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The months-long dispute between CPN-UML chair KP Sharma Oli and senior leader Madhav Kumar Nepal is far from being resolved. Each camp has upped its ante against the other through verbal attacks, demonstrations, and revival of militant-like groups such as the Youth Force and the People’s Volunteer.

A couple of weeks ago, Oli revived the party’s Youth Force, which was set up in 2008 to counter the Maoists’ Young Communist League (YCL). It was dissolved a year later by the party’s eighth general convention. Following Oli’s revival of the Youth Force now, the Nepal faction has also revived the People’s Volunteer (PV) group, which was also dissolved by the same party convention, for the same reason that its hooliganism, just like Youth Force’s, was tarnishing the party’s public image.

Now, the two groups are doing their bit to get the attention of their leadership and to take the rivalry to the streets. The Youth Force has already organized big rallies, by openly flouting Covid-19 social distancing and mask guidelines. The People’s Volunteer are following suit.

Defending the mass demonstrations his group has been organizing, Kshitij Thebe, commander of Youth Force, says: “The present political turmoil is more unbearable for the common folks than the impact of Covid-19.”

Shiva Kumar Shrestha, head of People’s Volunteer, says his group will retaliate if the Youth Force gets involved in any unruly behavior. “We will not remain silent if anyone besieges our leaders’ residence [as the Youth Force did a week earlier].”

However, both camps claim that the youth groups have been revived, not to intimidate one another, but to deploy volunteers at vaccine centers, assist in rescue programs during natural calamities, advocate for justice, and hold those in power to account.

But their actions suggest otherwise. The Youth Force recently formed a 1,101-member valley command under Pushpa Raj Shrestha, who in 2008 claimed to have brought the YCL “under control”.

“Nepal is now being controlled by international agents and we will expose them,” says Shrestha who, however, sees the midnight meeting between Oli and the head of RAW as no more than an innocuous diplomatic get-together.

Meanwhile, public health experts are worried that crowded clashes between the two groups could trigger a third wave of Covid-19 infections in Kathmandu, just as demonstrations against the dissolution of parliament coincided with the second wave.

Kiran Poudel, chairperson of National Youth Federation Nepal, the mother association of Youth Force, says most of their volunteers are vaccinated so the rallies won’t spread the virus. “The media only blames us, but turns a blind eye to protests by other groups,” he adds. Likewise, Shrestha from PV says his group organizes rallies only when prohibitory orders are relaxed.

Some UML leaders such as Yogesh Bhattarai have called on the groups to end hostilities and lobby with party leadership to keep UML intact. “Leaders of the two groups must dissolve their respective youth forces at the earliest,” says Bhattarai, who was earlier in the Nepal camp. He urges both Oli and Nepal to work towards party unity and get the party back on track before rival forces take advantage of their disunity.

Many questions swirl around the new Sher Bahadur Deuba government, particularly after Deuba’s better-than-expected performance in the parliament, where he got the support of 165 lawmakers. He has a tough task balancing national and international actors even as he leads what is essentially an electoral government. ApEx’s Pratik Ghimire talked to veteran political analyst Vijay Kant Karna for some insights.

In your opinion, how long will Deuba’s coalition partners continue to support him?

The majority of MPs who stood against the House dissolution and announcement of midterm elections are now backing the government. So their hands are morally and politically tied to continue supporting it until the end of its term in late 2022. I don’t think we need elections right now because our constitution provides that our parliament will complete its full term. So, the Deuba government will and must continue until its natural expiry date.

How did the Thakur faction of the Janata Samajbadi Party come around to supporting Deuba’s premiership ?

The Thakur faction follows the majority. It would not have supported any government, whether led by Oli or Deuba, had other parties refrained from doing so. Its MP Resham Chaudhary is still in jail, the Supreme Court has scrapped the citizenship ordinance, and the issues of Madhes haven’t been addressed. The faction was compelled to vote for the government to stand a chance of getting their demands met. Deuba too asked Thakur for a favor.

How would you remember PM Oli’s over three-year tenure?

