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Tejeswor Babu Gongah, whose life reflects an unwavering commitment to education, culture, and public service, was born in Bhaktapur, Nepal in 1935. His early life was shaped by the natural environment–one with open space and no urban constraints–and the socio-political changes taking place at the time. He was raised by his maternal uncle who played a significant role in his early education. 

In 1940, when he was just five years old, his parents followed a traditional cultural practice. Children were given five freshly harvested rice grains without letting them touch their tongues. This practice was believed to bring knowledge and wisdom. Gongah ate the rice grains. This ritual was believed to ensure that he would become a learned and highly educated person.

Gongah started his formal education at the Bhaktapur English School, which later became Shree Padma High School. During this time, political changes were taking place in Nepal. In 1946, Prime Minister Padma Shamsher ascended the throne and transformed the school into a high school. These early years also marked a period of political awakening for Gongah.

During the height of the anti-Rana struggle, congress leaders came to speak at his school, criticizing the Rana regime for denying people their educational rights. Gongah recalls the moment vividly, though he was too young to understand the intricacies of politics. “We were told we would get free snacks and once we reached, they were giving the speech and we were forced to listen to them,” he says. He recalls wondering about the congress party, asking himself questions like, “Do they have three legs? Do they have horns?” He was fascinated but unaware of the true nature of the political discourse happening around him.

In 1948, Gongah moved to Kathmandu and continued his studies at JP High School. One of his teachers was Sarada Prasad Upadhyay, brother of the famous politician Surya Prasad Upadhyay. In 1953, after completing his School Leaving Certificate (SLC), Gongah enrolled at Tri Chandra Multiple Campus for his intermediate studies in arts. During his time at college, Gongah discovered his passion for teaching. He later worked as a headmaster there for three years. He also taught English at Shanker Dev Campus. 

His role at Shanker Dev Campus also coincided with his involvement in teaching Nepal Bhasa (Newar language), a skill that garnered significant attention. The General Secretary of Shanker Dev Campus approached him to teach Nepal Bhasa, as there was increasing pressure to preserve the language. Gongah happily accepted the offer and taught the language for around four years. His deep connection to his cultural roots made this an enriching experience.

As his career progressed, he transitioned into a government position as a section officer. However, his thirst for knowledge didn’t stop there. In pursuit of further education, Gongah traveled to the US to study Cultural Anthropology, a field that fascinated him. In America, he encountered a new academic environment. He found that success there was often linked to one’s ability to discuss ideas and engage in academic debate. 

His time in the US proved to be a transformative experience. Despite facing some initial challenges, such as being looked down upon by some peers for coming from a developing country, he persevered. He spent hours in the library, diligently studying the systems, cultures, and languages of his new environment. His efforts paid off when one of his professors, impressed by his academic rigor, publicly praised Gongah in class for preparing exceptional research notes. “I still have all the term papers that I had prepared at that time,” says a visibly emotional Gongah.

Over time, Gongah gained the respect of his peers, who began offering him help and support. They would bring him blankets, clothes, and provide transportation to and from his apartment. He also delivered numerous speeches and wore traditional Nepali attire, including the Dhaka topi (Nepali traditional hat), which helped him retain a sense of his cultural identity while abroad.

After returning to Nepal, Gongah resumed his role in the government service and continued to work in the training sector, imparting knowledge to new recruits. He was also entrusted with the position of training chief. His dedication to training and mentoring new generations of officers marked the continuation of his commitment to education.

Despite his deep engagement in public service and education, he has never been interested in active politics. Although he has witnessed many political changes in Nepal, from the fall of the Rana regime to the political turmoil and the rise of democracy, he has always preferred to focus on his work rather than getting involved in political activism. Instead, he has always been captivated by the rich culture of Nepal, which has greatly influenced his work and personal life.

He also served as the first elected president of the Bhaktapur Bidhyarthi Sangh (Bhaktapur Student Union) where he had the opportunity to meet many prominent poets and intellectuals, including the legendary Laxmi Prasad Devkota. “When I was preparing for my SLC exam, he was one of my tutors,” says Gongah.

