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The first startup phase of the Fund for Loss and Damage was officially announced on Tuesday in Belem, marking a major milestone in operationalizing one of the most anticipated climate finance mechanisms. The Fund has now invited developing countries to submit proposals for support.

In Nepal, all accredited entities under the Global Environment Facility (GEF), Adaptation Fund (AF), and Green Climate Fund (GCF) are eligible to apply. According to Rajendra Prasad Mishra, secretary at the Ministry of Forests and Environment, efforts are underway to encourage both national and international organizations based in Nepal to apply and secure funding as soon as possible.

Among the eligible national entities are the National Trust for Nature Conservation (NTNC), Alternative Energy Promotion Centre (AEPC) and NIMB Bank. The International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD) is a recognized regional entity, while international organizations such as the UN agencies, WWF, IUCN, ADB, and the World Bank can also apply.

Speaking at the event, UN Climate Change Executive Secretary Simon Stiell expressed determination for COP30 to deliver another major step forward in global climate action. “Every year I’m asked how I feel about the COP. And the answer is that I am determined,” Stiell said. “We are not starting from nothing—the Paris Agreement is delivering real progress. For the first time, global emissions are bending downward.”

He highlighted that the latest Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) could reduce emissions by 12 percent by 2035, a development he described as “a big deal.” Stiell emphasized that every fraction of a degree avoided will save millions of lives and billions of dollars in climate damages.

He further noted that renewable energy has now overtaken fossil fuels in global investment and surpassed coal as the world’s leading energy source. “Policies once unthinkable are now rippling through markets, and change is becoming unstoppable,” he said, calling clean energy “the greatest economic opportunity of this century.”

However, Stiell warned that despite real progress, global heating is already inflicting devastating impacts worldwide—from typhoons in the Philippines to hurricanes in the Americas. He urged countries to “accelerate in the Amazon,” stressing that the COP process must remain focused on people and the tangible benefits of climate action. “We will only win the fight against the climate crisis if all people in all nations can get a fair piece of the epic benefits,” Stiell said. “Now it’s time to hit the accelerator—for people, prosperity, and the planet.”

Adaptation has grown more important as countries fail to rein in climate-warming emissions enough to prevent extreme warming linked to increasingly frequent weather disasters across the planet. A UN report last month said developing countries alone would need up to $310bn every year by 2035 to prepare.

Where that money will come from is unclear. Ten of the world’s development banks, under pressure to free more cash for climate action, said on Monday they would continue to support the need. “Lives, well-being and jobs cannot be sustained where homes, schools, farms and businesses are under threat from flooding, drought, or other climate extremes,” the banks said in a statement. Last year, they channeled more than $26bn to low- and middle-income economies for adaptation.

Also, in the latest development, Ethiopia said it would host the COP32 in 2027. The more immediate choice of host for next year’s COP31 remains unresolved. Both Australia and Turkey are vying for it.

COP30 Leaders’ Summit concluded with the adoption of the ‘Call of Belém for the Climate’, a declaration urging accelerated global efforts to confront the worsening climate crisis. Meeting in the Amazonian city of Belém—33 years after the 1992 Rio Earth Summit and marking the 10th anniversary of the Paris Agreement—heads of state reaffirmed their commitment to multilateral climate action, solidarity, and sustainability.

The declaration underscored that “climate change is no longer a threat of the future—it is a tragedy of the present.” Leaders highlighted the urgent need to address intensifying floods, droughts, and wildfires that disproportionately impact vulnerable populations. The Call of Belém emphasized bridging the “ambition, implementation, and means-of-implementation gaps” that continue to hinder progress toward the 1.5°C target.

The declaration outlined several key priorities, including tripling adaptation finance by 2030 and fully operationalizing the Loss and Damage Fund. It also emphasized implementing the Baku–Belém Roadmap, which aims to mobilize $1.3trn annually by 2035 for developing countries. Leaders stressed the need to strengthen climate governance, reform global financial systems, and expand fair, grant-based climate finance. 

Furthermore, the declaration called for advancing the transition away from fossil fuels in a just and equitable manner to achieve net-zero emissions by 2050, while integrating technology transfer, digital innovation, and inclusive development into all aspects of climate action.

‘Climate crisis is our daily reality’

Representing Nepal at the summit, government officials reaffirmed the country’s leadership in nature conservation and sustainable development despite its negligible carbon footprint.

“Nearly 46 percent of Nepal’s land remains under forest cover, protected in partnership with local communities and Indigenous Peoples,” Nepal’s statement read. “Home to Mount Everest and the Himalayas, our country sustains vital ecosystems that provide clean air and fresh water to billions downstream,” said Rajendra Prasad Mishra, Secretary at the Ministry of Forests and Environment.