There are few bases to evaluate the government—political and constitutional—and election manifesto. The Oli government was a failure on all counts. He tried to weaken the essence of the republic: democracy, federalism, inclusion, proportionality, and secularism. The around 80 bills he introduced created mistrust between the central and provincial governments. This includes bills related to the Public Service Commission, bureaucracy adjustment, and more. The national intelligence department, which comes under the Home Ministry, was placed under his office. The Revenue Investigation and Money Laundering Department, which was to be governed by the Ministry of Finance, was also dragged under his office.

Moreover, Oli converted constitutional bodies and diplomatic posts into his party’s recruitment centers where he appointed his henchmen. The media and guthi bills, restrictions on protests in open places, and phone-tapping are also examples of his authoritarian tendencies.

What difference can we expect now that Deuba is at the helm?

I don’t have many expectations from the current government. But Deuba could take a few things back on track. I guess he won’t do things that will hamper the constitutional base of Nepal and further. He could also withdraw controversial bills.

Oli murdered our diplomatic relations and foreign policies with India, China, the US, the UK, and other European nations. None of the countries replied to the diplomatic note asking for vaccines. A few years back, in South Asia, we used to be the favorite of foreign powers. But today, Bhutan and Bangladesh are receiving vaccines as grants, but we aren’t. I hope the Deuba Cabinet will look into these things.

Unlike Oli, Deuba won’t run his office on individual whims. He has experience running a coalition government. Gandaki province has a Congress government, Province no. 2 has Congress alliance, and Lumbini could see a new Cabinet, so I think he will link well with provinces. For now, we should not expect more from him.

How do you expect the Deuba-India relationship to progress?

Nepali Congress and India have historical relations. And now too, I think these two friends will have normal diplomatic ties—but I can’t say it will reach new heights. Deuba shouldn’t take an ultra-nationalist stand and unnecessarily ditch the southern neighbor. India, in recent days, has established itself as one of the world’s most powerful nations, and it has fostered cordial relations with Western countries. The current government could use India’s diplomacy for national benefit.

The Non-Resident Nepali Association (NRNA) was established 18 years ago with the motto ‘For Nepali, By Nepali’. Right now, it has national coordination councils in 82 countries. Nepalis living outside the Saarc region or people of Nepali origin with foreign nationality are considered NRNs, according to the Non-Resident Nepali Act 2064.

Although the association was established to promote the use of knowledge and resources of NRNs for their home country’s benefit, critics argue that politics now dominates the organization. Its council meetings are often marked by fisticuffs and acrimonious exchanges, and NRNA leaders are often accused of using their resources to buy support to get to the top.

Pratik Ghimire of ApEx spoke to DB Chhetri, NRNA spokesperson, about the association’s plans and image.

What is the association’s focus right now?

Since last year, all our focus has been on Covid-19 pandemic. We are keen to help the Nepali diaspora with a suitable relief package by coordinating with respective national coordination councils. Also, we made some investments and carried out organizational restructuring. We have received complaints that the association has failed to transform its leadership. So, each coordination council is organizing its convention by October, following a proper restructured framework, legislations, methods, and laws. Besides, we have been putting pressure on the Nepal government and working with it to rescue Nepalis stranded abroad.

Is it mandatory for association members to fight during its gatherings?

As we know, Nepalis have a habit of celebrating election victories as festivals and wherever they go, they are driven with the same mentality. Because of this unnecessary hype surrounding the elections, unfortunately, we have to deal with various disrespectful acts. We will prepare directives to avoid these things in the coming days.

This story also has another side. We have grown into a massive organization and now, almost all political parties want to establish their dominance over the NRNA. But these are problems related to some individuals rather than organizational drawbacks.

Why don’t you bar miscreants from your organization?

Like I said, most of these disputes are the result of a handful of individual reasons. As an organization, we are not facing an ideological or organizational crisis. Yes, so we are working to forbid politically motivated people from joining our organization. Further, the association is determined to conduct its elections online, backed by strong laws, so that there are fewer instances of disputes. The NRNA wants to be the voice of over five million Nepalis living abroad. We are against those who use their money rather than their vision to claim leadership.

Can we imagine an NRNA that is completely free of political influence?