He was deeply influenced by Devkota and attributes much of his writing style to Devkota’s influence. “He was a fluent English speaker and he spoke for nearly one hour when he visited the Soviet Union to participate in an international youth festival held in Bucharest in Romania. I was enthralled,” says Gongah. He adds Devkota was friendly and approachable despite his stature as a literary giant.

Throughout his life, Gongah has maintained a close relationship with the royal family. He worked closely with King Birendra and was frequently invited to brief the monarch on various government projects even after his retirement. 

In addition to his work in the government sector and academia, he is also a prolific writer. He began writing for Gorkhapatra when he was quite young and his articles earned him recognition. He was paid Rs 20 per article and Gongah confesses that he didn’t know you could get paid to write before that. He says his proficiency in English, honed during his time in the US, enabled him to write fluently and effectively. He continues to contribute to newspapers and engage in cultural and educational discourse through his writing.

He remains a respected figure in Nepal, admired for his work in education, culture, and public service. Even today, he continues to inspire those around him with his passion for knowledge, his commitment to excellence, and his deep respect for Nepal’s rich cultural heritage.

Foreign employment has been heralded as a lifeline for Nepal’s struggling economy for a long time. The glossy statistics on remittance have painted a picture of collective prosperity. Yet the allure of economic gain masks a brutal reality that is far less glamorous, especially for women. Foreign employment poses challenges to women not only as those who travel to the destination country but those who remain in the country of origin as well. For those left behind in rural Nepal, the absence of male members of the family members often means isolation, economic vulnerability and an overwhelming burden of household responsibilities. For those women who dare to venture abroad, the promise of a better life is often replaced by exploitation, abuse and a deep sense of social alienation. This vicious cycle of suffering, silenced by the glitter of remittance dollars, exposes the dark underbelly of foreign employment.

Foreign employment, while conjuring the image of economic upliftment, neglects the profound social costs that come with it. As rural men migrate for work, women who stay behind are forced to take on dual roles. This not only thrusts them into challenging positions of managing households alone but also compels them to step into roles that are otherwise historically done by men which include overseeing finances and maintaining farms. 

In cases like these women are not empowered by their new responsibilities but instead overwhelmed. The workload increases with no increase in helping hands and support mechanisms. This dual burden leads to exhaustion and mental health challenges. In the context of rural women, who are marginalized by geography these challenges are compounded by lack of resources and social networks to cope with this shift. Their workload intensifies while their autonomy remains constrained by societal expectations and limited access in decision making roles within the family.

The narrative that women in rural areas are mere passive recipients of remittances is misleading. They are not passive beneficiaries as in reality they are managing the entire households and communities. But their labor, both emotional and physical, goes unacknowledged, perpetuating their marginalization.As men leave, rural communities face depopulation, and agriculture, the major source of livelihood for many families suffers. With fewer hands available to work on the fields, the fields lie barren, further eroding food security. Moreover, this situation places women in a precarious position of economic and social vulnerability. The absence of male members of the family increases their exposure to exploitation. Women in rural Nepal, now the sole managers of remittances, are vulnerable to manipulation and economic abuse from extended families or in-laws who may take advantage of their isolated position.

Financial success abroad does not necessarily translate into marital success at home. At times, the long separations caused by foreign employment stretch the familial bonds to their breaking point. Communication between spouses becomes infrequent, often leading to misunderstandings, conflicts over money and sometimes even divorce. There have been reported cases of husband/wife forging new relationships abroad or at home, disrupting their married lives. 

For many women, the emotional strain of running a household alone, coupled with societal pressures to maintain family honor could lead to several mental health issues. Any perceived failure such as financial struggles, household management or even relationship issues may be seen as personal failure further intensifying the mental burden. Depression, anxiety and loneliness are evident issues, but these women are often left to cope without any access to mental health care or even a listening ear. While the men abroad are hailed as breadwinners, women shoulder the emotional and psychological costs of sustaining the family integrity.

While the challenges faced by women left behind are severe, those who migrate for work face an entirely new set of struggles. It takes only a small mistake for the journey of economic dreams to turn into exploitation nightmares. Women migrating to countries in the Middle East or Southeast Asia for work, often in caregiving or domestic roles, are vulnerable to extreme exploitation. These sectors, characterized by poor working conditions, long hours, and meager pay, frequently expose women to physical, emotional, and sexual abuse.

