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Nepal has declared its first natural fish sanctuary in the lower Karnali river, marking a significant step toward freshwater biodiversity conservation and sustainable fisheries management. The sanctuary was jointly declared by Rajapur Municipality of Bardiya and Tikapur Municipality of Kailali during a formal public event held on the banks of the Karnali River on Thursday.

The newly declared sanctuary covers a 4.8-kilometer stretch of the river with a total area of approximately 3.9 square kilometres, spanning the territorial jurisdictions of both municipalities across Lumbini and Sudurpaschim provinces. Local authorities said this is the first time a river section in Nepal has been formally designated as a natural fish sanctuary.

According to officials, the protected river stretch serves as a critical breeding, spawning and nursery habitat for several indigenous fish species. It also provides important habitat for nationally and globally significant aquatic fauna and birds, including the river dolphin, gharial and smooth-coated otter. 

With the declaration, fishing activities in the sanctuary area will be regulated. Fishing will be prohibited during breeding seasons, and permits will be required for fishing at other times, local governments said. The sanctuary has been established under the Aquatic Animal and Biodiversity Conservation Act of the local governments, following decisions endorsed by the municipal executives of both Rajapur and Tikapur municipalities and public consultations at the ward level.

Officials described the initiative as historic, noting that it is largely community-driven in a region where indigenous communities, particularly the Sonaha and Tharu, rely on fishing for their livelihoods and cultural practices. Local representatives said reaching the decision required extensive consultations to ensure community consent and understanding of the long-term benefits of fish conservation and sustainable resource use.

The sanctuary will be managed under a co-management framework involving the two municipalities, river-dependent communities and relevant government line agencies. Community River Stretch Management Groups have been formed to support monitoring, management and awareness activities in coordination with the Division Forest Office and security agencies.

Officials and conservation partners said the lower Karnali fish sanctuary is expected to serve as a model for community-led freshwater ecosystem conservation in Nepal, contributing to biodiversity protection, sustainable livelihoods and long-term stewardship of river ecosystems.

“This sanctuary is a decision jointly initiated, endorsed and fully owned by Rajapur and Tikapur municipalities. It reflects our responsibility to lead conservation from the ground up, guided by the voices of our river-dependent communities. This is a decision taken by the people of Rajapur and Tikapur for our own future,” said Tikapur Mayor Ram Lal Dangaura Tharu.

He also said the community should not rely solely on fishing for their livelihood, but should explore alternative income opportunities, adding that the municipality is always open to supporting capacity-building initiatives for local people.

“By taking full municipal ownership of this declaration, we affirm that protecting the lower Karnali is our shared duty. This marks the beginning of long-term stewardship driven by local governments, communities and coordinated action,” said Rajapur Mayor Dipesh Tharu. “This is an exemplary initiative, and other local governments should follow suit in conservation efforts.”

Ghana Shyam Gurung, country representative of WWF Nepal, said local municipalities had demonstrated bold leadership by declaring the Sakhi Fish Sanctuary with the aim of conserving, promoting and sustainably using natural resources. “In this region, fish are not only central to local livelihoods but are also interwoven with cultural and religious life. This initiative also has the potential to strengthen nature-based regenerative tourism by protecting the river ecosystem that sustains iconic wildlife such as gharials, otters and dolphins. When we protect fish, we protect water; when we protect water, we protect life; and when we protect life, we secure our future,” he said.

According to fish expert Suresh Wagle, the Karnali River is home to 197 fish species, of which 136 are found in the lower Karnali. He said the number of species has been declining, making the establishment of a fish sanctuary in the Karnali particularly important.

A local resident of Rajapur, Binod Chaudhary, said the community is positive about fish conservation as people now understand that sustainable practices are vital for future generations. “Fish is an important part of our livelihood, but fishing without proper methods ultimately harms the community,” he said. “Fishing during the breeding season reduces fish stocks in the river and disrupts the ecosystem. Ultimately, if fish numbers decline, we will be left with nothing.”

With just two and a half months remaining before the March 5 parliamentary elections, political activities across the country have intensified. Prime Minister Sushila Karki has held meetings with leaders of major political parties, including KP Sharma Oli, Sher Bahadur Deuba, and Pushpa Kamal Dahal. Meanwhile, Minister for Communication and Information Technology, Jagadish Kharel, has been visiting party offices and holding discussions with party officials.

In a major political development, Kathmandu Metropolitan City Mayor Balen Shah and Kulman Ghising have joined the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) and signed a triparty agreement with party Chair Rabi Lamichhane and Ghising as Vice-chair. The agreement names Shah as the party’s prime ministerial candidate.

Other political parties, including the CPN-UML, Nepali Congress, Nepal Communist Party, and newly formed parties such as Janadesh Party, Gatisheel Loktantrik Party, and Bibeksheel Loktantrik Party, are also engaged in internal preparations. They have begun allocating candidates for the election and have already submitted closed lists of proportional representation candidates to the Election Commission.

As political parties mobilize their resources and gear up for the March 5 polls, attention has also turned to the Election Commission, the constitutional body responsible for conducting elections in Nepal.

Over the past week, the Election Commission has taken several key steps, including initiating the printing of ballot papers, collecting the closed lists of proportional representation candidates from political parties, determining candidate expenditure limits, establishing the Election Information Dissemination and Coordination Center (EIDC), publishing the voter list, approving a temporary voter list collection program, and issuing the Election Code of Conduct 2025.

The commission has also begun correcting errors in the proportional representation lists submitted by political parties. According to the Election Commission, a closed list of proportional representation candidates has been submitted from 64 political parties to contest the election under 58 election symbols. The closed lists submitted by the political parties between Dec 28 and 29 will be examined until Jan 4.

Following the examination, political parties will be asked to reconcile their lists between Jan 5 and 11. The commission will then verify the revised lists from Jan 12 to 17. The closed lists are scheduled to be published on Jan 18, while the final list will be published on Feb 3.

Meanwhile, the commission has begun printing ballot papers. Proportional representation ballot papers will be printed first, followed by direct ballot papers. Printing is being carried out at the Janak Education Materials Center Limited in Sanothimi, Bhaktapur, with the process having started on Dec 31. The commission plans to print 10 percent additional ballot papers for proportional representation elections, and the process is expected to take 20 to 30 days.

Printing of direct ballot papers will begin after the proportional ballot papers are completed and the final list of candidates is published. As direct ballot papers vary by constituency, they will be printed accordingly.

