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Soon after stepping down from power, CPN (Maoist Center) Chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal has initiated efforts to engage with fringe communist parties, particularly former Maoist leaders, to strengthen his position in national politics.

It has been observed that Dahal tends to reach out to his former Maoist colleagues, who have formed splinter groups, especially after the major split in the Maoist party in 2012 when senior leader Mohan Baidya established a separate party due to serious ideological differences with Dahal. A few months ago, while still in power, Dahal formed the Samajbadi Manch (Socialist Front), a loose coalition of fringe parties within the government. However, this front remained inactive as Dahal did not perceive any immediate threat to his government after aligning with the CPN-UML four months ago. 

On Tuesday, Dahal convened a meeting that included CPN (Maoist Center), CPN (Unified Socialist), Nepal Communist Party, and Samajbadi Forum. Of these, only the Maoist party led by Dahal and the CPN (Unified Socialist) led by Madhav Kumar Nepal have a presence in the national parliament. The Nepal-led party had supported Dahal during his vote of confidence in Parliament on Friday. The meeting of the Socialist Front has labeled the NC-UML coalition as opaque and unnatural. The four parties view the NC and UML’s plans to amend the constitution with suspicion, fearing that these two parties might regress from the progressive provisions of the 2015 constitution. Consequently, the four parties have formed a task force to thoroughly study the policies and activities of the newly-formed coalition.

For the first time in 10 years, the Maoist party finds itself in the opposition bench, a position it last occupied in 2014 when the NC and UML formed an alliance to deliver the constitution. Since then, the Maoist party managed to remain in power despite multiple major and minor splits. After the promulgation of the new constitution in 2015, Dahal’s long-time comrade Baburam Bhattarai left the party to form a separate faction. Bhattarai has been a vocal critic of Dahal, unlike other Maoist splinter groups, which still regard Dahal as their leader.

Despite maintaining moderate strength through electoral alliances with the NC and UML, the Maoist party’s influence is waning. Party leaders fear that contesting elections without alliances could further weaken their position in the national parliament.

Numerous Maoist party leaders and cadres, who were excluded from benefits during Dahal’s tenure, believe it is crucial for Dahal to reflect on his past decade in power and work toward strengthening the party organization. The Maoist party is steadily losing public support and organizational strength. Officially, Dahal will not become the main opposition leader as he lacks the requisite 65 seats. However, as the third-largest party in Parliament, the Maoists remain a significant opposition force, supported by the fourth-largest party, Rastriya Swatantra Party, which holds 21 seats in Parliament, alongside other fringe parties.

Dahal, according to close associates, will strive to consolidate his power by uniting various Maoist factions, although a formal unification is unlikely. The potential unification could be influenced by shared concerns over war-era human rights violations if the NC and UML join forces. Whether the new government will prioritize transitional justice issues remains uncertain, but these issues could serve to unite the Maoist factions. 

Additionally, Dahal may reach out to political outfits advocating identity politics. As the NC and UML aim to amend the constitution to alter the current electoral system, Dahal and other identity-based groups are likely to vehemently oppose any such change. Consequently, Dahal is expected to lead a front that staunchly resists any attempt to amend the constitution.

What do you imagine when someone asks you about carnivorous mammals? Let’s think of a few names. Which animals come to mind? Probably lions, tigers or wolves but not this one. Most likely, none of you would first think of the hyena.

Striped hyena, a widely misunderstood scavenger, provides vital ecosystem services by removing the carcasses and as a predator. Despite this, they are yet to get conservation attention, and the species population is said to be declining rapidly worldwide and still unknown in Nepal, highlighting the need for urgent conservation intervention.  

The Hyaenidae family, which is one of the smallest groups of mammalian carnivores, currently includes just four species in the world: the striped hyena (Hyaena hyaena), the aardwolf (Proteles cristata), the brown hyena (Hyaena brunnea) and the spotted hyena (Crocuta crocuta). The only Hyaenidae species found in Nepal is Striped hyena, locally called ‘Patey Huddar’, ‘Hausey Bagh’, and ‘Bhedey Bagh’. The Striped hyena is categorized as ‘Near Threatened’ in the IUCN Red List of threatened species while in Nepal, the species is considered endangered.

The Striped hyena is a middle-sized predator with pointed ears, pale brown skin and males are slightly larger than the females. They have a black-colored tail with white underfur and are slightly longer and bushy. Primarily, it is a nocturnal scavenger feeding on ungulate carcasses, bones, ligaments, and cartilages but can switch between scavenging and predating as per need so they are termed as ‘opportunistic predator’. It supplements its diet with fruits, insects, and occasionally by killing small animals like hare, rodents, reptiles, and birds.

