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This is a challenging time for legacy media. As an editor, I frequently encounter concerns about the financial health of media houses. It is evident that society is becoming increasingly aware of the problems that the media industry is facing. Traditional media outlets are in the midst of an existential crisis, as both advertisers and audiences are migrating to digital platforms. 

Historically, the media has weathered technological shifts. The rise of radio in the 1920s did not significantly impact print, and radio itself managed to survive the television era despite visual’s strong appeal. However, the emergence of digital platforms is different; it is pushing all traditional media to the brink. This is why legacy media are now desperately working to develop a viable blueprint for survival. At this point, the primary goal for legacy media is to survive, if not thrive. To this end, for better or worse, they are working on two broad areas.

First, they are restructuring newsrooms to reduce staffing and administrative costs. While most layoffs have already been carried out, the new model, referred to as the integrated newsroom, is still taking shape. At the same time, media houses are exploring alternative revenue streams, as income from traditional sources, particularly advertisement, is fast declining. The idea of integrating radio, television and print newsrooms into a single space has gained momentum since the 2000s. In principle, it holds promise, especially if the goal is to foster collaboration among journalists across platforms, thereby enriching content. However, if the integration is pursued purely to cut costs, it risks undermining the very strengths of radio, television and print in the long run.

We must recognize that radio, television and print each have unique characteristics that have enabled them to survive for over a century. While they may report on similar issues, each platform has its own style of storytelling, audience engagement and distinct target audience. For instance, radio content often caters to both literate and illiterate audiences. This is something print and television may not fully accommodate. Delivering the same content across all platforms may offer short-term financial relief, but it will ultimately weaken the media’s overall impact. In Nepal, some experiments have already been done and they have been proved harmful rather than good outcomes in terms of securing the advertisement. 

Consider this: why did radio survive in the age of television? Because it offered something television could not. It had unique strengths that remained relevant despite the appeal of video. Over sixty years ago, Marshall McLuhan introduced the ‘medium is the message’ concept, suggesting that the characteristics of a communication medium influence how messages are perceived. Applying this idea today, we must be cautious about full-scale integration which may reduce costs marginally but compromise content quality and diversity in the long term.

International experiences show that poorly executed integration often leads to generic, homogenized content, sacrificing depth and specialization. In reality, if a media house is committed to delivering quality content, integrated newsrooms offer limited cost savings; perhaps only in administrative overheads or rent. In some cases, integration has even led to revenue losses, as clients are unwilling to pay separately for nearly identical content across platforms.

In the pursuit of financial sustainability, media houses are now experimenting with new revenue models. However, they are still unsure which model works best in Nepal.  Globally, dozens of new models are being tested, but most are still in the experimental stage. One thing is clear: While no alternative has matched the scale of advertising revenue, these new streams are providing a crucial lifeline for media houses, at least for survival. The Nepali context is even more complex. While internationally available revenue models can be useful for academic discussions, they may not be practical in Nepali society. A copy-paste approach to these models risks losing existing readers and audiences, especially if implemented without a clear understanding of Nepali society and its media consumption patterns.

Since the late 16th century, advertising has remained the dominant source of income for media; first for print, and later for television, radio and digital platforms. In addition, the print industry has long relied on subscription and circulation models, while television adopted the pay-TV model. The late 1940s saw the rise of advertorial content—paid content blending advertising and editorial, which, while still present, now contributes far less to overall revenue.

Advertisement continues to be the main revenue source for both legacy and digital media. However, the advertising landscape has changed significantly. Ads are now spread across both journalistic and non-journalistic platforms, ending the long-standing monopoly of legacy media. As a result, advertising alone can no longer sustain either traditional or digital outlets. This is not just a crisis of legacy media; it also affects digital media. That is why media organizations are desperately seeking to adopt new revenue models already in use internationally. Let’s consider the current revenue crisis and examine the strengths and weaknesses of some emerging models. One income stream that Nepali media houses have increasingly embraced is organizing events focused on political, economic and social issues.

Both legacy and digital outlets have generated substantial revenue from these events. Many advertisers now prefer sponsoring such events over placing traditional ads. While this approach is not new or particularly innovative, it has become competitive, with media outlets vying to host high-profile events to generate income. Another growing trend is video advertising, particularly through social media platforms. The volume of digital advertisements is gradually increasing. Some outlets are earning respectable sums from platforms like YouTube and Facebook though some legal hassles remain. Even small revenue from these platforms is offering much-needed support to struggling media houses.

Over the past few years, there has been a debate about the feasibility of a paywall subscription model in Nepal. While the online news portal Setopati has implemented this model, another popular portal Onlinekhabar remains hesitant due to fear that it may lose readership. We, at Annapurna Media Network, are also considering this model. However, we have concluded that further preparation and deliberation are necessary before moving forward.