Politics is what helps make society aware of contemporary issues. We can’t avoid politically literate people, but NRNA never welcomes politically affiliated masses. When the mainstream political parties stop treating us like their sister organizations, only then can we implement our policies legitimately. We partner with the Nepal government in every task and they should also take necessary steps not to let the association come into dispute.

Politicians and bureaucrats should not treat us as rich investors. We are just stakeholders of Nepalis living abroad. The NRNA produces social activists, not politicians.

Candidates contesting NRNA elections are spending a lot of money and are reportedly even resorting to immoral acts to secure victories.

We are unaware of these kinds of conduct. If we find someone involved in such activities, we will immediately punish the related person. What I want to say to our members is, report illegal activities. If you don’t, you are defaming our glorified organization just for your benefit. No one has to spend money or resort to immoral means to win NRNA elections. All it takes is a proper agenda.

The media has also played some role in defaming the association. I request the fourth state to refrain from biased coverage.

Anger seems to be the dominant emotion in Nepal this monsoon. Prime Minister KP Oli is livid with the Nepal-Khanal faction for declining to withdraw its support for the premiership of Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba. The disgruntled faction in turn is not ready to believe anything CPN-UML chairman Oli says anymore. Although they continue to talk to find a collective way out, the two sets of leaders mostly talk past one another; a quick end of the internecine intra-party dispute appears unlikely.

The society is as riled up, most recently over the Rupa Sunar case, with the media-person denied a flat by a Newar landlady for no other reason than that she is a Dalit.  The dispute quickly snowballed into an ugly Newar-Dalit fight on social media. The Supreme Court has thrown out a case Sunar had filed against the landlady but the war of words is far from over. The Nepali society is so bitterly divided that it will only take another tiny spark to ignite an inferno.

Following the case, the landlords and tenants in Kathmandu valley are for the first time seriously thinking of signing rent agreements so that neither can act in bad faith. Formalization of landlord-tenant contracts in all cases will help sort many of the thorny issues that routinely crop between them. But it will arguably also mark a moment when that natural trust between people was broken.

If the political and social climate in the country is heating up, it is no less so outside. Xi Jinping is looking to consolidate the cooperation of BRI countries, most recently through a virtual summit, even as Joe Biden pushes ahead with his new ‘Build Back Better World’ (B3W) agenda, aimed squarely at challenging China’s primacy in Asia. More and more, countries like Nepal find themselves having to pick sides. Yet doing so would be a disaster as the country has been able to maintain its independence all these years only through delicate balancing.  

As the country continues to be ravaged by Covid-19, and with vaccines still in short supply, the summer of rage and blame-games, we are afraid, is far from over.

The All Nepal National Independent Students’ Union (Revolutionary), the CPN (Maoist Center) student wing, along with the student outfits of four other opposition parties, have allied to protest against Prime Minister KP Oli’s ‘unconstitutional’ House dissolution.

But their protests haven’t been effective. Moreover, critics argue, the unions lack the autonomy to do anything on their own without their mother party’s directive.

Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to ANNISU(R) chairman Ranjit Tamang about the relevance of student politics in Nepal.

How do you respond to those who say today’s student politics in Nepal is purposeless?

In my view, in light of the current constitutional crisis, student wings are the only forces capable of challenging government wrongdoings. The parliament’s absence has added to our responsibilities. As students are at the forefront of anti-government protests against corruption, inflation, and unconstitutional moves, the government of the day fears us. So, I can assure you that we are still very much relevant.

We have never seen a student union take decisions independently of their mother party. Why so?

There was a time when political parties could not protest against the autocratic government, and their student wings were the ones to take the lead. Today also, we are always the first to speak against the government, whosoever is running it. We speak up on every social, internal, and geopolitical matter. Often, we have taken up more progressive and revolutionary issues than have our mother political party. But as we are affiliated to our mother party, it is only natural we take their ideological lead. This is how things work around the world.

Why aren’t student unions keen on broader educational rights and reforms?