The final voter list includes citizens who will have reached the age of 18 by March 4. According to the Commission, the list comprises 18,903,689 voters—9,663,358 males, 9,240,131 females, and 200 others. In comparison, the 2022 parliamentary elections had 17,988,570 registered voters. This marks an increase of 915,119 voters, including 522,552 males, 392,552 females, and 15 others.

For the March 5 elections, the Commission has designated 23,112 polling stations across 10,967 polling centers nationwide. This represents an increase of 885 polling stations and 75 polling centers compared to the 2022 elections.

The Election Information Dissemination and Coordination Center has been established at the Commission’s office to strengthen communication with voters, candidates, political parties, and other stakeholders, and to enhance coordination with the media. The aim is to ensure that the House of Representatives elections are conducted in a free, fair, transparent, and credible manner.

The EIDC consists of three coordinated units: the Election Information and Communication Centre (Press Office), the Information Integrity Promotion Unit, and the Digital Voter Education Unit.

Acting Chief Election Commissioner Ram Prasad Bhandari said that effective dissemination of factual and official information is essential to ensuring credible elections. He expressed confidence that the EIDC would help counter misinformation, disinformation, propaganda, and hate speech on social media during the election period. He also urged the media to uphold principles of self-regulation and responsible reporting.

Bhandari said the Commission has made necessary preparations to promptly remove misleading, rumor-based, and false information, including AI-generated deepfake content, circulating on social and digital media. He added that coordination has been established with social media platforms such as Meta, TikTok, and X to address such content and take action against individuals or organizations violating the law.

The Commission will also conduct a content analysis through an expert group to assess media coverage of election-related information, representation of political parties and candidates, portrayal of gender and geographic issues, and dissemination of voter education materials. The findings will be used to inform the Commission’s decision-making process.

Meanwhile, the Election Commission has approved a temporary voter list collection program covering government employees, security personnel stationed in barracks, detainees and prisoners, residents of government-run old-age homes, and office-bearers of constitutional bodies whose names are included in the final voter list.

The Election Code of Conduct 2025 has also been approved, expanding provisions related to social media use, introducing measures for green elections, and incorporating new topics such as party manifestos. The code prohibits the dissemination of false or misleading information, operation of fake accounts or websites, and publication of defamatory or personally insulting content. While political parties and candidates may promote their agendas through official or personal social media accounts, the Commission has urged them to do so in a dignified and systematic manner.

The code further prohibits the wearing or carrying of election-related symbols, logos, or clothing during campaign activities. Political parties, candidates, and their affiliated organizations have been urged to conduct rallies, meetings, and campaign events in a disciplined and civilized manner, using only approved party flags and symbols in permitted sizes and numbers.

In cases of code violations, the Commission has stated it will take action based on the nature and severity of the offense, ranging from public warnings and fines to legal penalties, including the cancellation of candidacies. Monitoring mechanisms will be active from the central to district levels to ensure compliance.

Furthermore, the Election Commission has published the maximum spending limits for candidates contesting under the first-past-the-post system and for political parties contesting under the proportional representation system. The commission has directed candidates to open a separate account at a bank or financial institution for election-related expenses and to conduct all spending through that account. Candidates are also required to designate a responsible person to incur expenses on their behalf and to inform the Election Officer’s Office and the relevant Provincial or District Election Office of the designated person’s details.

The commission has further directed that candidates must remain within the prescribed spending limits and submit detailed statements of election-related income and expenditure—either personally or through an authorised representative—to the concerned Provincial or District Election Office within 35 days of the declaration of election results. Political parties and candidates are also required to make public the details of income and expenditure incurred during election campaigning for the information of all concerned.

The maximum spending limit has been set at Rs 2.5m for five constituencies, Rs 2.7m for 17 constituencies, Rs 2.9m for 65 constituencies, Rs 3.1m for 52 constituencies, and Rs 3.3m for 26 constituencies.

Emphasizing that credible elections require strict adherence to the code of conduct, the Commission has called for collective commitment from political parties, candidates, media, and stakeholders to ensure a clean, free, impartial, fear-free, and economical election, contributing to democratic strengthening and good governance in the country.

Three months after the GenZ movement, at least 49 GenZ-affiliated groups have been registered at the Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers. These groups are largely led by prominent faces of the protest, including those involved in negotiations and the formation of the interim government.

Following the appointment of Sushila Karki as prime minister, the House of Representatives was dissolved, and fresh elections were announced for 5 March 2026. With electoral politics now firmly on the horizon, the question dominating public discourse is simple: Where are the faces of the GenZ movement headed?

Kathmandu Metropolitan City Mayor Balendra Shah was a central figure during the movement, openly calling for the dissolution of Parliament and backing an interim government under Karki—both of which ultimately materialized.

Despite widespread expectations that Shah would take a frontline role in post-protest politics, he has so far remained publicly restrained. However, sources close to ApEx say Shah is quietly working to bring together the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), Ujyalo Nepal Party backed by Kulman Ghising, and leaders such as Sudan Gurung under a broader electoral alliance.

If plans proceed as expected, Shah, on Martyrs’ Day (30 Jan 2026), is likely to announce his affiliation with the Desh Bikash Party. Previously the Hamro Nepali Party registered at the Election Commission with the election symbol ‘Stick’ has changed its name to Desh Bikash Party as per Shah’s direction, sources say. Ghising recently fuelled speculation by posting a photograph of his meeting with Shah.

Sudan Gurung, another breakout figure of the movement, has registered Nepal Janasewa Party as a contingency option for the upcoming polls, sources say. The party is chaired by Prakash Khadka and carries the election symbol ‘black-and-white shoe’.

Several GenZ leaders—including Ojas Thapa, James Karki, Pradeep Pandey, and Bhawana Raut—are aligned with this camp. Still, Gurung is believed to be closely coordinating with Shah and remains keen on contesting the elections together rather than separately.

Meanwhile, Rakshya Bam has taken a different route. Her group, Nepal GenZ Front, is currently running a nationwide political awareness campaign called ‘Janajagaran’. The core team includes Yatish Ojha, Yujan Rajbhandari, Manish Khanal, Pradeep Gyawali, Amy Amrutha, and Ritu Khadka.

Sources say the group is also exploring the possibility of reviving Nepal Bibeksheel Dal, given many members’ previous association with the party.