Broadly speaking, digital platforms offer two types of subscription models: premium where users pay to access content, and freemium where basic content is free and only select content is behind a paywall. The paywall model cannot succeed without ensuring consistent quality in both text and video content. Readers will not be willing to pay for content that is superficial or poorly produced. Without significantly scaling up our current content, this model is likely to fail. At the same time, we must avoid the mistake of comparing ourselves with international media. The fact is that only a small segment of the Nepali population is willing to pay for content, even when it is of high quality.

A close study of quality content produced by media houses shows that very few people are actually reading it. One major reason is that the private sector, intellectuals, academia and society as a whole have become highly politicized and polarized. As a result, a wider section of the population tends to consume partisan and biased news that reinforces their perceptions and views rather than content that is accurate, balanced and impartial. While Nepal’s population is not small, the country’s economic conditions limit people’s ability and willingness to pay for news content. In short, the first major challenge is to consistently produce high-quality content tailored to different segments of the population.

As mentioned earlier, there is no lack of revenue models; the real challenge lies in identifying which models are suitable for our context. Potential models include live streaming, monetizing content through social media, generating income from memberships and newsletters, corporate social responsibility (CSR) support from businesses and funding from international organizations, among others. Unlike in the past, no single platform or model now dominates the media landscape. The only viable way forward, therefore, is to adopt a mix of revenue sources. Doing so, however, requires a broad strategic plan and upfront investment in these diverse areas. Since advertising alone cannot sustain media houses, it is time to re-imagine how they operate.

One bold step could be to transform media houses into non-profit entities, which would enable them to seek contributions from various sectors of society to support media sustainability. However, the current ownership structure may limit the ability to implement all possible revenue-generating models. Over the past three decades, Nepali media have rarely embraced innovation or entrepreneurship, primarily because they could rely on steady income from advertising. They also did little to engage with or respond to readers’ preferences and feedback. Today, innovation, entrepreneurship and the ability to adapt to changing expectations of readers are not just optional; they are essential for survival.

Authorities are still investigating the cause of a sudden flash flood along the Nepal-China border that caused extensive damage. The Department of Hydrology and Meteorology and the National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Authority have ruled out rainfall as the cause, suggesting instead that a glacial lake outburst flood in Tibet may be responsible. At least 10 people have died, with several others still missing. The flood swept away the Nepal-China Friendship Bridge, a critical link between the two countries, prompting the Nepali government to seek Chinese assistance for reconstruction. While bilateral trade may face temporary disruptions, officials expect no major supply shortages. With the monsoon season ongoing, authorities remain on high alert for further floods and landslides, and movement has been restricted in some areas due to blocked highways.

In political developments, the meeting of the Nepali Congress’s Central Working Committee (CWC) is underway after a nine-month hiatus. Leaders discussed the party’s general convention, intra-party democracy, and government performance. While some leaders expressed dissatisfaction, there was no opposition to the current coalition, a major relief for Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli. The NC also took disciplinary action against several leaders accused of undermining the party’s official candidates in the 2022 elections, a move criticized by supporters of senior leader Shekhar Koirala as a violation of party statute. Meanwhile, the CWC is expected to finalize a date for the party’s general convention, though President Sher Bahadur Deuba opposes holding it immediately.

Meanwhile, the CPN-UML is preparing for a statute convention to revise policies rather than leadership. Former President Bidhya Devi Bhandari’s return to active politics has shifted internal dynamics, with early signs pointing toward reconciliation between her and Oli. However, her planned post-monsoon tours could stir unease within the party, particularly regarding ongoing debates over age and term limits. The NC has raised objections to Bhandari’s political re-entry, with Deuba arguing that former heads of state should refrain from partisan politics.

Meanwhile, the Nagarik Unmukti Party’s withdrawal of support from the NC-UML coalition is unlikely to threaten the government’s majority, though legal experts are divided on whether Prime Minister Oli must seek a fresh vote of confidence. 

On constitutional matters, little progress has been made since the NC and UML agreed over a year ago to initiate amendments. The NC has now formed a committee to identify necessary changes, though experts argue that amendments should follow a review of the constitution’s implementation, a step yet to be taken. Meanwhile, rumors of a UML-Maoist merger resurfaced, prompting the Maoist to deny any such plans. Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal acknowledged talks with smaller communist parties but clarified that no discussions with UML have taken place.

A recent Supreme Court ruling validating 53 constitutional appointments without parliamentary hearings has drawn criticism for undermining constitutionalism. While the UML supports the decision, other parties, including the NC and Maoists, have objected, reigniting calls for a dedicated constitutional court. 