We have always pressured the concerned bodies to provide free education at every level. We have also regularly requested universities to stop doling out affiliation to private colleges. When appointments were being made for office bearers of universities, ANNISU (R) had demanded that the process be based on open competition. Further, to bring drastic changes to our academic system, we appeal to the government to prepare an Education Act based on the recent report by a group of scholars in this field.

Perhaps because of its association with the erstwhile Young Communist League, ANNISU (R)’s image has been rather poor in the public eye. What are you doing to improve your image?

Our major focus has been on the health and education sectors. We demand free health and education for all. The government should allocate enough budget in these areas, and implement its plan to provide loans to students by keeping their degree certificates as collateral. Also, we want an end to the privatization of education institutions and pitch for open competition in the selection of their office-bearers. We want to make ANNISU (R) a representative voice of all students.

Any plans for organization restructuring?

Following our firm commitment to democratic process, we have decided to conduct ANNISU(R)’s 22nd national convention from September 24-26. Also, through ApEx, I want to announce that, following this national convention, I plan to start my journey in national politics. I will be handing over ANNISU (R) to a more knowledgeable, capable, and organized leadership.

The Nepali Congress rank and file have been talking about the party’s 14th general convention for a long time. The party postponed the event time and again for various reasons, including the corona scourge. This time, however, the NC looks determined to hold the gathering of its biggest decision-making body from September 1-4, even amid the pandemic.

Party leaders are divided on almost every issue, especially after PM KP Oli’s second House dissolution. This is why the general convention has become a necessity to settle the issues of party leadership, ideology and organization.

ApEx’s Pratik Ghimire talked to party spokesperson Bishwa Prakash Sharma.

Where do new generation leaders find themselves ahead of the general convention?

More new generation leaders are getting elected as representatives in successive general conventions. This time, as we have doubled the number of representatives attending the convention, we will see more youths take up decision-making positions. In addition, the proportion of youths is also significantly higher in the overall active membership of the party.

Going into the 14th general convention, what is the guiding ideology of Nepali Congress?

We believe the vision Nepali Congress carries has a huge impact on overall Nepali politics. Congress follows the path of D&D: Democracy and Development. This time too, the new leadership will remain committed to democracy, federalism, inclusive participation, and liberal economy with gradual development of every sector. We will create a suitable environment for coordination between the state and the corporate and private sectors.

How will you tackle the issue of Hindu state that seems to have at least some backing inside Nepali Congress?

Our constitution is a result of hard work and dedication of many people. Yet certain provisions in it might not be to everyone’s taste. The constitutional provisions can be worked upon to reflect public will. But, right now, we have not even completed a decade under the new constitution. So instead of trying to make substantive changes to it, we should rather think of its implementation. Nepali Congress is thus committed to implementing the constitution in its letter and spirit. 

There seem to be many contenders for party leadership. How will you settle it?

I have also heard people say Nepali Congress doesn’t have a consensus candidate for party president. But we are in a democracy and the beauty of democracy is that there is competition. More the number of contenders for the post, the better it will be for democracy. We will pick the best candidate to run the party.

How do you evaluate the judiciary’s current involvement in national politics?

Let me explain with an example. If a person is healthy, he won’t visit the doctor often. But if they fall sick regularly, they have to visit the doctor time and again. We can’t say the doctor is interfering with their health. Similarly, if our politics doesn’t follow the legal path, the Supreme Court will ask the government to correct its course. It is a part of the principle of check and balance.

Also, we can imagine the situation had the elections been held in May, as had been originally planned. We could have seen over 1,000 Covid-19-related deaths a day during election campaigns and, of course, the election would have had to be canceled, forcing the country into more political turmoil.

No other national football player has represented Nepal more often than Biraj Maharjan. The 30-year-old, who made 73 international appearances for Nepal in his defending career spanning 13 years, debuted against Pakistan in 2008. Mahrajan was in the national squad that won gold at the 2016 South Asian Games and took home the trophies at the Bangabandhu Gold Cup (2016), AFC Solidarity Cup (2016), and Three Nations Cup (2021).