Similarly, Tanuja Pandey, known for her strong advocacy of democratic values and the 2015 Constitution, is focusing on public political education rather than direct party politics.

Within the GenZ Movement Alliance, Ojaswee Bhattarai has already taken a formal political step, becoming chair of the Pragatisheel Loktantrik Party, associated with leaders such as Baburam Bhattarai, Janardan Sharma, Sudan Kirati, and Santosh Pariyar. Alliance members Rijan Rana and Manzil Rana are also inclined towards the party, though they have yet to formally join.

In contrast, Miraj Dhungana and Prabesh Dahal are pursuing a markedly different agenda. According to ApEx sources, they are lobbying for the revival of the 1990 Constitution and advocating for Prime Minister Karki’s resignation in favour of an all-party government led by former Chief Justice Kalyan Shrestha.

The Council of GenZ, which has coordinators across all seven provinces, illustrates the ideological diversity and political fluidity within the broader GenZ movement. In Koshi Province, coordinator Uparjan Chamling, a former Bibeksheel Party associate with leftist leanings, is now involved in Rakshya Bam’s Janajagaran campaign. Shiva Yadav of Madhes Province, who serves as a secretariat member to Youth and Sports Minister Bablu Gupta, has announced his intention to contest the upcoming parliamentary elections but has yet to declare a party affiliation; sources say he is in talks with both the Ujyalo Nepal Party and the RSP. Another GenZ face, Purushottam Yadav, maintaining close ties with Gupta, is in the preliminary proportional list of RSP.

In Bagmati Province, coordinator Afsana Banu is closely associated with Sudan Gurung and the Nepal Janasewa Party, while Pradeep Pandey, the Gandaki coordinator, remains aligned with Gurung but is also exploring a possible move to the Ujyalo Nepal Party. In Lumbini, Aaditya Acharya, 21, is legally ineligible to contest elections due to the age requirement; after unsuccessful attempts to amend the rule, he is now lobbying for a position in RSP’s central committee, drawing on his close relationship with party leader Ganesh Paudel. 

Meanwhile, in Karnali Province, coordinator Anil Shahi is close to newly appointed minister Madhav Chaulagain and is widely seen as sympathetic to RSP, whereas Khemraj Saud, the coordinator for Sudurpaschim Province, is aligned with the Ujyalo Nepal Party.

Some GenZ figures remain unaffiliated. Aakriti Ghimire, initiator of ‘howtodesh-bikas’—a platform simplifying politics for youths—and former Personal Branch Officer to PM Karki’s secretariat, has not aligned with any party. She previously served as chief of staff to Sumana Shrestha’s secretariat. Monika Niraula and Saken Rai, who work closely with Ghimire, are inclined towards the Pragatisheel Loktantrik Party but have not formally joined.

On the other end of the spectrum, JB Chand, Madan Buda, and Hemraj Thapa—who also identify as GenZ leaders—are aligned with controversial businessperson Durga Prasai and support the monarchy. Prasai’s group is registered as Nagarik Bachau Dal, Nepal.

Meanwhile, Jasmine Ojha and Biplabi Neupane have officially joined Janadesh Party Nepal, backed by media personality Rishi Dhamala, while Pawan Thapa has joined Gatisheel Loktantrik Party led by Birendra Basnet, owner of Buddha Air.

What began as a youth uprising demanding systemic change has now evolved into a fragmented political landscape, with GenZ leaders spreading across new parties, old ideologies, and competing power centers.

As Nepal heads towards the March 2026 elections, the GenZ movement’s greatest test may no longer be mobilization—but whether its leaders can translate protest energy into coherent political influence.

Three months after GenZ protesters took to the streets demanding accountability, their attention has begun to shift toward the ballot. With elections scheduled for 5 March 2026, at least 28 new political parties have registered, each hoping to lead the country. While the GenZ protest triggered this surge in registrations, most of the new outfits are led not by the protesters themselves but by older, established figures. More than ideology, these parties are driven by individuals. As Nepal heads toward what is likely to be the most crowded election in its history, ideological differences among the new parties remain strikingly narrow.

Although the GenZ protest opened political space, it did not produce a unified political organization of its own. That vacuum has instead been filled largely by established political figures, technocrats, and public personalities who moved quickly to institutionalize protest-era discontent.

Several of the post-protest parties are led by figures with long careers inside the political or state apparatus. Former police chief Sarbendra Khanal, who resigned from CPN-UML, has launched the Samunnat Nepal Party on a platform of “good governance and prosperity,” drawing heavily on his law-and-order credentials. The newly registered Nepali Communist Party, coordinated by Pushpa Kamal Dahal, was formed through the merger of ten parties and groups, including Dahal’s CPN (Maoist Center) and Madhav Kumar Nepal’s CPN (Unified Socialist). Likewise, Netra Bikram Chand, a veteran of the Maoist insurgency who had previously rejected parliamentary politics, has registered the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) to contest elections for the first time, marking a strategic shift rather than a generational rupture.

A second cluster of new parties is driven by technocrats and administrators who present themselves as alternatives to traditional party politics. The Ujyalo Nepal Party, led by former energy secretary Anup Raj Upadhyay, with Nepal Electricity Authority chief Kulman Ghising as a key patron, emphasizes efficient governance and infrastructure delivery. Similarly, the Gatisheel Loktantrik Party, chaired by political sociology professor Dinesh Prasai, frames its agenda around economic growth, employment generation, and institutional reform, while explicitly accepting the existing constitutional order.

Although the GenZ protest opened political space, it did not produce a unified political organization of its own. That vacuum has been filled largely by established political figures, technocrats, and public personalities looking to institutionalize protest-era discontent

Local populists and issue-based leaders form another segment of the post-protest surge. The Shram Sanskriti Party, led by Dharan Mayor Harka Sampang, centers its political identity on “Harkabaad,” an ideology closely tied to Sampang’s personal leadership style and his emphasis on labour dignity and civic mobilization. While such parties draw energy from grassroots popularity, their heavy reliance on individual figures raises questions about internal democracy and long-term sustainability.

Across these diverse formations, a common pattern emerges: party structures have been created rapidly, driven less by clearly differentiated ideologies than by individual leadership, reputation, and visibility. Although the GenZ protest challenged the political status quo, its institutional aftermath has so far reinforced a familiar model of personality-led politics, suggesting that while the banners may be new, the centers of power largely remain unchanged.