Nepal highlighted its rapid transition toward electric mobility and clean energy, and its strong policy frameworks through NDC 3.0 and the National Adaptation Plan (NAP). Earlier this year, the country hosted the Sagarmatha Sambaad, a global dialogue that reinforced collective commitment to multilateralism and keeping global warming below 1.5°C.

However, the statement warned that for mountain nations like Nepal, “the climate crisis is not a future threat but a daily reality.” Over 300 lives were lost this year alone to floods, landslides, droughts, glacial lake outbursts, and forest fires intensified by extreme temperatures.

Nepal called on COP30 to deliver concrete outcomes, including the realization of the Baku–Belém Roadmap for mobilizing $1.3trn in climate finance, tripling adaptation finance, and fully operationalizing the Loss and Damage Fund with simplified and direct access for vulnerable countries. “We no longer have the luxury of delay,” Nepal’s statement concluded. “Let us act now—together—to safeguard our people, their livelihoods, and our planet.”

Youths call for climate justice and inclusion

Youths have called for urgent and equitable climate action through a pre-COP30 discussion with government representatives including Madan Prasad Pariyar, Minister for Agriculture and Livestock Development. The dialogue “From the Himalayas to the Amazon: Understanding Climate Negotiations and Nepal’s Engagement” highlighted youth priorities and Nepal’s climate agenda, connecting voices from the Himalayas to the Amazon. For young people in Nepal, a country contributing less than 0.1 percent of global emissions yet among the most climate-vulnerable, the climate crisis is not a future concern but a lived reality. Melting glaciers, erratic rainfall, and worsening floods and droughts have already threatened livelihoods, ecosystems, and our collective future.

In Nepal, youth are already leading the way, organizing climate campaigns, promoting clean energy, and advancing resilience in communities. Yet, their inclusion in decision-making remains limited. Genuine youth participation must be institutionalized, not symbolic, so that young people are recognized as partners in shaping climate policy and solutions, they say.

The event, organized by Clean Energy Nepal, Nepalese Youth for Climate Action (NYCA), and in collaboration with other youth networks, aimed to strengthen youth understanding of international climate processes and align youth advocacy with Nepal’s national climate priorities.  “This initiative gave us the platform to translate our concerns into concrete policy recommendations. Nepalese youth are not only demanding change, we are helping shape it,” said Aakriti Dotel, Network Coordinator of NYCA.

During the meeting, youth representatives presented a joint statement outlining collective priorities for Nepal’s engagement at COP30. In their official submission to the Ministry, they urged the government to keep 1.5°C alive by upholding science-based ambition, emphasizing that every fraction of a degree matters for mountains and communities. 

They called for climate justice, prioritizing fairness for the Global South and ensuring that vulnerable nations receive support rather than debt. The statement highlighted the need for grant-based finance, technology transfer, and capacity building to enhance adaptation and resilience, alongside the operationalization of the Loss and Damage Fund for recovery from unavoidable climate impacts. It further called for 80 percent of climate finance to be directed toward locally led adaptation efforts.

The youths also emphasized the importance of advancing the Dushanbe Glacier Declaration 2025, integrating the mountain agenda into global policy, and institutionalizing the participation of youth, women, and Indigenous Peoples in all climate processes. Additional priorities included promoting clean energy and a just transition through renewable energy and green jobs, recognizing the linkages between climate change, health, and sexual and reproductive health rights (SRHR), and upholding accountability and human rights in line with the ICJ ruling obligating all nations to align their actions with the 1.5°C target. 

Minister Pariyar welcomed the youth recommendations, assuring that their perspectives would be integrated into Nepal’s COP30 position. “Youth voices are vital in shaping effective climate strategies. The government will continue to create platforms for young people to contribute meaningfully to climate action,” he said.

Scheduled to convene in the Amazon city of Belém from Nov 10–21, COP30 is being regarded as a pivotal summit. This session marks the 10th anniversary of the Paris Agreement and introduces Brazil’s new climate priorities, including a focus on tropical forests, alongside the “Baku to Belém” roadmap for raising $1.3trn per year by 2035 for climate action in developing countries. Host Brazil has dubbed the event ‘Global Mutirão’, a call for collective effort. 

In addition to global goals on adaptation and mitigation, COP30 will press major emitters to close longstanding finance gaps and set firmer targets for the world’s most vulnerable communities.

The team of the Ministry of Forests and Environment led by Secretary Rajendra Prasad Mishra is already in Brazil for the preparations. Also, Minister for Agriculture and Livestock Development Madan Prasad Pariyar will lead the ministerial delegation to COP30. Officials have held phased consultations with government agencies, civil society and development partners to finalize a national position for COP30. 