A parliamentary committee has been formed to investigate irregularities in amending the Federal Civil Service Bill’s cooling-off provision, with a report expected within 21 days.

On the economic front, Nepal’s economy remains sluggish despite declining inflation, with remittances being the sole bright spot. Merchandise exports surged by 77.8 percent in the first 11 months of the fiscal year 2024-25, driven by a 112.6 percent increase in trade with India. Attention now turns to the upcoming monetary policy, with Governor Bishwo Poudel under pressure to deliver solutions.

In other news, former King Gyanendra Shah celebrated his 80th birthday privately amid renewed but waning pro-monarchy sentiment. Sources indicate his frustration with Rastriya Prajatantra Party Chairperson Rajendra Lingden’s leadership. 

In recent years, traditional media houses across the globe have resorted to layoffs as a last-ditch effort to stay afloat; if not for the long term, then at least for a few more years. This wave of downsizing began during the Covid-19 crisis and has yet to subside.

Media organizations are now restructuring into smaller, smarter and more agile newsrooms to cut costs. They are grappling with a severe financial crisis as conventional revenue streams dry up and new ones are slow to emerge. Nepal is no exception to this trend. To reduce expenses, many media houses are working to merge operations across print, radio, television and digital platforms into unified newsrooms. The only seemingly viable, though not well-thought-out option has been to scale down operations to match dwindling revenues. 

In this context, a wide range of Artificial Intelligence (AI) tools could prove to be a boon for the fragile media landscape, potentially helping to fill gaps left by staff reductions. However, before embracing AI more broadly, it is crucial for media houses to formulate clear policies to ensure its ethical, transparent and effective use.

While some media houses have already started using AI tools, their applications remain minimal and largely unregulated. It is high time media houses moved decisively, from the Gutenberg-era newsroom to an AI-equipped, high-tech newsroom. A key first step in this transition is to provide training for journalists and collaborate with technology companies to develop customized newsroom tools. While the adoption of AI is not without costs, it can be a cost-effective alternative in the long run, gradually replacing outdated editorial structures.

At present, AI use in Nepal’s newsrooms is limited to individual journalists. Many AI-generated, translated or edited texts are published without any editorial supervision. While no comprehensive study has been conducted to assess the use of AI in Nepali newsrooms so far, a recent survey by Rajiv Timalsina, a student of Kantipur City College, provides some insights. According to the survey, 38 percent of journalists use AI tools for transcription tasks such as documenting interviews. Around 22 percent use them for fact-checking through platforms like Google Fact Check or image verification engines, while only 18 percent use audience analytics tools to understand reader behavior.

The next step after introducing AI tools is to train employees to use them effectively, particularly to improve the quality of writing and editing. Currently, there is a lack of trained human resources in the newsroom, and local journalists are still in the early stages of AI adoption.  While some non-governmental organizations have begun offering training, there has been little to no institutional collaborations.

Media houses must establish dedicated AI departments and AI editors to provide proper insight and guidance. Without this, the unchecked use of AI could lead to serious problems. If possible, Nepali media should also seek collaboration with international media organizations to learn from their experiences, though even global media outlets are still experimenting with AI integration.

In 2024, The New York Times publicly released a document outlining its approach to AI in the newsroom. The US media company said it does not use AI to write news or articles. It said it uses AI in three main ways: as a tool in the service of its journalistic mission, under human guidance and review and transparent use. Compared to other international media outlets, it has adopted a more cautious stance on AI use, maintaining that human creativity remains central to content creation.

In 2023, The Financial Times appointed Madhumita Murgia as its first AI editor. The following year, The New York Times rolled out its first generative AI features for subscribers. The same year, The Washington Post launched “Ask the Post AI”, which it described as a generative AI tool leveraging the publication’s deeply-sourced, fact-based journalism to deliver summary answers and curated results directly to users. 

In neighboring India, The Hindustan Times joined the AI race in 2024, establishing a 15-member team to work on GenAI-based initiatives such as news bots, personalization, audience engagement, monetization and subscription strategies. 

In Nepal, while journalists have begun using publicly-available AI tools, institutional adoption remains limited. However, some media outlets have started integrating AI technologies in various ways, from digital news readers to audio transcription, translation, image and text generation, and even news writing.

Providing summaries alongside news articles, with editorial endorsement, is a growing global trend. Onlinekhabar is among the Nepali media following this trend. Annapurna Post has also taken help of AI for its digital reader tool.  However, some news outlets, which lack strong editorial oversight, are publishing AI-generated summaries that are flawed or misleading.