Despite the sharp increase in party registrations, ideological distance among most post-protest parties remains limited. Across manifestos and public statements, one notices recurring themes: good governance, anti-corruption, employment generation, and institutional reform. But they offer little clarity on how these goals would be pursued or how they differ meaningfully from one another in practice.

Only a handful of parties articulate distinct ideological positions. The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), led by Chand, openly advances scientific socialism and the long-term goal of a proletarian state, marking a rare case of ideological consistency even as the party enters electoral politics for the first time. At the other end of the spectrum, technocratic formations such as the Gatisheel Loktantrik Party explicitly reject constitutional change, defending the existing federal, republican, and parliamentary system while focusing narrowly on economic management and service delivery.

Most other parties occupy a crowded middle ground, blending reformist rhetoric with personality-driven agendas. The Shram Sanskriti Party’s “Harkabaad,” for instance, emphasizes labor dignity and local development but remains closely tied to the political authority of its founder. Similarly, parties such as the Samunnat Nepal Party and the Ujyalo Nepal Party frame their programs around governance efficiency rather than ideological realignment, reinforcing a trend toward managerial politics over structural transformation.

Conspicuously absent from this surge, however, is a broadly unified GenZ political force. Although the protest was driven largely by young citizens frustrated with corruption, unemployment, and political exclusion, youth in most newly registered parties appear primarily as supporters or symbols rather than as decision-makers shaping leadership and policy.

An important exception is the Rastriya Pariwartan Party, led by GenZ activist Rajesh Pratel, who was injured during the protest. Founded with the stated aim of carrying forward the movement’s demands, the party positions itself as a vehicle to translate street-level mobilization into institutional reform. Its leadership and narrative remain closely tied to the protest generation, making it the clearest attempt so far to build a youth-led political organization rather than merely appropriate GenZ rhetoric.

The gap between protest and party reflects deeper constraints facing youth-led politics in Nepal. The decentralized nature of the GenZ movement, combined with distrust of formal political institutions and limited access to resources, has made sustained organization difficult. As a result, the political energy generated on the streets has largely been absorbed into existing leadership frameworks rather than producing a new generation of political leadership.

Taken together, the post-protest party surge has expanded the number of political choices on paper but not necessarily the range of political ideas or voices in practice. While GenZ grievances have entered party rhetoric, their translation into ideology, leadership, and institutional power remains limited, raising questions about whether electoral participation alone can deliver the structural change the movement demanded.

According to the Election Commission, Nepal currently has 143 registered political parties, of which 114 have completed the required process to participate in the upcoming election. Prior to the GenZ protest, the total stood at 122, indicating a sharp rise in registrations during the post-protest period.

The rapid expansion of political parties is expected to reshape the dynamics of the March elections, raising concerns about vote fragmentation and the durability of new entrants. Past elections suggest that a high number of registered parties does not necessarily translate into meaningful competition. In 2017, 91 parties were registered but only 55 contested, while in 2022, 78 of 86 entered the race. Many smaller parties failed to secure seats or sustain organizational activity beyond a single electoral cycle, highlighting the structural challenges faced by new entrants.

The post-GenZ surge risks intensifying vote division, particularly among urban, youth, and protest-oriented voters now courted by multiple parties offering similar reformist agendas. Analysts warn that overlapping constituencies and narrow ideological distinctions could weaken the collective electoral impact of anti-establishment forces, inadvertently benefiting larger, better-organized parties with stable voter bases.

Sustainability remains another major challenge. Several newly registered parties lack nationwide organizational networks, financial resources, and experienced grassroots cadres. Many are concentrated around individual leaders or specific regions, making them vulnerable if early electoral results fall short of expectations. Nepal’s political history shows that without institutional depth, internal democracy, and long-term mobilization strategies, new parties often struggle to survive beyond a single election.

At the same time, even limited electoral success could have indirect consequences. Smaller parties may influence public debate, pressure mainstream parties to adopt reform agendas, or emerge as coalition actors in closely contested constituencies. Whether post-protest parties can move beyond symbolic participation and establish themselves as lasting political forces will depend not only on electoral performance but also on their ability to translate protest-era demands into durable political organization.

The 28 new political parties registered after the GenZ protest include Rastriya Janamukti Party, Shram Sanskriti Party, Gatisheel Loktantrik Party, Nagarik Unmukti Party, Nepali Communist Party, Rastriya Pariwartan Party, Rastriya Janamat Party, Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), Rastra Nirman Dal Nepal, Rastriya Urjasheel Party, People First Party, Ujyalo Nepal Party, Swabhiman Party, Hamro Party Nepal, Nagarik Sarbochatta Party Nepal, Janadesh Party Nepal, Sarbhabhauma Nagarik Party, Nagarik Sewa Party, Jay Matribhumi Party, Pragatisheel Nagarik Party, Sharbodaya Party, Samunnat Nepal Party, Nagarik Bachau Dal, Nepal Janasewa Party, Samabesi Samajbadi Party, Aawaj Party, Janata Loktantrik Party, and Jana Aadhikar Party.

With such a flood of new parties, questions remain about their ideologies, leadership, and the extent to which they represent genuine political alternatives.

Shram Sanskriti Party

The Shram Sanskriti Party was founded and is chaired by Harka Sampang, the mayor of Dharan. Sampang, who holds a Master’s degree in Political Science, has articulated a party ideology he calls “Harkabaad,” which emphasizes the balanced development of nature, culture, and technology alongside fostering a “culture of work.” However, by centering the ideology on his own name, Sampang risks narrowing ideological space within the party and limiting room for internal debate and dissent.

The party stresses both mandatory and voluntary labour as central tools for eliminating poverty and inequality. It also advocates democratic reforms, including a directly elected executive and proportional representation in Parliament. Other key policies include recognition of all indigenous languages, the preservation of a secular state, and an inclusive model of local development focused on villages and sustainable industries.

Sampang first gained national attention during the local elections in Dharan Sub-metropolitan City, where he defeated candidates from the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML by a large margin. He campaigned aggressively against corruption and administrative irregularities within the municipality. After his election, he gained further popularity by organizing citizen-led labor initiatives, including public work programmes that provided water to residents.

Following the GenZ-led protest that toppled the KP Oli government, Sampang traveled to Kathmandu to stake a claim for the interim prime ministership. He later returned home after expressing dissatisfaction with the appointment of Sushila Karki as interim prime minister. He is now leading the Shram Sanskriti Party in an assertive election campaign. The party prioritizes nominating publicly popular figures as candidates and appears disinclined toward electoral alliances.