Globally, the Striped hyena is found across a broad range from Africa to Central Tanzania, the Arabian Peninsula, Turkey, Central Asia and the Indian subcontinent, reaching as far as Nepal. They predominantly inhabit arid and semi-arid areas with open landscapes or sparse thorn bushes, typically avoiding higher altitudes, though they have been recorded at elevations up to 3,300 meters in Pakistan. In 1998, the global population of Striped hyena was estimated to be 14,000 individuals. However, by 2007 their numbers had declined to fewer than 10,000 worldwide.

Striped hyena are expanded throughout Nepal’s lowlands, from central to western terai, as well as western hilly region, at elevation ranging from 100 meters to 1,750 meters, both within and outside the protected areas. There are claims of the presence of Striped hyena at an altitude of 2,514 meters which needs further verification, as the report was made just on the basis of a sign survey. In Nepal, population density has not been explored properly yet the experts guess the population to be nearly 100 individuals. After the guess was made in 2011 during the national red list assessment of Nepal, there are reports of the species from other parts of Nepal. Furthermore, there have been several reports of Striped hyena sightings, dens, and human-hyaena contacts in Nepal. All might indicate that their population could be slightly higher suggesting a gap and opportunity in the study of this species. 

Although the Striped hyaena is typically considered solitary, it does have some social groups. Its vocal communication is limited to mild growls and sounds during interactions. The Striped hyena is not a favored prey species of any predator. They keep a safe distance, usually around 50 meters, from larger, carnivorous mammals like lions and tigers. They also have the ability to chase or keep leopards and cheetahs away from food sources. Striped hyena lives in den and dens are often used merely for short periods of time, and therefore rarely need to be secured. They have a life span of 10-12 years in the wild with no apparent seasonal pattern of reproduction, their gestation period is 90–91 days usually springing 1-6 cubs born per litter.

Striped hyena plays a vital role to maintain forest and grassland ecosystems as an opportunistic predator, as a scavenger by clearing carcasses and by ingestion of plants and flowers which helps in remodeling of vegetation directly or indirectly.

Habitat degradation is a major issue, as forests are cleared for agriculture and development, leaving hyaenas with fewer places to live and hunt. Poaching and illegal trade of Striped hyenas for their skins and body parts, used in traditional medicine, is another significant threat worldwide. They are also often kept in cages for display purposes. Another threat is roadkill, the growing network of roads in developing countries and also in Nepal, poses a danger, as many hyenas are killed by vehicles while crossing the roads in search of food or territory. 

Humans are consistently indicated as the major source of mortality throughout the evaluated range, largely because the hyaena is hated as a grave robber, is associated with several cultures and also superstitions belief, and because of incidents of damage to agriculture and livestock. Their decline is also influenced by shifts in agricultural practices and a decrease in available carcasses due to fewer large carnivores and prey species and competition with other species. These threats highlight the need for conservation efforts to protect this misunderstood species yet vital part of our ecosystem.

Establishing wildlife corridors to connect fragmented habitats, and implementing sustainable land-use practices to minimize further habitat loss are important. Anti-poaching laws and their enforcement is essential and new technology/intervention can be installed in the forest areas or at least in the protected areas such as camera traps, conservation boards, stickers and involving community members as a citizen scientist to monitor the species. To conserve the Striped hyena, we need to think about a comprehensive approach that includes protecting and restoring their habitats, engaging local communities and working closely with various stakeholders. Prioritizing academic and non-academic research work should be enhanced by government and conservation organizations, likewise collaborating with local NGOs and INGOs can bring additional expertise and support to the desired conservation efforts. Last but not the least, the fourth organ of the nation, the media can play a multifaceted and influential role by prioritizing and highlighting content about such species for the conservation of biodiversity.

The haunting calls of the Striped hyaena are slowly fading, as Tarai forests are being fragmented and human settlements are expanding, pressing the question to each one of us: will future generations ever hear them?

The campaign to make Changunarayan municipality in the Bhaktapur district an avocado city has continued this year. As part of the ‘Changunarayan – Avocado City campaign,’ which started last year, free avocado seedlings are being distributed to city residents again. Last year, the campaign, which focuses on planting programs during the rainy season, distributed about 7,000 avocado plants free of charge to all city wards.

Before the Agricultural Research Center opened at Pakhribas in Dhankuta, the British brought avocados to Nepal during a feasibility study in 2014. Five years ago, Dhankuta Municipality declared the city the avocado capital to encourage commercial cultivation. The municipality conducted a baseline survey to promote commercial avocado farming and then worked on declaring the Avocado Capital, establishing an avocado image, organizing a festival, and improving nurseries.