This year, a very small team will represent Nepal at COP. The decision comes in line with the Sept 21 Cabinet meeting, led by interim Prime Minister Sushila Karki, to curb non-essential overseas travel and limit official delegations. To cut government expenses, the government has capped heads of state or government-led delegations at 10 members and limited other government-sponsored teams to only three members.

Organizers hope this year’s COP will deliver both financial commitments and concrete actions to advance the goals set at previous meetings, branding it the “Implementation COP.” However, achieving this will be challenging due to reduced participation from the world’s largest emitters. The heads of the three biggest polluters—China, the United States, and India—will be notably absent. President Donald Trump, who withdrew the US from the Paris Agreement on his first day in office, will not send any senior officials, while China will be represented by Deputy Prime Minister Ding Xuexiang.

A week earlier, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), the International Water Management Institute (IWMI), and Prakriti Resource Centre (PRC) organized a two-day Climate Negotiation Training to strengthen the negotiation skills, knowledge, and preparedness of Nepal’s inclusive climate negotiation team. The training aimed to enhance their capacity to effectively represent national priorities and perspectives in international climate discussions.

Nepal plans to highlight outcomes from its Sagarmatha Sambaad held on May 16-18, which produced a 25-point ‘Sagarmatha Call’ urging stronger mountain conservation and climate action. In particular, Nepal’s COP30 agenda will stress the needs of Himalayan countries, emphasizing glacier preservation, water security, and mountain biodiversity, as well as core United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) issues such as the Global Stocktake, finance, adaptation, mitigation and Article 6 carbon markets. The draft climate position paper covers nine themes from loss and damage to gender and youth, reflecting Nepal’s status as a Least Developed Country facing acute climate risks. The issues of climate transparency, capacity building and technology transfer, and climate justice are also priorities 

The government says it will present a ‘national document’ at COP30 listing key priorities: climate finance, loss-and-damage, adaptation, mitigation and technology transfer for mountain regions. 

In line with UNFCCC requirements, Nepal is revising its Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) for 2035. Its recently published NDC 3.0 raises Nepal’s ambition in clean energy, cooking and transport, agriculture, forestry and other land use, waste and urban sectors. Nepal commits to reduce net greenhouse-gas emissions by 17.12 percent by 2030 and 26.79 percent by 2035 relative to a business-as-usual baseline, targets that are almost entirely conditional on receiving international climate finance. 

The government estimates these mitigation efforts will require about $73.7bn through 2035, only 14.7 percent of which Nepal can fund domestically. Nepal also reaffirmed its long-term goal of carbon neutrality by 2045 (as announced at COP26), aiming for “net-zero emissions” with enhanced forest sinks.

Nepal’s energy strategy centers on renewable power. Nearly 100 percent of its electricity already comes from hydropower, and the country has accelerated hydropower and solar projects in recent years. The country plans an all-electric vehicle fleet by 2031 as it pushes to phase out petrol and diesel transport. Despite these efforts, analysts caution that Nepal’s actions must be matched by finance: as experts note, Kathmandu will press at COP30 for “global compensation for climate loss” and for simpler, grant-based funding mechanisms to help low-income countries like Nepal cope with impacts.

Nepal faces severe climate vulnerabilities despite negligible historical emissions. The country’s dramatic topography, from the southern Tarai plains to the towering Himalaya,  is already showing stress. 

Long-term trends are alarming. Glaciers in Nepal’s high mountains are melting rapidly. A 2023 report by ICIMOD and Himalayan scientists warns that at current warming trajectories, the Hindu Kush Himalaya glaciers could lose up to 75 percent of their ice by 2100. 

“The Least Developed Countries (LDC) Group has set clear priorities for COP30, focusing on three main areas: Climate Finance, Ambition for 1.5°C, and Adaptation,” Environment Secretary Rajendra Prasad Mishra told ApEx, sharing the outcomes of the LDC Group meeting.

On climate finance, he said, “We aim to triple adaptation finance to at least $3bn under the LDCF-GEF-9 cycle, which is a crucial step toward addressing the estimated $120bn annual adaptation costs. We also support the implementation of the New Collective Quantified Goal on climate finance as part of the broader $1.3trn roadmap, and emphasize the need for a clear definition of climate finance.”

Speaking on the 1.5°C goal, Mishra added, “The group calls for urgent responses to the NDC Synthesis Report, the first Global Stocktake, and the Mitigation Work Programme to keep the 1.5°C target on track. We are proposing a Belém Roadmap to revisit 2035 NDCs, ensuring they align with this target, and we stress enhanced support for the implementation of all Nationally Determined Contributions.”