Gatisheel Loktantrik Party

Led by political sociology professor Dinesh Prasai, the Gatisheel Loktantrik Party places economic transformation and good governance at the center of its agenda. Prasai serves as party chair, with Buddha Air executive Birendra Bahadur Basnet as a key backer.

The party’s platform focuses on job creation and growth through sector-specific initiatives, including tourism development, particularly the operation of Gautam Buddha International Airport, modernizing agriculture through fair crop pricing, improving education, and expanding the IT sector. It pledges “zero corruption, employment, and equitable prosperity,” and notably bars its own office-bearers from contesting elections in order to keep them focused on policy and institutional development.

Importantly, the party explicitly accepts Nepal’s 2015 constitution. It upholds federalism, republicanism, and the parliamentary system, and rejects proposals for a directly elected president or prime minister, which it views as undemocratic.

Rastriya Pariwartan Party

The Rastriya Pariwartan Party is chaired by Rajesh Portel, a young protester who was injured during the GenZ movement. Protel founded the party to carry forward the goals of the GenZ uprising.

The party pledges to honour the martyrs and injured protesters by pursuing reforms that include an immediate anti-corruption drive, constitutional amendments, such as provisions for a directly elected executive, and welfare support for victims of the movement. Pratel and his colleagues frame the party’s mission as translating the sacrifices of street protesters into concrete institutional change.

Ujyalo Nepal Party

The Ujyalo Nepal Party is led by Anup Kumar Upadhyay, a former secretary of energy, with Kulman Ghising, currently Minister for Physical Infrastructure and Transport and Minister of Energy, Water Resources and Irrigation, and former chief of the Nepal Electricity Authority, serving as its patron. After an unsuccessful attempt to merge with the Rastriya Swatantra Party, the party is now in discussions to form an electoral alliance with Kathmandu Mayor Balendra Shah.

Traditionally centrist in approach, the party’s long-term goal is the establishment of community-based socialism. Upadhyay’s technocratic background, combined with Ghising’s reputation for efficient administration, positions the party as an “alternative” political force focused on good governance, infrastructure development, and effective public service delivery. Media personality Rima Biswokarma is also among its notable figures.

Janadesh Party Nepal

Janadesh Party Nepal is chaired by advocate Raman Kumar Karn, an attorney and secretary of the Supreme Court Bar Association. Media veteran Rishi Dhamala serves as the party’s patron. The party emphasizes the concept of people’s mandate (janadesh) reflected in its name. Karn’s leadership draws on his legal background, while Dhamala’s wife, actress Aliza Gautam, holds an executive position within the party.

Samunnat Nepal Party

The Samunnat Nepal Party is led by Sarbendra Khanal, a former Inspector General of Police. Khanal has described the party’s core agenda as “good governance and prosperity.” After resigning from CPN-UML, he registered his own party to contest elections.

With a long career in public security, Khanal positions the party as a law-and-order–oriented reformist force with a nationalist flavour. Party sources indicate that he aims to introduce bureaucratic discipline and a development-oriented approach to governance.

Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)

Registered with the aim of advancing scientific socialism and achieving a higher stage of communism, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), led by Netra Bikram Chand, is participating in elections for the first time. Drawing on the ideas of Marx, Lenin, Stalin, Mao, and other communist thinkers, Chand has pursued a strategy of building a new communist center by uniting like-minded forces.

The party seeks to establish a people’s government led by the proletariat, workers, laborers, farmers, and patriots, guided by communist principles. After participating in the decade-long Maoist armed revolution, Chand split from the Maoist mainstream during the peace process and formed his own party. Although the party briefly pursued a strategy of unified people’s revolution, it later returned to peaceful politics. Chand had secured central committee approval to reunite with the CPN (Maoist Center), but following the formation of the Nepali Communist Party, he withdrew from the plan and registered his party independently with the Election Commission.

Pragatisheel Loktantrik Party

Following the merger of the Maoist Center with other leftist factions, including the CPN (Unified Socialist), to form the Nepali Communist Party, leaders such as Janardan Sharma, Ram Karki, and Sudan Kirati joined former prime minister Baburam Bhattarai to establish the Pragatisheel Loktantrik Party. The party also includes Santosh Pariyar, who split from the Rastriya Swatantra Party.

The party has formed a five-member presidium and a 151-member central committee and has adopted the election symbol previously used by the Naya Shakti Party, with Bhattarai serving as patron. It is actively seeking alliances with parties such as the Rastriya Swatantra Party, Janamat Party, and various GenZ groups, and emphasizes policies aimed at empowering youth and encouraging their participation in politics.

Hamro Party Nepal

Hamro Party Nepal was founded by activists led by Khagendra Sunar, who gained prominence for campaigning against the atrocities, exploitation, and oppression faced by the Dalit community. Sunar was initially named as a prospective minister in the Karki-led interim government but was prevented from assuming the role after a polygamy case involving another individual with the same name surfaced due to an administrative oversight.

Sunar has stated that the party was established to advocate for the rights and liberation of the Dalit community, which has endured centuries of caste-based discrimination. However, he remains a controversial figure, with several other cases currently pending in court.

Lok Raj Baral, Political analyst

Prior to elections, the number of political parties typically surges, and this time is no different. However, many new entrants fail to consider the foundational principles required to build a lasting party. These are often individual-centric formations created around the election cycle, and they tend to be short-lived and perform poorly. I do not believe most new parties will make a significant impact. While a few may win seats, established parties such as CPN-UML, Nepali Congress, and the Nepali Communist Party will remain dominant due to their extensive grassroots organizations.

That said, GenZ voters, youth, and first-time voters are likely to reject traditional establishments, which will reduce the vote share of major parties. Even so, they are likely to finish on top, while most new parties may forfeit their election deposits.

Ayodhi Prasad Yadav, Former Chief Election Commissioner

In a multi-party democracy, a surge in the number of political parties should not necessarily be viewed negatively. During the election of the second Constituent Assembly, for instance, even more parties contested than today. Such proliferation indicates that people retain faith in the democratic process.

Ultimately, the situation will be resolved through the election itself, as the three-percent threshold for proportional representation helps maintain stability. In a democracy, voting is both a right and a duty, so the right to vote cannot be restricted. Citizens are free to choose their representatives, and it is through elections that winners are determined. As the country remains in a transitional phase, one can hope this process will lead to positive change and transformation.

