutual trust, pursue high-quality Belt and Road cooperation, expand exchanges and cooperation in various areas and strive for new progress in building China-Nepal strategic partnership of cooperation featuring ever-lasting friendship for development and prosperity,” Lin said.

He added that China and Nepal were “traditional friends and neighbors linked by mountains and rivers. In recent years, our two countries maintained close high-level exchanges with deepening practical cooperation in various fields”. “Our two sides maintained close coordination and collaboration in regional and international affairs.”

Last September, Prime Minister Dahal paid an official visit to China and leaders of the two countries reached important common understandings on growing the China-Nepal relations.”  China expects its security concerns to be somewhat addressed under the communist government in Nepal, which is why Beijing appears more enthusiastic about the new alliance. Additionally, the Dahal-led government has fully banned activities concerning the free Tibet movement in Nepal. 

However, challenges persist in reconciling Nepal’s commitment to an independent foreign policy with the demands of regional stakeholders, particularly amid growing pressure to navigate competing geopolitical interests. Prime Minister Dahal’s emphasis on adopting a balanced diplomatic approach underscores the delicate balancing act facing Nepal’s leadership as it seeks to assert its autonomy while fostering fruitful relationships with key allies.

I believe there’s a right time and place for every book. Not all books resonate with you all the time. ‘The Reading List’ by Sara Nisha Adams reiterated that sentiment. It was a lovely book. The plot was simple and comforting. But I would have probably enjoyed it a lot more if I had read it, say, before the pandemic. By the time I came across the book (just a few weeks ago), I had already read similar stories. There was nothing new in it.

But I’d recommend The Reading List to anyone who wants to read a heartwarming tale of how books can change your life. The story is partly inspired by the author’s grandfather, who found a connection with his granddaughter through books. Set in Wembley in London, The Reading List is the story of two individuals—80-year-old Mukesh Patel, a widower, and 17-year-old Aleisha, who works part-time at the local library.

Mukesh is mourning his wife, Naina. His three daughters take care of him but there’s a hole in his heart that just won’t go away. He’s lonely and, at times, miserable. Naina was a voracious reader, often asking Mukesh to keep quiet because she was reading. When he stumbles upon a copy of Audrey Niffenegger’s ‘The Time Traveler’s Wife’ that his wife didn’t get to return to the library, he sits down to read it. He doesn’t expect to get so engrossed in the story. Reading it makes him feel like Naina is around.

When he finishes it, he goes to the library to return it where he meets Aleisha. He’s also hoping to read other books so that he has something to talk about with his granddaughter who, like his wife, loves to read. But Aleisha is unhelpful and Mukesh runs away. Aleisha, on the other hand, is stuck at the library. She never really wanted to work there but her brother, Aiden, recommended it and she couldn’t say no. She’s trying to escape a problematic mother and would do anything to get a few hours away from home.

Then, she discovers a crumpled reading list tucked away in one of the library books and she starts reading the books on them as well as recommending them to Mukesh when he eventually returns. From Harper Lee’s ‘To Kill a Mockingbird’ to Vikram Seth’s ‘A Suitable Boy’, the octogenarian and the teenager go on a journey of self-discovery while forming an unlikely book club of two.

I found the plot to be slightly stretched because I could see where it was going. Apart from that, I enjoyed the book as it reinforced the power of reading and reminded me of some of the reasons why I love books. The book is peppered with references to other books—some of which I have already read and some that I haven’t but they are now all on my reading list. As characters, Mukesh and Aleisha feel a bit cliché but they remind us that the need for connection is a constant across generations.

Fiction

The Reading List

Sara Nisha Adams

Published: 2021

Publisher: Harper Collins

Pages: 425, Paperback