On adaptation, he said, “We are pushing for the adoption of a comprehensive list of indicators with strong ‘Means of Implementation’ coverage, and the launch of fast-track funding for National Adaptation Plans by 2030. Many of these priorities will be advanced through a Cover Decision at COP30.”

He also highlighted additional priorities: “The LDC Group seeks outcomes on Just Transition, predictable funding under the Forest and Land Restoration and Deforestation (FRLD) program, full implementation of the Technology Implementation Programme and National Technology Needs Assessments, strengthened delivery by the Climate Technology Centre and Network, review of capacity-building frameworks, and finalization of the Gender Action Plan. It is critical that the special circumstances of LDCs are recognized across all thematic areas to ensure they receive the support and funding needed to tackle the climate crisis effectively.”

At the Sagarmatha Dialogue earlier in 2025, official statements stressed that climate change threatens “the well-being of present and future generations” and undermines mountain communities even though they “contribute negligibly to global greenhouse gas emissions”. Officials and experts have repeatedly called for simpler access to climate funds, grant-based financing, and operationalization of the new Loss and Damage Fund agreed at COP29. In Kathmandu, UN agencies and think tanks echo these calls. UNDP experts advise that Nepal should press “for global compensation for climate loss” at COP30 while also building domestic policy and capacity to use funds efficiently.

Local scientists and NGOs are equally vocal. For example, WWF International’s director-general Kirsten Schuijt cautioned that “climate change is moving faster than we are, leaving no part of the world untouched”, a stark reminder of the urgency. 

The new targets pledge ~17 percent (2030) and 27 percent (2035) cuts in net emissions (conditional on aid). These enhancements reflect Nepal’s view that even LDCs must strengthen ambition in line with the Paris stocktake. The UNFCCC now lists Nepal among about 60 countries that have presented updated NDCs by 2025.

Nepal has also enshrined a long-term net-zero goal: at COP26 in 2021, the country announced its intent to reach carbon neutrality by 2045, supported by a long-term low-emissions development strategy. Climate Action Tracker notes this pledge, rating it as “almost sufficient” on a 1.5 °C pathway if implemented with international support. In practice, achieving that goal will require vastly scaled-up funding and technology: Nepal estimates it will need $33bn through 2030 to meet its current NDC and another $47.4bn to implement its long-range adaptation plan by 2050. The government acknowledges it can only muster a tiny fraction of this, a reported $100m, domestically, underscoring why COP30 negotiations on finance are critical.

Importantly, at the Sagarmatha Sambaad, the government called for a dedicated Global Mountain Fund, a new finance mechanism to channel aid directly to vulnerable high-altitude communities. It also endorsed key elements of the UN’s Loss and Damage agenda, including capitalizing the new fund agreed at COP29 and simplifying access to climate finance for developing countries. These moves signal that Nepal views COP30 not just as an occasion to speak, but to deliver concrete policy proposals on how the world can support mountain nations.

As one of Earth’s most climate-vulnerable countries, Nepal approaches COP30 with urgency. Its message is clear: warming beyond 1.5°C threatens the Himalayas and the water supply of billions; glaciers are vanishing; floods and droughts are becoming daily life; and without dramatically increased finance and solidarity, even ambitious targets are hard to meet. Government officials and scientists alike say that real progress at COP30 will require bridging the gap between pledges and action, ensuring that decisions in Belém translate into money, technology and safeguards on the ground in Nepal and other frontline states.

A new political force—the Nepali Communist Party (NCP)—has been officially announced at an event held in Bhrikutimandap, Kathmandu, on Wednesday. The announcement marks the unification of 10 different communist factions into a single party, seen as a major shift in Nepal’s left-wing politics.

During the unity declaration ceremony, it was decided that Pushpa Kamal Dahal will serve as the party’s coordinator, while Madhav Kumar Nepal will take the role of co-coordinator. The proposal, put forward by leader Mahendra Raya Yadav, was endorsed by the assembly.

Senior leader Jhalanath Khanal of the CPN (Unified Socialist) has been given third priority in the newly-formed party, following an agreement among top leaders, including Dahal, earlier on Wednesday morning. Previously, Bamdev Gautam had been designated third, but Khanal’s dissatisfaction over the unity process led to negotiations. Eventually, he agreed to join the NCP with third priority and attended the announcement ceremony. The hierarchy now places Dahal first, Nepal second, Khanal third, Gautam fourth, and Narayan Kaji Shrestha fifth.

Khanal had held talks with CPN-UML Chair KP Sharma Oli just a day earlier, expressing reservations about the unity process and even hinting at initiating party reorganization. However, he eventually sided with the Dahal-Nepal faction.