Bangladesh wasn’t a destination most people expected me to visit. When I told friends and colleagues about my plan, many asked, “Why go to Bangladesh for tourism?” Even the visa officer at the Bangladesh Embassy in Kathmandu, the immigration officer in Dhaka, and several locals repeated the same question with surprised smiles. But I had a simple answer: Nepal has mountains, rivers and hills—but no sea. I went for the beaches.

Dhaka was my first stop, and the city hit me with its pace. Compared to Nepal, the Bangladeshi capital has undergone rapid infrastructure expansion—wide roads, long flyovers, fast tracks and a functioning metro system carve through the city. But alongside this impressive development comes the other reality: almost no discipline in traffic. Vehicles rush from every direction, rules appear optional, and crossing the street feels like a test of courage.

Bangladesh, with an area of roughly 148,000 sq km, is only slightly larger than Nepal’s 147,516 sq km, but its population—over 170m—overshadows Nepal’s nearly 30m. It is a country overflowing with people. The crowds are constant, and everywhere feels busy.

After Dhaka, my main destination was Cox’s Bazar—the world’s longest natural sandy beach. This was the part of the journey I was truly looking forward to. The sea breeze, the endless shoreline and the rhythmic sound of the waves were exactly what I had hoped for. I explored both commercial beaches filled with local visitors and quieter, more untouched stretches of sand. It was fun, refreshing and unlike anything Nepal can offer.

What surprised me, though, was the absence of foreign tourists. The beaches were lively, but almost entirely with domestic travelers. Despite that, people were warm, curious and welcoming everywhere we went.

According to the Bangladesh Tourism Board (BTB), Bangladesh received around 655,000 foreign tourists in 2024. But the local media reports that many of the foreign arrivals recorded by BTB are not leisure tourists but include business travellers and non-resident Bangladeshis (NRBs).

Back in Dhaka, I visited the area around Dhaka University. The walls were painted with murals—powerful images connected to past protests and political movements. Yet the atmosphere was peaceful, with students walking, chatting and enjoying the campus surroundings.

My week in Bangladesh was a mix of contrasts: infrastructure growth and traffic chaos, overwhelming crowds and serene beaches, political expressions on walls and calm in the streets. It was unexpected, eye-opening and memorable—a reminder that sometimes the best trips are the ones others question.

Nepal concluded its participation at the 30th Conference of Parties (COP30) to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) with a very small team of around 20 negotiating officials. 

From securing global recognition for mountain ecosystems to amplifying the voice of vulnerable nations, Nepal’s delegation—though small—played a strategic and coordinated role throughout the two-week summit in Belém, Brazil.

According to Maheshwar Dhakal, joint-secretary at the Ministry of Forests and Environment and Nepal’s national focal point for the UNFCCC, the country’s presence at COP30 was marked by “strong leadership, intensive engagement, and historic outcomes” for its long-pursued mountain agenda.

COP30 opened with a series of preparatory sessions starting Nov 4—LDC Group meetings on Nov 4–5, Leaders’ Summit on Nov 6–7, and G77 and China consultations on Nov 8–9. The main negotiations ran from Nov 10–21, with discussions extending unofficially until Nov 22.

Nepal’s delegation, led by Agriculture and Livestock Development Minister Madan Prasad Pariyar participated in a number of engagements. Supported by senior officials including MOFE Secretary Rajendra Prasad Mishra, OPMCM Secretary Govinda Karki, MoALD Secretary Deepak Kharal, and Nepal’s Ambassador to Brazil Nirmal Kafley, the team included representatives from government, civil society, academia, and the media.

The highlight of Nepal’s COP30 engagement was the successful global recognition of the mountain agenda, an advocacy effort pursued jointly with Bhutan and Kyrgyzstan.

Nepal held two rounds of consultations with the COP30 Presidency, resulting in three major achievements. First on agreement to hold an Annual Dialogue on Mountains and Climate Change, beginning at SB64 in June 2026. The second one on inclusion of mountain ecosystems in the Global Mutirão (Mutirão) decision text, the main outcome document of COP30.

And the third on recognition of the mountain agenda in the preamble of the COP30 cover decision, as well as in the Global Goal on Adaptation (GGA) text.

Dhakal noted that this was “the strongest visibility that mountain issues have ever received at the UNFCCC,” indicating that years of persistent diplomacy had finally begun to pay off.

Nepal backed three key declarations proposed by the COP30 Presidency. Tropical Forest Facility Forever, Integrated Fire Management Declaration, Sustainable Fossil Fuel Management Declaration are on the list. Officials said these positions align with Nepal’s commitments to forest conservation and climate-resilient development.

Minister Pariyar delivered Nepal’s national statement at the high-level plenary, emphasizing the urgent need to protect vulnerable communities in the Himalayas. He also participated in 11 high-level events, including Nepal’s flagship program, “Sagarmatha to Belém”.

MOFE Secretary Mishra spoke at the Leader Summit and presented a joint statement on behalf of Nepal, Bangladesh, and Bhutan at the opening plenary, highlighting the shared vulnerabilities of Himalayan and South Asian nations.

OPMCM Secretary Govinda Karki addressed climate finance during a ministerial dialogue, calling for stronger global support to implement Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and National Adaptation Plans (NAPs).

Nepal’s non-governmental actors and media delegates also remained active throughout, engaging in pavilion events and side discussions with development partners.

In its closing remarks, Nepal underscored the existential threat posed by global warming to Himalayan ecosystems: “For Nepal, keeping global temperature rise below 1.5°C is not just a number in an agreement—it is a matter of survival.”

Nepal welcomed the Mutirão decision, commitments to adaptation and loss and damage funding, and the new annual mountain dialogue. It also expressed gratitude to Brazil for its hospitality and congratulated Turkey and Australia for being selected to co-host COP31, and Ethiopia, the first LDC to host COP32.

Nepal expressed appreciation for the COP30 Presidency’s leadership in negotiating the mountain text. “As climate impacts intensify, the urgency to respond to the unique challenges faced by mountain regions is greater than ever,” Nepal said, while expressing hope that a formal agenda item on mountains could be secured in the future.

Despite limited numbers, Nepal maintained high internal coordination through regular meetings and media briefings. Dhakal said the quality of Nepal’s interventions, the unity among delegates, and strong collaboration with other mountainous nations were widely appreciated.

He added that Nepal’s mountain agenda is now “close to the establishment phase,” with further efforts needed in the lead-up to COP31 and SB64.