With the use of AI at the individual level growing, media houses must ensure that AI is used responsibly and ethically. This is necessary both to maintain editorial integrity and to earn people’s trust. With strategic investment and collaboration with tech companies, AI could unlock new opportunities for Nepali media houses. 

AI tools can help summarize news stories, but editors must have the final say. The New York Times’ own experience shows that AI-generated summaries often fail to fully capture the nuances of original articles. Many believe that human-written summaries are still superior. Despite this, the US media company’s AI team has been refining its tools, acknowledging that while AI is not perfect, it can still help free up editorial staff for other important tasks. 

With the right human guidance, generative AI can also be used to create visuals to accompany new stories. Some Nepali media houses have started using AI-generated images, but these are only accurate when journalists provide detailed guidance. Otherwise, there is a risk of misrepresentation and factual inaccuracies. 

Resource constraints have long prevented Nepal media from producing investigative, analytical and in-depth news stories. AI could help bridge this gap. It can assist in scanning documents, analyzing data and identifying leads for investigative reports. These are the tasks that journalists often struggle to manage under tight deadlines. AI can also support wider and more efficient coverage by translating news into multiple languages to reach broader audiences. Some outlets in Nepal have already begun experimenting with this approach.

AI tools can be used to support news writing and editing. However, this should always be done under direct editorial supervision. These tools are best used to prepare preliminary drafts. For journalists, AI can help identify trending topics, suggest potential sources, summarize lengthy documents, conduct background checks and even engage audiences more effectively.

While investing in AI infrastructure may place an additional financial burden on media houses in the short term, it could prove vital to their long-term survival. On one hand, AI can significantly enhance the quality and efficiency of news production; on the other, a compact AI-powered newsroom can help reduce human resource costs. Compared to other countries, Nepali media remain behind in adopting technology. But the use of AI in newsrooms is no longer a distant possibility, it is a present-day reality.  The question is not whether to use AI, but how to use it effectively to harness its benefits.

Nepali Congress (NC) leaders have voiced serious concerns that chronic factionalism, dysfunctional party structures, intra-party betrayal and a lack of clarity over electoral alliances could severely hurt the party’s performance in the 2027 national elections.

During the ongoing Central Working Committee (CWC) meeting, several leaders urged the party leadership to begin preparations for the upcoming elections. These concerns have intensified in light of CPN-UML’s aggressive ‘Mission 2084’ campaign, launched shortly after the last election, and the CPN (Maoist Center)’s continued grassroots mobilization since 2024.

Senior NC leader Narayan Prakash Saud criticized the party’s inaction. “On the one hand, our organizations are becoming obsolete, and on the other, we are alienating parties that have historically supported us. There are clear signs we will receive fewer votes than we did in the previous elections,” Saud warned during the CWC meeting.

CWC member Dila Sangraula questioned the party’s readiness to contest elections without any alliances. “What preparations have been made so far?” she asked. “If we contest alone, will we win 70–80 seats under the first-past-the-post (FPTP) system—or just 25–30? Let’s think seriously.” In 2017, when NC fought the elections alone, it managed to secure just 23 FPTP seats while the UML-Maoist alliance dominated.

The party now finds itself in a precarious position. On one hand, grassroots cadres are pressuring the leadership not to form an alliance with the Maoists due to past tensions. On the other hand, should the UML and Maoists realign, NC fears a repeat of the 2017 defeat. Party President Sher Bahadur Deuba is in favor of forming an electoral alliance, while other senior leaders remain divided and inconsistent in their views. The ongoing CWC meeting has exposed a sharp internal rift over this issue.

Intra-party betrayal remains a key challenge. In 2022, several leaders backed by senior figures defied the official party line by fielding rival candidates. Now, the party is debating whether to take disciplinary action against them. Senior leader Shekhar Koirala has called for amnesty for these candidates. Meanwhile, the NC’s Disciplinary Committee, led by Ananda Dhungana, has received 21 complaints, most related to internal betrayal.

Some leaders also flagged growing public frustration with major political parties, including NC, which could significantly impact the 2027 outcome. They fear not only swing voters but also core supporters may turn to emerging political forces. However, senior leaders have dismissed this concern, arguing that traditional parties still enjoy broad support and are merely victims of a systematic smear campaign.

At the meeting, Sangraula pointed out that more than 80 percent of the public is dissatisfied with mainstream political parties, including NC. “Based on our conversations with local leaders and cadres,” she said, “the frustration we sense on the ground could prove disastrous for us in the next elections.”

Due to ongoing factional disputes, NC has long failed to hold general conventions for its sister organizations. Senior leader Shashank Koirala proposed amending the constitution to replace “secularism” with “religious freedom,” a long-standing demand of him.