The National Unity Convention of the newly-formed NCP endorsed nine key resolutions, which include decisions on the party’s name, election symbol, property and organizational structure. The proposals, presented by leader Barsaman Pun, were approved with applause from representatives.

The key resolutions include:

1. Formation of the unified party named the Nepali Communist Party (NCP).
2. Adoption of a five-pointed star as the election symbol.
3. Recognition of all members of uniting parties as members of the NCP.
4. Integration of central committees and structures of all uniting parties under the new organization.
5. Authorization to the coordinator and co-coordinator to finalize organizational adjustments.
6. Declaration that all people’s representatives elected under previous party symbols (Maoist Center, Unified Socialist, Socialist Party and Maoist Socialist) will now represent the NCP.
7. Transfer of all movable and immovable assets of the merging parties to the NCP.
8. Endorsement of the party’s official manifesto.
9. Adoption of the party’s constitution with necessary suggestions and amendments.

At the ceremony, leader Dev Gurung unveiled the party’s 23-point declaration, emphasizing unity and renewal in Nepal’s leftist movement.

The 23-point declarations:

1. To steadfastly uphold Nepal’s national sovereignty, territorial integrity, dignity, and independence.
2. To work with honesty, loyalty, and dedication toward the nation and its people.
3. To remain firm in the universal truths of Marxism-Leninism and apply them creatively according to Nepal’s specific conditions.
4. To remain committed to the socialist revolution and program, and to move firmly toward achieving the great goal of establishing scientific socialism as envisioned by the party since its inception.
5. To remain committed to democratic republicanism, protect the achievements of the people’s revolution, and work toward strengthening the republic and reforming and restructuring all state organs as necessary.
6. To defend the current Constitution of Nepal while taking proactive initiatives to introduce progressive reforms in the governance system, electoral process, federal structure, and by reducing the number of local levels and representatives.
7. To continuously strive to end corruption, irregularities, and delays, and to promote good governance, transparency, social justice, and national prosperity.
8. To take effective initiatives to establish a high-level, empowered Property Investigation Commission to investigate the assets of all individuals who have held public office and take strict action against the corrupt.
9. To make public service delivery efficient, fast, and effective, and to ensure public access to basic services such as education and health.
10. To fight against all forms of exploitation, oppression, injustice, discrimination, inequality, and social distortions present in the current Nepali society.
11. To struggle for ensuring the rights of women, Dalits, the oppressed, minorities, marginalized communities, indigenous nationalities, and all classes, castes, and regions excluded from the state’s mainstream.
12. To prioritize research and development and advance the overall development of the nation.
13. To take special initiatives to develop an independent and self-reliant economy, create employment opportunities, and eradicate poverty.
14. To work toward the economic, social, and cultural transformation of Nepali society by prioritizing the development of agriculture, industries based on domestic raw materials, tourism, and hydropower through well-planned strategies.
15. To conduct development campaigns that ensure the conservation and sustainable use of natural resources.
16. To remain committed to formulating climate change and environment-friendly development plans and to effective disaster management.
17. To raise the voices of the people and stand with them in their joys and sorrows.
18. To address the issues and aspirations of the GenZ generation.
19. To review past activities comprehensively, correct shortcomings, and move ahead with broad improvements, restructuring, and transformation in working style.
20. To strengthen internal democracy within the party and develop and implement a scientific system for leadership development and transfer.
21. To engage all party leaders and cadres in productive and labor-oriented work.
22. To strictly adhere to communist conduct, discipline, and ethics.
23. To adopt a simple and transparent lifestyle and working approach.

Addressing the event, Coordinator Dahal has credited the GenZ movement for playing a crucial role in forging unity among ten communist factions. He said the sacrifices made by the GenZ protesters exposed the weaknesses within political parties and inspired them to reform.

“The GenZ youth, who came to the streets on Sept 8 demanding good governance and stability while opposing corruption and political disorder, deeply struck us. Their movement made us realize our shortcomings,” he said. “Their sacrifices inspired us to correct our mistakes and begin a new campaign for transformation.”

Paying repeated tributes to the “martyrs of the GenZ movement,” Dahal said their role was instrumental in pushing the communist leaders toward unity. “Had they not made those sacrifices, we might not have realized our weaknesses and initiated this new phase of unity so soon,” he said. He further pledged that the new party will prioritize the aspirations and needs of the youth not only in the party structure but also in state institutions. “This is a historic commitment and a moment of self-reflection for us,” he added.