As COP30 concluded, Nepal’s delegation returned home preparing for a formal debrief. With COP31 set to be hosted jointly by Turkey and Australia, and COP32 by Ethiopia, Nepal aims to continue building momentum toward securing formal recognition and sustained support for mountain regions, one of the world’s most climate-vulnerable ecosystems.

In Dec 2023, COP28 held in Dubai passed an ambitious plan to dramatically cut the use of petrol, gas, and coal by 2050, expand the use of renewable energy, and bring fossil-fuel emissions down to net zero. A total of 198 countries signed the agreement.

However, shortly after signing, countries including Saudi Arabia, Russia, China, and India backtracked on their commitments, arguing that the continued use of fossil fuels was necessary to meet global energy needs.

The United States, which had played a crucial role in securing signatures during COP28, has shown little interest in the issue after Donald Trump returned to the presidency. Trump has labeled climate change “the biggest hoax in the world.”

This time, he did not send any official federal delegation to Belém. At Belém, more than 80 countries from Europe, Latin America, Asia, and Africa expressed the need for a clear roadmap to implement the COP28 commitments. But under the leadership of Saudi Arabia, countries like China, India, and Russia blocked progress on the agenda. As a result, the final agreement made no mention of fossil fuels at all.

International media also reported COP30 as a flop. “This year’s UN climate conference in Brazil had many unique aspects that could have been part of an historic outcome,” AP wrote adding, “The final decision announced Saturday, which included some tangible things like an increase in money to help developing nations adapt to climate change, was overall watered-down compared to many conferences in the past decade and fell far short of many delegates’ expectations. It didn’t mention the words ‘fossil fuels’, much less include a timeline to reduce their use.” 

Instead of being remembered as historic, the conference will likely further erode confidence in a process that many environmentalists and even some world leaders have argued isn’t up to the challenge of confronting global temperature rise, which is leading to more frequent and intense extreme weather events like floods, storms and heat waves, it said.

Reuters said that Brazil’s President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva had launched the summit calling for countries to agree on a ‘roadmap’ for advancing a COP28 pledge to shift away from fossil fuels.

“But it was a road to nowhere at this summit, as oil-rich Arab nations and others dependent on fossil fuels blocked any mention of the issue. Instead, the COP30 presidency created a voluntary plan that countries could sign on to—or not,” it wrote. “The result was similar to Egypt's COP27 and Azerbaijan’s COP29, where countries agreed to spend more money to address climate dangers while ignoring their primary cause.”

Nepal delivered a strong call for climate justice during the Ministerial segment of COP30, where Minister for Agriculture and Livestock Development Madan Prasad Pariyar addressed global leaders in Belém, Brazil.

Speaking on behalf of Nepal, Minister Pariyar said the country, despite contributing minimally to global emissions, is suffering disproportionately from climate impacts. He highlighted rapidly retreating glaciers, worsening water and food insecurity, and a series of climate-induced disasters this year alone that claimed more than 300 lives. “Our agriculture, the backbone of our economy, is reeling,” he said.

Pariyar reaffirmed Nepal’s commitment to ambitious climate action, noting that the country has submitted an action-oriented NDC3.0 and National Adaptation Plan, with a target of achieving net-zero emissions by 2045. He also underscored Nepal’s strong conservation record, with forest cover now exceeding 46 percent.

Calling climate finance to Nepal “negligible,” he urged developed nations to fulfill past commitments and deliver simplified, predictable, and grant-based support for vulnerable countries. He welcomed the launch of the Barbados Implementation Modality (BIM) and called for full operationalization of the Fund for Responding to Loss and Damage (FRLD).

Nepal is now preparing to submit a funding proposal to the FRLD, which recently launched its first call for proposals under the BIM. The milestone marks the Fund’s transition to full operationalization, enabling its first interventions to address climate-related loss and damage in developing countries. An initial $250m has been allocated to support developing nations experiencing economic and non-economic loss and damage from both slow-onset and extreme climate-induced events.

The call for proposals, open for six months from Dec 15, outlines procedures, timelines, and criteria for countries seeking support. The FRLD currently holds $800m but only $250m is allocated as of now. And of $250m, $150m will be available for Least Developed Countries (LDCs). Each country may submit proposals ranging from $5m to $25m.

In a virtual press conference organized by Nepal’s COP30 delegation, Joint-secretary of the Ministry of Forests and Environment (MoFE) Maheshwar Dhakal said Nepal has already begun drafting its proposal and will submit it as soon as possible. Dhakal, who also serves as a board member of the FRLD, said the call would provide a clear picture of global needs for loss and damage financing.

Dhakal also noted that 20 government delegates are representing Nepal in COP30 negotiations. Despite having a small team, he said Nepal is participating with qualitative and a diplomatic approach.

During negotiations, Nepal, speaking on behalf of Bhutan and Nepal, delivered a joint intervention on the mountain and climate change agenda. The statement, which also supported the remarks delivered by Kyrgyzstan on behalf of the Mountain Group, was delivered by Joint-secretary Dhakal.

Nepal and Bhutan expressed appreciation for the convening of the SB60 Expert Dialogue on Mountains and Climate Change and the informal summary report prepared by the SBI and SBSTA Chairs. They recommended continuing such dialogues from 2026, facilitated biennially by two Party-appointed co-facilitators responsible for selecting topics and preparing summary reports for the COP.

They also proposed establishing a joint agenda item under the SBI and SBSTA titled “Mountains and Climate Change,” beginning at SBSTA/SBI 64, to address climate vulnerabilities, progress, challenges, and opportunities in mountain regions. They requested SBSTA and SBI to consider the findings from the dialogues and identify actionable next steps to strengthen international cooperation for mountain regions.

In addition, Nepal and Bhutan called on Parties and observers to submit views on strengthening mountain-related climate action—covering adaptation, early warning systems, data and monitoring, resilience-building, and international cooperation—by 30 March 2026. They requested the UNFCCC Secretariat to prepare a synthesis report based on these submissions for discussion at SBSTA/SBI 64.

Addressing the press conference, Minister Pariyar also said the mountain agenda is a “common goal” for Nepal and must be highlighted globally because it is critical not only for Nepal but also for countries like India and Bangladesh. He said the agenda goes beyond physical geography and is tied to communities, livelihoods, and the global benefits derived from mountain ecosystems.