Migrant women, especially those undocumented or without proper legal protections, live in constant fear of deportation or retaliation, making it difficult to seek help or report abuse. The very systems that are meant to protect them, legal aid and worker’s rights organizations, are often inaccessible due to language barriers, cultural differences, or fear of losing their jobs. These barriers leave women trapped in exploitative situations with little recourse to justice. Adding to their plight is the severe isolation that migrant women often endure. Live-in domestic workers, in particular, are cut off from the outside world, living at the mercy of their employers. This isolation, compounded by the pressures of being away from their families, leads to significant mental health challenges, including depression and loneliness. The lack of social contact or support systems exacerbates their already precarious situation.

A particularly harsh reality for female migrant workers is the issue of unwanted pregnancies, often resulting from sexual exploitation. Many women, isolated and vulnerable, find themselves in situations where they are taken advantage of by employers or intermediaries. With limited access to reproductive healthcare, these women are at high risk of unsafe abortions and other health complications, jeopardizing their physical well-being and sometimes their lives. Destination countries frequently fail to provide adequate healthcare for migrant women, particularly those in the lower rungs of the workforce. In addition, cultural and legal restrictions around reproductive rights often prevent women from seeking the help they need, forcing them to resort to dangerous methods to terminate pregnancies or manage health issues.

The challenges faced by women, both at home and abroad, highlight the deeply gendered impact of labor migration. As women are increasingly called upon to take on new roles without adequate support, both within the household and in foreign countries, the social fabric begins to fray. Communities become depopulated, family ties strained, and the societal role of women burdened by unrealistic expectations. Critically, the focus on remittances while essential to the economy often overshadows these social costs. The long-term effects of migration on women are frequently absent from policy discussions, which tend to focus on the financial benefits rather than the deep social wounds migration creates. Migration is an inevitable economic reality for many Nepali families, but it need not come at the cost of women’s well-being. By recognizing the gender-specific challenges inherent in labor migration and addressing them through targeted policies, Nepal and its labor partners can ensure that foreign employment is a true path to prosperity, one that uplifts rather than exploits the women at its core.

The historic city of Janakpur, the capital of the ancient Mithila kingdom and the birthplace of Goddess Sita, the consort of Lord Ram, has been suffering utter neglect for ages, with the government of Nepal not bothering to put it on its tourism map. 

Though the Ministry of Tourism, Culture and Civil Aviation, the Department of Tourism and Nepal Tourism Board have not bothered to bring to light the glory of this ancient city and draw in tourists, better days seem to be ahead for the city and adjacent areas as they constitute a central part of the Ramayan Circuit, one of the most ambitious projects of the Narendra Modi-led Indian government that aims to connect all sacred places associated with the life and times of Ram and Sita. 

To further propagate the glory of Nepal, the government should step up efforts for inclusion of the Janaki Temple in the UNESCO World Heritage Sites’ list.

During his third visit to Nepal as the PM of India in May 2018, Narendra Modi had visited Janakpur as well, signifying the importance of the ancient city. 

Welcoming Modi, our Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli had expressed hope that the Ramayan Circuit will further improve the ties between the people of Nepal and India. Modi, on his part, had aptly said that he was in Janakpurdham not as the PM of India but as a prime pilgrim. These words from the two PMs still resonate in the city and beyond. 

On the occasion, the two sides had launched a Janakpur-Ayodhya direct bus service and India had  announced an assistance package of Rs 1bn for the development of Janakpurdham.

At that time, PM Oli had said he and Modiji had “agreed to address outstanding issues between the two countries in a timebound manner” while PM Modi had expressed satisfaction over the opportunity to visit important pilgrimage sites and promised to visit Lumbini, the birthplace of Gautam Buddha, whenever an opportunity arises.

Peace, harmony and spirituality are some of the common features of our two countries. It is no wonder that people from all over the world come as pilgrims and tourists to Nepal and India in search of peace, bliss and spirituality. Increasing inflow of people to Lumbini, Janakpurdham, Pashupatinath, Varanasi, Kedarnath, Bodhgaya and numerous other destinations in the mountains and in the plains is a living proof of this desire.