Calling Wednesday a “historic day” for the communist movement, Prachanda said, “Possibly, this is the first time that ten different communist groups have united at once. This unity, formed by leaders who have gone through ideological struggles in their respective fronts, is truly unprecedented.” He claimed that the day would be remembered as a milestone in Nepal’s communist and political history. “It is not only historic from the perspective of communist unity but also as a foundation for national unity to resolve the current political crisis,” he said.

Dahal further asserted that no one can stop the newly formed Nepali Communist Party from becoming the country’s number one political force. “Now, no one can stop this party from being the number one party in Nepal. Some reactionaries may lose sleep over it—let them. We will take this unity declaration campaign across the country,” he said. He also urged for humility despite the success. “While appealing for electoral mobilization and national support, we must not fall into arrogance,” he added.

Dahal emphasized that the party has no alternative but to correct its weaknesses. “We will take all advice and criticism seriously. There is no alternative to correcting our flaws and going among the people with full dedication,” he said.

Meanwhile, Co-ordinator Madhav Kumar Nepal appealed to the GenZ generation and social activists to join hands with the new party. “We are ready to work together with the GenZ generation for social justice, good governance, and against corruption,” he said, revealing that several GenZ leaders had joined the party earlier that morning. “I want to congratulate those who joined us and call upon other GenZ friends—let’s move forward together, hand in hand, against corruption, for good governance, and to correct the distortions seen in society and politics,” Nepal said.

He also expressed willingness to collaborate with social activists. “They shoulder great responsibility. We want to move forward with all campaigners working for social change, good governance, and the prosperity of the people,” he added.

Similarly, Narayan Kaji Shrestha stated that the new unity should serve as a foundation for comprehensive integration and reorganization of the communist movement. He also called for joint efforts with genuine democrats to defend the constitution, democracy, and national sovereignty, while urging ideological and cultural renewal within the party.

Meanwhile, Bamdev Gautam has claimed that the newly formed party’s membership will reach 10m. He said the party currently has around 1–1.2m members, but expects the number to rise to 10m as they reach out to the public.

Gautam also called for the introduction of a directly elected presidential system and a fully proportional electoral system. “We must end the current system that changes governments month after month and reform the state’s governance structure by establishing a directly elected president and implementing a fully proportional electoral system,” he said.

Incidents of violence and murder against women in Nepal are on the rise, revealing the persistent and systemic nature of gender-based violence (GBV) deeply rooted in patriarchal structures. According to a recent report published by the WOREC Nepal, a total of 308 cases of gender-based violence were recorded between April and June 2025 across the country.

Of these, 41 cases were documented through media monitoring, while 267 cases were directly collected from WOREC’s working areas through its primary sources. The data shows that 21 were cases of murder, and three of attempted murders.

Globally, the trend mirrors a grim picture. Reports by UN Women and UNODC show that in 2022, around 48,800 women and girls were killed by their partners or family members worldwide. The number rose to 51,100 in 2023, meaning an average of 140 women and girls were murdered every day by someone within their own family. Alarmingly, 60 percent of these killings were linked to domestic violence, deaths that occurred because the victims were women.

The WOREC report shows that most of the victims of murder were young women in their most productive years. Among the 21 murder cases recorded between April and June 2025, 29 percent (six women) were between 18 and 25 years old, while 24 percent (six women) were aged 26 to 35. Another 19 percent (four victims) were girls under 18.

These statistics underscore that women aged 18–35, who are often socially and economically active, are at the highest risk of violence. According to WOREC, this reflects a control-oriented mindset born of patriarchy, which seeks to restrict women’s autonomy over their bodies, decisions, and freedoms. 

When women assert their rights or make independent choices, patriarchal structures often respond with resistance—sometimes culminating in brutal crimes like murder.

In most cases, the perpetrators are not strangers but husbands or family members. The report reveals that 43 percent (nine women) were murdered by their husbands, and 24 percent (five women) were killed by other family members. Additionally, 10 percent were murdered by neighbors, five percent by trusted friends, and 14 percent by former husbands.

This pattern aligns with global findings that intimate partner violence remains one of the deadliest forms of gender-based violence.

Among the victims, 82 percent (17 women) were married, while 10 percent (two women) were unmarried. The marital status of nine percent of victims remains unverified. These figures highlight how domestic and intimate settings, which should provide safety and support, often turn into spaces of danger and violence for women.

On June 20, in Kailashpur, Gauriganga Municipality-7 of Kailali, a 16-year-old girl, identified as Rita (name changed), was murdered by her 20-year-old brother-in-law. Rita, who had given birth just 16 days earlier, was living with her family while her husband worked in India due to financial hardship.