Minister Pariyar also held a bilateral meeting with India’s Union Minister for Environment, Forest and Climate Change Bhupender Yadav at the sidelines of COP30.

Pariyar further called for integrating a dedicated mountain agenda into UNFCCC processes, referencing the ‘Sagarmatha Call for Action’ adopted in Kathmandu earlier this year. Nepal, he said, will continue advocating for global recognition of mountain nations’ unique vulnerabilities. He also stressed the need for all countries—including emerging economies—to submit ambitious NDCs, honor treaty obligations, respect scientific evidence, and uphold the ICJ’s Advisory Opinion on climate justice.

Nepal also intervened in negotiations to replace age- and gender-disaggregated data with age-, gender-, and disability-disaggregated data, aligning with the country’s Gender Equality, Disability and Social Inclusion (GEDSI) framework adopted in NDC3.0 and other national policies.

Earlier, Minister Pariyar attended a session hosted by the Fossil Fuel Treaty Initiative, where he outlined Nepal’s plans to expand clean-energy use, including electric vehicles and electric ovens. He also participated in the Ministerial Meeting of Least Developed Countries (LDCs), thanking Malawi for its leadership as outgoing chair and pledging full cooperation with the incoming chair, Timor-Leste.

In another engagement, Pariyar joined a meeting of the International Big Cat Alliance (IBCA), reaffirming Nepal’s commitment to biodiversity conservation. He also met Ibrahim Cheikh Diong, Executive Director of the Loss and Damage Fund, to explore opportunities for Nepal to access financing for national projects.

Nepal hosted a side event titled ‘Sagarmatha to Belém: Advancing Climate Action’ to review progress since the ‘Sagarmatha Call for Action’ and strengthen the mountain agenda within the UNFCCC. Pariyar is also scheduled to attend a ministerial session on the global impacts of cryosphere loss.

Minister Pariyar arrived in Belém on Nov 15 and is set to return to Nepal on Thursday.

Meanwhile, UN Climate Change Executive Secretary Simon Stiell urged nations to accelerate negotiations and match the rapid pace of climate action already unfolding in the real economy. Describing COP30 as having reached its “mid-stride,” Stiell warned that the pace inside negotiation rooms remains too slow. “The spirit is there, but the speed is not,” he said, calling for an end to “performative diplomacy” and urging ministers to resolve the toughest issues without delay.

Stiell noted that countries have generated a “trillion-dollar charge” into clean energy and grid expansion in just the first seven days of COP30. Last year alone, he said, more than $2.2trn flowed into renewable energy, more than the GDP of over 180 countries. Despite this momentum, climate disasters continue to disrupt millions of lives and raise basic living costs globally. “We absolutely cannot afford tactical delays or stone-walling,” he said. “We must roll up our sleeves, come together, and get the job done.”

Every few weeks, Mina Sodari makes a short journey from Lamki Bazar to Kuntikhet, Kailali. The three-kilometer trip brings her to Srijanshil Duna Tapari Industry, a modest cottage enterprise that has become an essential part of her family’s religious life. As a member of a Hindu household, Dodari frequently observes festivals, rituals, and pujas—occasions where duna and tapari (traditional leaf plates) are indispensable. 

“I come whenever we have a ceremony at home,” she says, sorting stacks of freshly made taparis. “They are natural, clean, and perfect for our rituals.” 

Behind the simple structure of the workshop, away from the bustle of Lamki Bazar, a quiet transformation has been unfolding—one that intertwines tradition, livelihood, and conservation. 

The man behind this is 62-year-old Birbahadur Bohara, a retired government schoolteacher who stumbled into the leaf-plate business after a series of failed ventures. He and his wife Dhankumari Kunwar own the enterprise.  

“After retirement, I tried vegetable farming and poultry, but each attempt went into loss,” Bohara recalls. “People joked that I was cursed in business. Some even said I was mad to start making duna and tapari, because no one would buy them.” Duna and tapari making is a traditional leaf plate making work which is done in the family and is not generally used for commercial purposes.  

But the skepticism around him never outweighed his conviction. Four years ago, he started Srijanshil Duna Tapari Industry, beginning with a single machine supported by Lamki Chuha Municipality. Initially, production was small and demand uncertain. Still, he persisted, believing that Nepal’s cultural traditions—and rising environmental concerns—would eventually bring customers back to leaf plates instead of plastic or thermocol. 

His instincts turned out to be right. Two years ago, the enterprise received a significant boost. WWF Nepal and the GEF-supported Integrated Landscape Management to Secure Nepal’s Protected Areas and Critical Corridors (ILaM) project, under the Ministry of Forests and Environment, provided a second machine. With two machines, production doubled almost overnight. 

Today, a small duna sells for Rs 1, while a larger tapari fetches Rs 5. The business may seem modest, but in a rural economy, the numbers tell a larger story. Last year, Bohara earned a profit of around Rs 90,000. This year, he has already crossed Rs 200,000. “This is a respectable and profitable business,” he says with an unmistakable sense of pride. “And it’s growing. I want to add one more machine.” 

The heart of the operation, however, is not the machines—it is the eight women who collect the raw materials and prepare the leaves. Every day, they head to Janakalya Community Forest, where the group is allowed to gather leaves free of charge. Back in the village, they sort, dry, and ready the leaves for pressing. 

For every tapari they help produce, Bohara pays them Rs 2. For every five duna, they earn the same. “It’s not just income,” says one of the women. “It’s a way to support our families without having to migrate or depend on irregular farm work.” 

The work may be rooted in tradition, but it also carries an environmental message. Leaf plates, made from sal leaves, decompose naturally and reduce reliance on plastic products that have become a growing pollution problem in rural and urban Nepal. 

As the business thrives, Bohara is no longer just a producer—he has become a trainer. Villagers from nearby settlements often visit the workshop to learn how to operate the machines and understand the process. Some hope to start similar ventures, inspired by Bohara’s journey. “I don’t want this skill to stay only with me,” he says. “If more people learn, more families will earn. And the environment benefits as well.” 

What began as a small, almost ridiculed experiment has grown into a symbol of sustainable rural entrepreneurship.  

In Kailali’s quiet corners, where tradition meets environmental stewardship, Srijanshil Duna Tapari Industry stands as proof that old practices can power new livelihoods. For Sodari and countless families like hers, the simple leaf plates carry cultural significance. But for people like Bohara and the women he employs, each duna and tapari represents something more—dignity, income, and the promise of a greener future.