Back to Janakpur. The Department of Archaeology came up with a good news recently. It stated that it had found remnants of ancient civilizations dating back to the third or the second century BC on the banks of the Jamuni river in Dhanusha district. In a press release, the department pointed out that eight different civilizations may have existed in and around the site in different time periods, noting that cultural layers in the area date back to the Kusand period of the first to second century AD to the Maurya period ( 2-3 century BC). The department has reportedly unearthed ancient brick walls, foundations of human settlements, manmade pits, piles of mud utensils and post holes used for erecting wooden pillars. 

These remains have unique imprints of the Maurya civilization, comparatively advanced relics of the Kusand period like iron slag, terracotta beads, terracotta bangles and bricks as well as unique utensil pieces called Northern Black Polished Ware, which date back to 600-300 BC. During the excavation that involved digging a (4 * 3) trench, the department also collected samples of charcoal, bone and mud for further research in the area.

Unearthing of these remains once again shows how important Janakpurdham and surrounding areas are and how important it is for the government to preserve the priceless heritages of Nepal. Janakpur can also play a key role in boosting relations between Nepal and India, apart from bringing tourists and pilgrims from the world over to Nepal.

The time has come for our government authorities to wake up from deep slumber and work toward the preservation of priceless heritages of Janakpurdham and surrounding areas. I call upon the government to take a step in that direction by declaring 2025 as the ‘Visit Janakpur’ year.

In recent weeks, social media platforms are abuzz with suggestions for Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli regarding his official trip to Beijing from Dec 2–6. Although the visit has not been officially announced, preparations are underway, and debates surrounding the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Nepal-China relations have intensified, often factoring in India’s role in the equation.

On Nov 25, former Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai shared his perspective on social media, stating that he could not attend Oli’s consultation meeting but wanted to offer advice. “Nepal is the oldest independent and sovereign country in South Asia, and one of the oldest in the world. It has every right and responsibility to assert and maintain its sovereignty, come what may,” he wrote. Highlighting Nepal’s unique geopolitical position between rising powers China and India, Bhattarai stressed the need to maintain friendly relations with all parties for national interests. He advocated leveraging opportunities presented by the BRI, just as Nepal has done with India and the US, to boost its economy. While he supports the BRI, his stance on whether Nepal should opt for loans or grants remains unclear.

Political polarization on the BRI continues, with Chinese Ambassador Cheng Song actively lobbying key political leaders to create a favorable environment for its adoption. As the visit approaches, Indian media and think tanks have weighed in. On Nov 22, Rishi Gupta from the Asia Society published an article in The Print titled “India does not need to sweat over Oli’s China drift—Nepal knows the limits.” The piece sparked reactions in Nepal. Aneka Rebecca Rajbhandari, co-founder of The Arnika Project, criticized Indian analysts for their narrow security-focused lens on Nepal-China relations. Similarly, Akhilesh Upadhyay, former editor of The Kathmandu Post and columnist at Hindustan Times, remarked that Indian analysts suffer from an “imperial gaze” toward smaller neighbors but noted that Chinese attitudes are not significantly different.

Despite the ongoing discourse on the topic, Prime Minister Oli has yet to secure full support for the BRI. While he asserts that loans should not fund BRI projects, key coalition partner Nepali Congress (NC) remains hesitant. On Nov 22, Pankaj Das, who identifies himself as a cadre of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) cadre and observer of Nepal’s geopolitical affairs, noted a shift in NC’s stance. In his post, he said: “When in government, NC opposed the BRI. In opposition, it rejected both loans and grants. Now, as part of the government, it might consider BRI projects if grants are provided.” Das also suggested that NC and the UML have already agreed in principle to pursue BRI agreements.

Prominent voices on social media have added to the debate. Ajaya Bhadra Khanal, a media personality, suggested that Nepal should carefully examine and remove any suspicious provisions in the BRI implementation plan. In a X (formerly Twitter) post directed at NC General Secretary Gagan Thapa, he emphasized the risks of adopting China’s economic model, which may lead to long-term challenges. Similarly, Pramod Raj Sedhain, a self-taught geopolitical analyst, posted on X that public debate and scrutiny, akin to the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) discussions, are essential for BRI projects. He advocated for transparency and parliamentary debates to ensure accountability.