According to police and family accounts, Rita returned from a health post after vaccinating her newborn and found no food prepared for her. An argument followed, and her brother-in-law, angered by her complaint, strangled her to death in the middle of the night. He later dumped her body near a drain close to the house. The next morning, neighbors discovered the body. The accused has confessed to the murder, and legal proceedings are underway.

On July 7, in Belka Municipality, Udayapur, a 27-year-old man attacked his wife, Supriya (name changed), with a knife in a public area after a domestic dispute. The couple had gone to a nearby hotel for reconciliation talks, accompanied by relatives. During the discussion, the husband suddenly stabbed his wife in the chest and fled. Supriya survived and the police are pursuing the suspect.

Similarly, on 8 Oct 2024, in Belka Municipality-8, Manju (name changed), was burned to death by her 48-year-old husband, who poured petrol on her during a domestic quarrel. Despite efforts by neighbors to save her, she succumbed to her injuries. The accused was arrested and faces murder charges.

These are not isolated incidents but symptoms of a deeply entrenched patriarchal system that values control over compassion and silence over justice. The report stresses that domestic violence is often normalized within Nepali society—seen as a “private matter” that should be settled within the home. This culture of silence and reconciliation not only emboldens perpetrators but also weakens legal enforcement, leaving survivors unprotected.

Institutional tendencies to encourage reconciliation rather than legal action further exacerbate the problem. Many survivors are pressured into withdrawing complaints or “settling” cases, allowing offenders to repeat their crimes. This fosters impunity and reinforces structural inequalities that sustain gender-based violence.

According to the Nepal Police’s 2024–25 annual report, 38 women were murdered due to domestic violence, four following rape, and two due to dowry-related disputes. These numbers underline that femicide in Nepal is not merely a result of personal disputes but a grave violation of human rights arising from persistent gender inequality.

WOREC emphasizes that zero tolerance must be maintained for all forms of gender-based violence. It calls for an environment where women can report abuse without fear or stigma, and where law enforcement ensures swift investigation and prosecution.

The Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), a young party that surged to prominence in 2022 by campaigning on anti‑corruption and good governance, is going through a turmoil after the Sept 8–9 GenZ protests. In the immediate aftermath of the Sept 8 protest, RSP leaders publicly endorsed the movement and affirmed full solidarity with youth demands. 

Then on Sept 9, the party distanced itself from the violence, emphasizing its participation in peaceful demonstrations and promising to cooperate with investigations. These public messages reaffirmed RSP’s anti‑establishment brand. But even as it claimed the mantle of youth’s voice, the party’s internal cohesion frayed badly.

The RSP’s top leadership was already in flux when the protests hit. Its chair, Rabi Lamichhane, is in police custody and the party’s vice‑chairman, DP Aryal, is the acting head. Lamichhane’s long‑running legal troubles persisted into 2025. He was in Nakkhu prison when the GenZ unrest erupted, and a dramatic (but ultimately unsuccessful) bid by supporters to free him became a major controversy. 

The RSP Secretariat publicly acknowledged reports that Lamichhane was released during the riots using falsified documents, and it referred the matter to the party’s disciplinary commission for investigation. 

In a Secretariat meeting, Aryal urged party figures to avoid “unverified statements” that create confusion, and stressed the need to present a “single voice” to the public. Senior party leader and vice‑chairman, Swarnim Wagle, echoed calls for discipline and announced that an extended party conclave in late October would address “leadership transition, political strategy and organizational reform” ahead of the national polls. Some RSP leaders have privately argued that Lamichhane cannot lead the party into election, given his legal limbo, although no formal resignation from him had occurred to date.

High‑profile resignations in the party also reveal internal fractures. The most significant was Sumana Shrestha, a former education minister and joint general secretary of RSP. On Sept 14, she publicly quit the party, condemning “a culture of impunity” among the leadership and denouncing a party hierarchy that places itself above the country. 

Shrestha had already been a vocal critic of the party’s leadership style. Her departure crystallized perceptions that RSP’s young leadership was prone to internal conflict. Some RSP officials responded by expressing regret and vowing an internal review to strengthen the party. In short, RSP’s leadership rift has been one of the starkest post‑protest developments: a core of co‑leaders has had to maintain order in the absence of Lamichhane, even as some like Shrestha have fallen out.

The general convention of RSP is another talking point. The party is yet to decide whether to convene its first convention before the March 2026 polls. It, however, has called for an extended meeting for Nov 7 and 8 in Chitwan to finalize the things related to general convention, party leadership and ideology.

RSP Secretariat member, Santosh Pariyar, has proposed an early general convention along with a complete restructuring of the party—not just on political, ideological, and strategic grounds, but also on the basis of key national issues—at the party’s Central Committee meeting.