However, these campaigners haven’t considered the relationship between avocado trees and water. Yes, avocados are in high demand, but growing them uses a lot of water. According to the Water Footprint Network, it takes about 283 liters of water to produce one kilogram of avocados. This water is from irrigation, not rainfall. On average, about 70 liters of applied water are needed to grow just one avocado.

Research by Bio Resources indicates that avocado plantations significantly impact water resources. Intensive irrigation of plantations can deplete local groundwater, threatening the water supply of local populations and farmers. The expansion of avocado plantations can lead to competition with local food crops for water, impacting the food security of local communities. Excessive use of fertilizers and pesticides in avocado orchards can pollute water and affect the quality of drinking water and aquatic ecosystems.

In 2023, Kenya exported 4,050 kilograms of avocados to Nepal. In 2021, Nepal imported avocados worth nearly $350,000, a 100 percent increase from the previous year. From July 2023 to May 2024, Nepal imported 177,260 kilograms of avocados worth Rs 786,680,000 from Uganda. This generated Rs 25,272,000 in revenue. The average price of imported avocados is Rs 587 per kilogram.

Why are avocados so popular in Nepal? Are Nepali people becoming wealthier or more health-conscious? Avocados, originally from Mexico, have become a favorite worldwide, including in Nepal.

Avocados are popular due to their nutritional benefits. It is rich in heart-healthy monounsaturated fats. It’s packed with potassium, folate, and fiber, essential for heart health and contains vitamin C, vitamin E, and lutein, which protect cells and reduce inflammation. Despite being calorie-dense, the fiber and fats in avocados help you feel full and support weight management.

The story of avocados in Nepal begins in the United Kingdom. European researchers and visitors introduced avocados to Nepal through the UK-funded Pakhribas Agriculture Research Centre nearly three decades ago. Since then, this nutrition-rich fruit has been embraced and celebrated in the region.

In the 1950s, avocados were introduced to India, starting in Kerala. By the 1980s, cultivation spread to Maharashtra and Karnataka. Farmers saw the economic potential and growing demand for this nutritious fruit. Nepal, with its varied landscapes, found avocados adaptable to different climates. In recent years, avocados have gained popularity in the hilly regions of Nepal, especially in Dhankuta. They are now widely available in local markets and are used in traditional dishes, salads, and smoothies.

Besides avocados, other fruits like kiwi are gaining popularity in Nepal. These fruits offer incredible health benefits and are changing the nutrition landscape in the country.

Avocados are more than just tasty fruits. They are a nutritional powerhouse. Including avocados in your diet can benefit your health in many ways. Whether mashed on toast or blended into a smoothie, avocados are a delicious and healthy addition to your meals. As you enjoy these benefits, remember the environmental impact and the cost involved. Stay healthy, stay vibrant, and keep exploring the wonders of nutrition.

My connection with avocados

About 32 years ago, a Nepali Burmese opened a hotel called Avocado in Hetauda, which sparked much discussion due to its unique name. More recently, my company was one of the largest users of avocados, catering to 81 airlines and some of the world’s biggest events, such as the FIFA World Cup, Formula 1, Euro Cup, and ATP Tennis. Avocados are always popular on our menus because they are healthy, versatile, and vegan-friendly, and we always include one or two avocado dishes. Personally, I love avocado as a spread and have developed my own special recipe called ‘Thicheko Avocado Chutney.’

Thicheko Avocado Chutney

Ingredients

•       3 ripe avocados

•       1 lemon, juiced

•       1 teaspoon salt

•       1 diced onion

•       3 tablespoons chopped fresh coriander

•       2 tomatoes, diced

•       1 teaspoon minced garlic

•       1 pinch timmur pepper (optional)

•       Raw mustard oil

•       Roasted sesame seeds (optional)

Instructions

Cut the avocados in half, remove the pits, and scoop the flesh into a mixing bowl.

Use a fork to mash the avocados to your desired consistency.

Add the lemon juice and salt to the mashed avocados. Mix well to combine.

Add the diced onion, chopped cilantro, diced tomatoes, and minced garlic to the bowl. Stir everything together.

If you like a bit of a Nepali touch, add a pinch of ground timmur pepper and mix it in.

Add a drizzle of raw mustard oil.

Taste the chutney and adjust the seasoning as needed, adding more lime juice or salt to taste.

Serve immediately as a side dish or cover with plastic wrap (pressed directly onto the surface of the chutney) and refrigerate until ready to serve.

Sometimes, I finish with a roasted sesame seed topping for variety.