On the domestic front, Maharjan debuted with Sankata Boys SC in 2006. Further on, he has played for New Road Team (NRT), Three Star Club, Manang Marshyangdi Club, Machhindra FC, and Butwal-Lumbini FC. The veteran footballer has three Martyrs Memorial A-Division League titles under his belt—one each with Three Star (2012-13), Manang Marshyangdi (2018-19), and Machhindra (2019-20).

One of the most decorated Nepali footballers in recent times, Maharjan retired from national duties in 2021, the March 29 final of the Three Nations Cup against Bangladesh being his last appearance in red and blue. Coinciding with the ongoing Euro and Copa America tournaments, Pratik Ghimire caught up with Maharjan to talk about his post-retirement life and state of Nepali football.

How does it feel to hang up your national boots?

As I am still playing at the club-level, I don’t feel like I have retired. The previous month went well as we participated in the Nepal Super League (NSL). Right now, I am enjoying quality time with my family. Of course, I miss the national jersey, but we must accept that every beginning also has an end.

Biraj Maharjan thanks the supporters after Nepal beats Bangladesh 2-1 in Three Nations Cup final on March 29. It was also his last match in national jersey | Sunita Dangol

I will play a couple more seasons in the domestic league and then see what lies ahead for me. Even then, I am certain that I will be involved with football. I can’t think of life outside it.

Has a time come when Nepali players can survive solely by playing football?

Survival comes with recognition and recognition with opportunities. Earlier, we only had limited opportunities to prove ourselves. But now, it is much more convenient. Those playing for the national squad and the clubs are more financially stable, though aspiring players can still struggle.

The corporate sector should invest more in our young lads. Similarly, the government should categorize players and look after their well-being. They should be free from all forms of tension so that they can give their best on the field.

What kind of an impact will tournaments like NSL have on the national squad?

In my opinion, NSL or a similar league should have been in place at least half a decade ago. If that had happened Nepali football would have reached new heights by now. For instance, we can see how the Indian Super League helped the Indian squad. Besides the growth of good teams, these kinds of franchise-based leagues help boost the confidence of individual players. This in turn directly takes the national team forward.

Having said that, NSL still has a long way to go. I hope the organizers will resolve issues that surfaced in the inaugural edition. The league hasn’t been recognized by FIFA or AFC. The organizers should plan to get the recognition needed for the league to go international. 

The national squad recently got Abdullah Al Mutairi as the new coach. What do you think of his approach to the team?

Coach Abdullah Al Mutairi could have chosen a better team to coach, but he chose Nepal’s national team, considering its potential. Before taking charge, he had studied each player and their position. He has energized the squad with young players. That’s the best part of his approach. We may not have seen great results immediately, but Al Mutairi is preparing our team for a long and glorious run.

I had time to chat with him and found that he has a strong, positive spirit. We had seen his impact on the team within a few games—the attitude, mindset, and confidence level of players is high. I appreciate his efforts.

It’s often said the average height of Nepali players lets them down in international matches. They also appear physically weak.

For a player to deliver excellent performance, he must be physically, mentally, and tactically strong. We have always struggled with physical fitness, but these days we are much better. The national team as well as every club these days have qualified physiotherapists and they help maintain strength. After corporate investment in Nepali football, we have implemented essential diet plans and workouts and accordingly, performance has also improved. Besides, players have also realized it’s a necessity to spend quality time in the gym.

We can’t say it all boils down to it, but yes, the height disadvantage has contributed to many of our losses. In 2010, when we were playing Afghanistan during the SAF championship in Delhi, an Afghan player had jumped right over one of our defenders.

How have things changed after the infamous ‘match fixing’ scandal in 2015?

Those were the ‘black days’ of our football history and everyone—players, staff, and officials—was confused about the future. After the news broke, we were devastated, and it took a few months for us to recover. In between, we lost to Sri Lanka for the first time. Nothing was going well. But then coach Patrick Aussems entered the scene and helped revive the national team. Similar to what Al Mutairi is doing now, he refreshed the squad, provided exposure to young talents, and exuded a positive mentality, which we needed the most at that time.

For me, this was a turning point in our football. Every sector supported and helped us and soon, we won the Bangabandhu Gold Cup and the gold at the SAG. Our team has never looked back since.