He also called for a review of the mixed electoral system—FPTP and proportional representation (PR)—introduced in 2008. “This system prevents any single party from gaining a majority,” he argued, suggesting instead that all members of the House of Representatives (HoR) be elected through FPTP and the National Assembly through PR.

Senior leader Krishna Prasad Sitaula raised concerns over the judiciary, referring to the recent Supreme Court verdict on constitutional appointments made four years ago. “The Chief Justice was in the minority despite the constitution clearly stating the verdict must be delivered under the Chief Justice’s leadership,” he said. “It’s time we review how our courts function, from the district level to the Supreme Court.”

Party spokesperson Prakash Sharan Mahat said NC joined the coalition government with the expectation of having at least 50 percent influence. “It’s a coalition government, which makes it difficult to either stay or exit. But if we stay, our ministers must perform better than those from other parties.” Meanwhile, internal debates continue over whether the party’s general convention should be held before or after the 2027 elections.

Former President Bidya Devi Bhandari has rejoined the CPN-UML, marking a significant development in Nepal’s political landscape. She confirmed that she had renewed her party membership, which she had relinquished after assuming the presidency following the promulgation of the 2015 constitution. For a long time, there had been confusing and contradictory messages regarding her membership status.

Speaking at an event organized by the Madan Bhandari Foundation, she declared: “Now I am reunited with the UML as a member of this family, and I feel proud of this.” Her announcement comes close on the heels of a high-profile visit to China and a series of nationwide tours aimed at reconnecting with party cadres.

Bhandari’s political resurgence has stirred unease within the UML, particularly among Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and his close allies, including senior leaders Pradeep Gyawali and Shankar Pokhrel, who have openly expressed their opposition to her return. The situation mirrors an earlier controversy when former Vice-president Nanda Kishor Pun rejoined the CPN (Maoist Center) amid similar internal criticism.

Her return raises pressing questions about the party’s future leadership. Will Oli willingly transfer power to Bhandari or will the two compete for control in the upcoming party elections? Reports suggest Bhandari is positioning herself as a unifying figure, citing Oli’s health concerns and deepening party divisions, while also portraying herself as someone capable of bringing Nepal’s fractured communist factions together.

Oli had reportedly urged Bhandari to delay her public announcement to avoid stoking internal conflict. However, she insisted on clarifying her position ahead of the UML’s upcoming statute convention, arguing that transparency was necessary. Over recent months, Oli has publicly expressed dissatisfaction with Bhandari’s intent to return to party politics. Meanwhile, there is also a growing public debate over whether it is appropriate for a former head of state to re-enter active politics.

The immediate challenge before the UML leadership is to assign Bhandari a role—similar to what the Maoist Center did for Nanda Kishor Pun, who returned to politics despite internal resistance. While Bhandari’s comeback may not pose a direct challenge to Oli’s leadership in the short term, it could undermine the ambitions of second-rung leaders vying to lead the party.

Key contenders to succeed Oli include Ishwar Pokhrel, Shankar Pokhrel, Bishnu Poudel and Pradeep Gyawali. Given her stature as a former president, her late husband's legacy and her recent outreach, analysts suggest Bhandari could dominate the UML’s direction for the next decade if she secures the party leadership.

Bhandari’s re-entry has already triggered polarization within the party. Many leaders previously distanced from Oli have now aligned with her. Since the departure of senior leader Madhav Kumar Nepal, the UML had largely avoided public factionalism, with Oli maintaining a tight grip on internal power. In the party's 10th convention, Oli’s attempt to be elected unanimously was challenged by Bhim Rawal, leading to a formal election process. Rawal later left the party.

Bhandari has vowed to strengthen the UML into a decisive political force ahead of the 2027 elections, emphasizing that internal unity could lead the party to a majority, an idea that resonates with many party leaders and cadres. Her return could also accelerate the defection of CPN (Unified Socialist) members to the UML, as many disillusioned leaders see no future in the party, especially after the CIAA filed a corruption case against Madhav Kumar Nepal.

Her re-entry comes at a crucial time, as the party prepares for its statute convention and a leadership convention in the years ahead. Oli, who became party chairman in 2015 and was re-elected in 2021 with 1,840 votes against Bhim Rawal’s 223, has not confirmed whether he will seek a third term. Bhandari has expressed optimism about Oli continuing as the party leader. The UML has scheduled its statute convention for August, and the leadership convention is planned within the next five years.

General Secretary Shankar Pokhrel has openly opposed Bhandari’s comeback. Speaking at a party event in Pokhara, he stated that the former president cannot overstep the UML’s vision of development and prosperity. He warned that opportunist forces were attempting to weaken the party from within.