The author is UK-based research and development chef

Arzu Rana Deuba, a Central Working Committee member of the Nepali Congress, has been appointed the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the KP Sharma Oli-led government. This marks her first ministerial role, and she has undertaken a portfolio of significant importance amidst the rapidly evolving regional and international geopolitical landscape.

Although this is her first ministerial position, her extensive experience over the past three decades in observing state functions—partly through her role as the spouse of five-time Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba—affords her a unique advantage. She has been privy to high-level negotiations and has cultivated valuable personal connections, positioning her favorably compared to her predecessors. 

Coming from a well-educated family, Deuba also possesses a strong command of English, which is crucial for effective communication in bilateral talks and negotiations. Without relying on a translator, she can clearly and articulately present Nepal’s stance on both regional and international platforms. 

How she fares in her job is yet to be seen, especially in today’s volatile geopolitical climate. 

One of Deuba’s foremost challenges, says foreign policy expert Bijaya Kanta Karna, will be aligning the growing interests of major powers with Nepal’s national interests. 

Navigating the dynamics between the United States and China, as well as India and China in South Asia, is a significant task for the new government. Karna suggests that Nepal should leverage this complex situation to attract more investment and technology, thereby garnering international attention in Nepal’s favor.

The government must maintain balanced and cordial relations with all major powers, resisting pressures to align too closely with any one nation. Since the international media often frames new governments of Nepal as being “pro-China” or “pro-India,” influencing global perceptions, it is crucial for the Oli government to craft and project its own narrative.

Binoj Basnyat, a former major general of Nepal Army and political analyst, says the change in the coalition government and the alliance of the main two constitutional forces to form a national government reflect underlying constitutional weaknesses, political instability, institutional corruption, politicization of institutions, and erratic foreign policy behavior. He adds this situation arose as Nepal underwent significant transformation since 2008, while also facing the emergence of Cold War 2.0, a new global order marked by complex interactions of conflict, cooperation and competition among geopolitical rivals.

Basnyat suggests Nepal’s foreign policy should pursue three key objectives. First, domestic measures to ensure meritocracy, realism and honesty as the foundation for implementing national foreign policy within the framework of national interests. Second, economic diplomacy, which includes programs, policies or activities aimed at improving the economic well-being and quality of life for the community. This involves addressing geopolitical aspirations by accepting geographic realities, national necessities and democratic values. Third, upholding the principles of Panchasheel to protect freedom of action and maintain equilibrium with its competing partners and immediate neighbors, China and India, and global rivals, China and the US. 

Nepal’s strategic endeavors, Basnyat says, should follow a visionary approach, encompassing immediate, short-term and long-term development planning within national strategic policies to address financial arrangements. This will help avoid geopolitical uncertainty and prevent falling into strategic traps linked to political and economic conditions imposed by global visions.

As for foreign policy, he adds Nepal should strive for neutrality and a non-alignment policy to foster economic development, following the theme of ‘Yam between two boulders’ within a uniquely Nepali political and governance system.

On specific issues, Prime Minister Oli and the Nepali Congress (NC) have differing views, particularly on China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Following an agreement with Oli’s CPN-UML, the NC officially decided against taking loans under the BRI, preferring terms similar to those offered by the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank. Conversely, UML leaders advocate moving forward with BRI projects on concessional loans. 

NC and UML are also not on the same page on some issues related to India. Foreign Minister Deuba, like her predecessors, is likely to face pressure from the opposition and other parties to address the ongoing border dispute with India. However, during former Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s visit to India last year, both nations agreed to allow more time for diplomatic mechanisms to address this issue.

To address the pressing economic challenges, particularly stagnation and job creation, the new government requires the support of major powers and long-standing development partners to attract investment. International investment in Nepal has declined in recent years, while external debt has increased. To reverse this trend, Deuba could play a key role here for setting up effective coordination among the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Finance, and the Office of the Prime Minister and the Council of Ministers.

The NC-UML coalition has yet to finalize the government’s policies and programs, leaving its foreign policy orientation and priorities somewhat ambiguous. Nevertheless, significant shifts in foreign policy are unlikely. Effective foreign policy will depend on proper coordination and communication between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Office of the Prime Minister. Historical precedent shows that conflicts can arise when the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister hail from different parties.

The new government is expected to put economic diplomacy at the center of its engagement with major powers, setting aside other differences. Economic recovery and infrastructure development are key priorities for Nepal. Both coalition parties agree that Nepal should not align with any single country but should engage major powers on economic issues rather than geopolitical tensions. 

The new government’s foreign policy will likely be driven by domestic agendas, such as economic recovery, job creation and securing funding for infrastructure development. In order to accomplish these agendas, Prime Minister Oli must avoid actions that could undermine trust with major powers and other development partners.