The lack of transparency surrounding Nepal’s BRI framework agreement, signed in 2017, has fueled further suspicion. Although a four-page document is publicly available, its official status remains unconfirmed. Vijay Kant Karna, a researcher in international relations, stated in a X post on Nov 21 that secret agreements on strategic projects like the BRI are unacceptable without broad stakeholder consultations. He called for comprehensive discussions, similar to those held for the MCC, to ensure public trust.

“China’s BRI strategic plan needs comprehensive discussions in all stakeholders like MCC. Secret accord without proper discussions in parliament and political parties will not be acceptable,” he stated.

Comparisons to past foreign aid initiatives have also surfaced. Journalist Prakash Timalsina highlighted how King Mahendra successfully leveraged Cold War-era assistance from Russia, India, and China for projects like the Mahendra Highway and Araniko Highway. In response, journalist Birat Anupam remarked that he supports both the MCC and the BRI, a stance he described as rare in Nepal’s polarized discourse. Meanwhile, former Foreign Minister Kamal Thapa criticized political parties for undermining national decision-making by relying on foreign support for their political and economic agendas.

“Political parties who are taking not just political support but also economic support from foreign powers for their interests are gradually losing the decision-making power for the national interest,” Thapa argued.

Jainendra Jeevan, a political analyst, warned the NC against adopting an overly rigid stance on the BRI. He argued that antagonizing China, a global power, could strain relations with the ruling UML and alienate other pro-China groups. Jeevan added that without hidden political or military agendas, foreign initiatives like the MCC and BRI could benefit Nepal. However, he stressed the importance of balanced engagement to safeguard national interests.

As Oli’s visit approaches, he has intensified consultations with coalition partners and stakeholders. While dozens of bilateral issues could be addressed, the BRI dominates public discourse. Oli’s previous visits to China were marked by major agreements: the 2016 Transit and Transport Agreement and discussions on railway projects in 2018. The 2024 visit is poised to center on the BRI. Although Oli has not explicitly outlined his agenda, he has emphasized the need for tangible outcomes from the trip.

Interestingly, social media trends reveal a gradual consensus even among NC-leaning experts, who now acknowledge the importance of engaging with the BRI while opposing loans. Left-leaning intellectuals, on the other hand, have long advocated for concessional loans under the BRI framework. This evolving sentiment underscores the complexity of Nepal's position. While the BRI offers economic opportunities, its dominance in public discourse has overshadowed other pressing bilateral issues with China.

In the backdrop of these debates, public demand for transparency and accountability grows louder. Citizens, analysts, and politicians alike agree that robust discussions, both in Parliament and the public sphere, are essential for any agreements under the BRI. Lessons from past controversies, like the MCC, highlight the importance of open dialogue and clear communication to prevent misunderstandings and foster trust.

The stakes of Prime Minister Oli’s upcoming visit are high. Balancing the BRI’s potential benefits with its financial and geopolitical implications will require careful diplomacy. At the same time, ensuring that domestic consensus aligns with national interests remains challenging.

Top leaders’ take

“During my visit, there will be no agreements related to loans. However, the claim that Nepal is at risk of falling into a debt trap is untrue. If we ever need loans, we are free to seek them from any source.” - Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli

“Nepal should not take loans from China under the BRI, as the country lacks the capacity to handle such financial commitments. However, we are open to accepting grants.” - Sher Bahadur Deuba, NC President

“Nepal should proceed with the BRI projects, as they align with our national interests. Having already joined the BRI framework, we must move forward to realize its potential benefits.” - Madhav Kumar Nepal, CPN (Unified Socialist) Chairperson

“Consultations between the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML regarding Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli’s visit to China are ongoing. There are no significant differences between the two parties, and I am traveling to China to assist with preparations for the visit.” - Arzu Rana Deuba, Minister for Foreign Affairs

“Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli is facing pressure during this trip because the ruling coalition partner, the Nepali Congress, opposes certain aspects of the BRI. Specifically, the NC is firmly against taking any loans. It will be interesting to see how China views this dynamic during the visit.” - Jhala Nath Khanal, CPN (Unified Socialist) senior leader

“The agreements signed with China in the past must be implemented during PM Oli’s visit. The BRI projects should be executed in both letter and spirit, and the implementation plan must be finalized during this trip.” - Pushpa Kamal Dahal, CPN (Maoist Center) Chairperson