Speaking at a separate event the same day, Oli echoed similar concerns, warning party members against encouraging factions working to influence the upcoming general convention. “The party is on a mission for 2084 (2027),” he said, referencing the next national election. Pokhrel had earlier proposed barring Bhandari’s return to party politics by effecting changes in the party statute. 

Bhandari, however, remains firm in her political vision. She has pledged to further advance people’s multiparty democracy, an ideology propagated by her late husband, Madan Bhandari. The core of this ideology is the belief that communist parties in Nepal must embrace parliamentary democracy instead of adhering to orthodox communist principles. 

Her reentry also carries geopolitical implications, as both India and China closely monitor her political trajectory. While Beijing welcomed her during her recent visit, where she met senior Chinese Communist Party officials.  Striking a diplomatic tone, “India and China’s socio-economic progress inspires us. We must strengthen ties with both to build mutually beneficial partnerships,” said Bhandari.

People’s trust in the media is fast declining, if not hitting the rock bottom, already. As a professional journalist with no political affiliation, I have spent two decades in this field, witnessing both highs and lows of Nepali media industry. In the early years of my career, the media was all flourishing: newspaper circulation was rising, radio and television were booming, and college classrooms were filled with enthusiastic media students. Now, the trend has sharply reversed. 

The current state of Nepali media bears some superficial resemblance to American media from 1900 to the 1940s. During that period, US newspapers were characterized by partisan, sensationalism, public criticisms over media performances, abuse of media power and growing concerns about the media’s negative impact on democracy. In response to these issues, American educator Robert Hutchins was appointed to lead a blue-ribbon panel to study the challenges facing US media. 

This piece broadly explores the current crisis of credibility in the media, the government’s attempt to control the press and what a wise and transparent approach to media regulation should look like. We must openly acknowledge that public trust in us is eroding due to a multitude of factors.

Only by first admitting this can we begin to rebuild the trust. At the heart of the media’s current crisis lies a widespread violation of journalistic ethics. Financial struggles are already a serious concern. But if journalists commit to upholding ethical standards, public criticism can at least be reduced, if not entirely silenced. 

It is not only digital platforms which are flouting journalistic codes of conduct. Traditional media, which pride themselves on being part of the mainstream, are also flagrantly violating ethical norms, further fueling public distrust. The erosion of confidence in media is not unique to Nepal; it is a global trend that began in the early 2000s and it continues to deepen. A recent report by the Reuters Institute revealed that only 40 percent of people trust the media. The silver lining, however, is that this figure has not declined over the past few years.

 In fact, trust in news has remained stable for the third consecutive year, even though it is still four percentage points lower than it was at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic. Nevertheless, public trust in the media continues to erode gradually. For instance, in recent years, the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority(CIAA) has filed cases against more than half a dozen journalists, alongside government officials, for their alleged involvement in corruption and irregularities. Meanwhile, people are struggling to distinguish between news, views and advertisement and paid content.   

Another problem is the structural weakness of Nepali media houses. The ongoing economic crisis is forcing many media outlets to carry out mass layoffs, severely weakening newsrooms. This has not only affected field-based reporting but also undermined the gate-keeping—selecting, filtering and refining the news before it reaches the public. As a result, ordinary citizens are increasingly questioning the accuracy, balance and credibility of the news they consume.

One of the most corrosive issues in Nepali journalism today is the political affiliation of journalists. Many spend more time on social media than in the newsroom, either defending their preferred political parties or attacking their rivals. The level of political alignment among journalists has reached an alarming level. People no longer trust content produced by those who openly align with political parties and shape their social media presence accordingly. Journalism is being misused as a stepping stone for political appointments or personal financial gains. 

Professional journalists are facing pressure not just from political actors but from their own colleagues affiliated with political parties or power centers. If a journalist publishes critical news about these parties or centers, affiliated colleagues often retaliate by undermining or attacking the former. Journalists who maintain independence are finding it increasingly difficult to survive in such a hostile environment.

Another growing problem is the media’s overreliance on social media content, due in large part to the decline in field reporting. This has led to a troubling trend: journalists often use unverified social media posts as the basis for news stories. Recently, a prominent journalist published a report based on rumors circulating online. 

Although filing a cybercrime case against him was unjustified, the video content he produced was clearly problematic and damaged the credibility of the media outlet involved. Those in power are now using such incidents as a pretext to clamp down on the media. Several news stories based on unchecked social media information have sparked controversy. Even worse, there is a growing reluctance among media houses to acknowledge mistakes or issue timely corrections.  