For a long time, the SAF championship has been the gold standard for Nepal. When do you think the team can look for titles beyond this?

The SAF championship is like the World Cup to us. But I also think now is the time to aim for greater heights. We are in the third round of Asian Cup qualifiers this time and hopefully, our team will stage a good performance there.

Japan is one of the strongest teams in Asia and they have the goal of winning the World Cup in the next 50 years. We could also set a timeline to qualify for the World Cup. This timeline could be a couple of decades long. If all sectors work together, this dream is not so far-fetched. Nepali football team is always thankful for the immense support from spectators and we know they will always root for us. This will motivate our team to do better in every match.

In his budget speech for the fiscal year 2018/19, then finance minister Yubaraj Khatiwada had announced plans to provide a loan of up to Rs. 0.7 million to aspiring entrepreneurs by accepting their degree certificates as collateral. Since then, every year, speculations over the plan peak for a while during the budget period. Yet only a handful of people have benefitted from the scheme so far.

During the Panchayat period, then Prime Minister Kirti Nidhi Bista had first announced a plan to provide loans to educated but unemployed youths against their degree certificates to help them set up businesses. But the plan never took off. When Prakash Chandra Lohani, one of the key Panchayat figures, became finance minister in 2003, he resuscitated the idea. But his plans too were limited to paper.

In his budget speech for 2021/22, Finance Minister Bishnu Prasad Paudel once again announced loans of up to Rs. 2.5 million to aspiring entrepreneurs by accepting their university degree certificates as collateral.

Following Khatiwada’s announcement last year, Nepal Rastra Bank had issued a directive to banks to allow this kind of loan. According to the central bank, 142 project leads have taken out loans against their graduate certificates so far. “The loan amount has also increased from Rs. 0.7 million to Rs. 2.5 million,” says NRB Spokesperson Dev Kumar Dhakal. The NRB is now coming up with a new directive to implement Finance Minister Paudel’s program, says Dhakal

Any unemployed individual with a Bachelor’s degree can apply for a loan, officials say. If a bank trusts the business plan, it can issue the loan. Dhakal adds, “The bank should be convinced that the business plan is promising.”

That only a handful of people have benefitted from the project shows that the scheme is problematic, says former Finance Secretary Rameshore Khanal. In addition to the complicated directives from the central bank, Nepali banks don’t have human resources to assess the feasibility of business plans. If someone comes with an idea and submits a proposal to a bank, the proposal cannot be properly accessed. “Without proper infrastructures and human resources, we can’t expect any such scheme to succeed,” he adds.

Even for those selected under the scheme, the banks offer them loans in installments rather than a lump sum. “Just as you get installments to complete your home affected by the quake, you get installments from the bank only after you show the bank your project’s progress,” says Dhakal.

Bank representatives inspect the project periodically to decide whether to issue the next installment. Also, the bank may also choose to issue the payment to the concerned business instead of the individual loan-taker so that the fund is not misused.

In other countries where such programs have been implemented, if a skilled person asks for a loan against their academic credentials, the bank helps them prepare a proposal. The banks themselves provide alternative startup plans, if required. For instance, PayPal was a startup proposal financed by a commercial bank. “We don’t see the same spirit and system in Nepal,” adds Khanal.

“Not a single Nepali bank has the mechanism to investigate the future of a project or a startup,” he says, adding the only thing our banks do is evaluate physical collateral and issue loans accordingly.

Govinda Aryal, a resident of Butwal, has a strange experience to share regarding the loan. In 2019, when he approached Nepal Bank Limited for a loan against his certificates, the manager told him that he could get the loan only against something valuable. Acharya explains, “This might have happened as the loan quota may already have been exhausted.”

NRB has provided a quota of 500 and 300 to commercial and development banks respectively for this kind of loan. But banks are still reluctant as they are far from assured they can recover their money if the business fails. “To make every concerned body comfortable, we are working on a new directive,” Acharya tells ApEx.

Most people think this loan system will only benefit political workers, and Khanal is one of the skeptics. “To get a loan against educational certificates in Nepal, either you have to be rich or you should have political backing,” he says.