Due to these ethical lapses, all three branches of the state—the executive, legislature and the judiciary—believe that the media should be tightly regulated. The problem is further complicated by the inability of the politicians to distinguish between professional news content and personal social media posts. On that basis, they are attempting to suppress independent journalism, especially as it continues to expose corruption and irregularities. With corruption at an all-time high and politicians and government officials implicated, the media has effectively become their enemy.

Every draft of media-related laws introduced by successive governments directly contravenes the international treaties and convention to which Nepal is a party, and also violates the constitutional guarantee of freedom of speech and expression. There is now rhetoric within the parliament in favor of restricting the media, while the executive branch is employing various means to jail journalists. The judiciary, once considered a last resort for journalists seeking justice, is letting journalists down, more often than not.

The judiciary plays a vital role in safeguarding freedom of speech, expression and the press by checking the executive’s attempts to impose suppressive laws. Historically, Nepal’s judiciary upheld these principles, from the Panchayat era to King Gyanendra’s direct rule. Unfortunately, the current reality is quite the opposite. 

The judiciary has become more restrictive toward press freedom, emboldening those who wish to curtail it. Courts are now misusing the contempt of court provision to harass journalists and even issuing orders to remove published news content in a clear violation of constitutional norms. 

The media fraternity itself is partly to blame for this situation, having failed to support the enactment of a clear and fair contempt of court law. It is ironic that during times of autocracy, Nepali media stood firmly in defense of press freedom, but in the republican era, that commitment appears to be wavering. A close examination of recent bills related to the media, social media and information technology reveals that the government’s aim is control, not regulation. These efforts undermine the principles of responsible journalism and the social responsibilities of the media. 

As I conclude this piece, I return to the Hutchins Commission report of 1947. To address media shortcomings, the US did not control the press, doing so would have violated the First Amendment, which explicitly states, “Congress shall make no law, abridging the freedom of the press.” Instead, the focus was placed on promoting ethical standards and media accountability. In our context, any attempts to control the media would violate the 2015 constitution and international treaties and conventions to which Nepal is a party. 

Those in power must understand that ethical reform is a far more effective tool than legal coercion for addressing shortcomings of the media. At the same time, collaboration between private media, academic institutions and the government can help find solutions. If necessary, a powerful commission similar to Hutchins Commission can be formed. The state can take a range of non-intrusive measures to promote ethical standards without interfering in press freedom.

The executive, the judiciary and the legislature must urgently abandon their current restrictive mindset. Attempts to control the media will not resolve its shortcomings; it will make the matter worse. We in the media must also recognize that public criticism of our work is both real and justified, and we must act responsibly.

Former President Bidya Devi Bhandari has announced her return to active politics under the ruling CPN-UML, marking a significant shift in Nepal’s political landscape. 

She confirmed renewing her party membership, which she had relinquished after assuming the presidency following the promulgation of the in 2015 constitution.

Speaking at an event organized by the Madan Bhandari Foundation, a party think tank named after her late husband, she declared, “Now I am reunited with the UML as a member of this family, and I feel proud of this.” Her announcement comes after a recent high-profile visit to China and a series of nationwide tours aimed at reconnecting with party cadres.

Her political resurgence has stirred tensions within the UML, particularly with Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and his close allies, including senior leaders Pradeep Gyawali and Shankar Pokharel, who have openly opposed her return. 

This mirrors the earlier controversy when former Vice President Nanda Kishor Pun rejoined the CPN (Maoist Centre) amid similar criticisms. The situation raises pressing questions about the party’s future leadership. 

Will Oli peacefully transfer power to Bhandari, or will the two clash for control in upcoming party elections? Reports suggest Bhandari is positioning herself as a unifying leader, citing Oli’s health concerns and internal party divisions, while also presenting herself as a figure capable of bridging Nepal’s fractured communist factions.

Oli has reportedly urged Bhandari to delay her public announcement to avoid fueling factionalism, but she insisted on clarifying her stance ahead of the UML’s statute convention, arguing that transparency was necessary. Her return could disrupt the ambitions of second-tier leaders like Ishwar Pokhrel and Bishnu Poudel, who were seen as potential successors to Oli. Given her stature as a former president, her late husband’s enduring legacy, and her nationwide political outreach, analysts suggest she could dominate the party for the next decade if she secures the presidency.

Bhandari has vowed to strengthen the UML into a decisive force ahead of the 2027 elections, emphasizing that internal unity could secure the party a majority. Her reentry also carries geopolitical implications, as both India and China closely monitor her political trajectory. While Beijing welcomed her during her recent visit, where she met senior Chinese Communist Party officials, Delhi has historically viewed the UML with skepticism, preferring instead to engage with Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal. Striking a diplomatic tone, “India and China’s socio-economic progress inspires us. We must strengthen ties with both to build mutually beneficial partnerships,” said Bhandari.

Her return has sparked debate over the ethical implications of former heads of state reentering partisan politics, though no legal barriers prevent her from doing so. Critics question whether her ambitions align with democratic norms, while supporters argue that her experience and legacy make her a stabilizing force for the UML. As the party prepares for internal elections and the next general elections, Bhandari’s resurgence promises to reshape Nepal’s political dynamics, with repercussions extending beyond the UML to the broader balance of power in the region.

Following pressure from opposition parties, the government formed a probe panel to investigate the visit-visa scam. However, the move has failed to satisfy key opposition parties, including the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) and Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP). These parties argue that instead of a panel led by former Chief Secretary Shankar Das Bairagi, who himself is under scrutiny by the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority, a parliamentary probe committee should have been formed. 

Despite these criticisms, the panel has begun its investigation, though public expectations remain low due to past failures in implementing such committees’ recommendations. Nevertheless, the panel’s formation has helped the CPN (Maoist Center) save face. For now, discussions about a potential government change have subsided, with both opposition and Nepali Congress (NC) leaders refraining from further statements. However, given past unpredictability, the situation warrants close monitoring.

Meanwhile, the Janata Samajbadi Party Nepal (JSP-N), led by Upendra Yadav, has decided to withdraw its support from the KP Sharma Oli-led government, in which the Nepali Congress is a key coalition partner. While this move is unlikely to destabilize the government, the JSP-N justified its decision by citing the administration’s failure to ensure good governance, amend the constitution, and initiate economic reforms.

In parliamentary developments, the House of Representatives (HoR) has endorsed the budget for the next fiscal year, pending approval from the National Assembly. Opposition parties and independent lawmakers have protested, alleging that a significant portion of the budget has been allocated to the constituencies of top leaders from major parties.

On the political front, the RSP celebrated its third anniversary this week, with its chairperson, Rabi Lamichhane, who is currently in police custody, issuing an appeal to party cadres. The party is now focusing on expanding its activities nationwide.

The ruling CPN-UML, meanwhile, is preparing for its statute convention. Party Chairperson KP Sharma Oli has been tasked with drafting the political document, while Vice-chairperson Bishnu Poudel will handle statute-related issues, and General Secretary Shankar Pokharel will oversee organizational matters. A proposal to impose a 70-year age limit and a two-term cap for the party chair is under discussion, a contentious point, given Oli’s age (74). In a recent public statement, Oli dismissed the debate as irrelevant. Separately, the party has revoked disciplinary actions against Binda Pandey and Usha Kiran Timalsina, who had been penalized for criticizing the party’s acceptance of business donations for its office construction.

In legal developments, former prime minister, Madhav Kumar Nepal, appeared before the Special Court after the CIAA filed a corruption case against him over the Patanjali land scam. Released on bail, Nepal claims the case is politically motivated, an allegation Prime Minister Oli denies.

The Election Commission is preparing for upcoming by-elections in select constituencies and local bodies. After consulting with Prime Minister Oli this week, the government is expected to announce election dates soon. Oli is also set to visit Spain starting Saturday, with a potential trip to India afterward. Notably, India has yet to extend a formal invitation to Oli, despite his over year-long tenure as prime minister, a delay that remains unexplained.

On the policy front, the Supreme Court has issued an interim order barring government agencies from imposing restrictions on ride-sharing services. Under pressure from transport syndicates, the Gandaki provincial government has paused its plan to legalize ride-sharing. The court has also urged transport entrepreneurs to avoid disruptive strikes.

In the energy sector, Nepal has withdrawn the ‘take and pay’ provision from its budget following pressure from independent power producers. This provision, related to power purchase agreements with private developers, was a last-minute concession after the Nepali Congress (NC) intervened.

Within the NC, senior leader Shekhar Koirala continues pushing party president Sher Bahadur Deuba to hold the general convention before the 2027 elections. Koirala and Gagan Kumar Thapa fear that delaying the convention until after the polls could allow Deuba, who is set to become prime minister before the elections, to influence the outcome.

In foreign affairs, Nepal has paused its evacuation plan for citizens in Israel following the Iran-Israel ceasefire. At Nepal’s request, India has assisted in repatriating Nepalis from Iran, with six out of 16 evacuees already returned. Meanwhile, around 1,000 Nepalis in Israel have registered to return, but the government has slowed the evacuation process.

Finally, Nepal and India held productive talks on security and defense cooperation, covering joint military exercises, disaster relief, and personnel exchanges. While Indo-Nepal defense ties have remained strong over the past 70 years, Nepal has also recently deepened its defense collaboration with China.