As the first option, he proposed that the party’s first general convention, originally scheduled for February next year, be moved to December this year. The RSP’s first general convention is currently planned for 19-21 Feb 2026 in Chitwan. It was initially scheduled for April 2025 but was postponed at the last moment.

For that, Pariyar suggested dissolving all existing committees. He proposed converting the current central committee into a general convention organizing committee. He further stated that the central committee formed after the convention should not only reorganize the party’s structure but also redefine its ideology, vision, working direction, and political issues.

If that is not possible, Pariyar has presented an alternative: calling an extended meeting to reorganize its structures. 

He told ApEx that the extended meeting would primarily focus on rebuilding the organization. Through it, he said the existing central secretariat and central committee could be reshuffled. Additionally, Pariyar pointed out that the RSP is suffering from ideological confusion, and therefore, restructuring is also needed on that basis.

“Let’s rebuild the party’s ideology too. We still have much to synthesize and clarify. We are still confused about where we stand on certain matters. Therefore, we must also reorganize our ideas from a theoretical perspective,” he said. “It is also time to reassess our agendas, the issues we raised earlier, how far we have taken them, and the new issues we failed to raise. The recent GenZ movement has brought up issues we once championed. Perhaps we should now take them up more strongly, redefine our political agenda, and broaden our scope.” The restructured committee, according to Pariyar, could then prepare for the March 2026 elections.

Ideologically, the RSP’s response to the GenZ uprising has been to double down on its core platforms. Its leaders have explicitly linked the protests to the failures of the old regime and have advanced policies addressing GenZ concerns. 

However, RSP’s attempts to capitalize on the GenZ movement have been controversial. On the second day of the protest, the party backed a supporters’ jailbreak for Lamichhane, which critics said undermined the protest’s non‑partisan ethos. The perception that RSP tried to hijack the protest for partisan gain has tarnished its image among some youth. In response, the party has intensified its official messaging that aims to reaffirm its goal of upholding protest demands like justice and free expression. But not many youths seem to be buying it.

Following the GenZ movement, CPN (Maoist Center) has embarked on an unusually rapid internal overhaul. Pushpa Kamal Dahal remains in charge, but under immense pressure he has proposed, and begun implementing a full restructuring of the party. In late September, the Maoist Center’s top bodies were dissolved. Through an emergency meeting, the party agreed to disband its Central Committee and all subsidiary committees, and convened a special general convention before the year’s end. 

Under Dahal’s plan, the Central Committee and lower party organs were converted into a “convention organizing committee”, chaired by Dahal himself, to hold an early general convention (anticipated in November–December). In effect, Maoist Centre is resetting its leadership structure. All party committees at the national, provincial and local levels have been dissolved, with a transitional secretariat (composed of existing office‑bearers) managing day-to-day affairs until new leaders are elected. 

In Dahal’s own words “the party cannot function in the old fashion”. He has called for “new procedures”, urging leaders to transform their lifestyles and cultural behaviors. Maoist insiders say the convention will include direct elections for every post (including chairperson) and fundamentally reconstitute the party for the upcoming elections.

Dahal’s proposals explicitly target generational change. He has insisted that younger leaders and marginalized groups take a far larger role. At recent party meetings he has called for maximizing the participation of GenZ youths, women, Dalits and other under‑represented groups in all layers of party structure, including the Central Committee. 

The official party line is that the Maoists have long championed the core GenZ agendas, such as a directly elected executive, a fully proportional electoral system, and an inclusive democracy, and that only by uniting Maoist veterans with the GenZ movement can those demands be met. 

Agni Sapkota, the party spokesperson, has announced that all office‑bearers’ property details will be made public and a special commission will probe leaders’ assets, signaling a new anti‑corruption posture in line with GenZ demands.

Crucially, the Maoist Center has also created or tacitly embraced youth-led caucuses within the party. In mid-October, young Maoist activists announced a new “GenZ Red Force” (or “Red Task Force”) to press the party toward its stated goals. This group, led by Smriti Timalsina, a central member of the All Nepal National Independent Students’ Union (Revolutionary), has appointed coordinators in dozens of districts to expand the party’s grassroots reach and restructure the organization. 

The task force has vowed to “protect the party from leaders who have tried to dominate it for years” by rooting out corruption and promoting new leaders. It has called for investigation into all Maoist leaders’ assets (starting with those currently in power), and even suggesting that top leaders like Dahal serve only one more term before stepping down. 

In effect, young Maoist cadres are policing their own party, aligning with GenZ’s sentiments. As one analyst notes, the Maoists have “pledged to include GenZ members in all committees,” and their new commissions (on party finances, internal discipline, etc.) appear as much about placating youth outrage as about real reform.

However, Vice-chair of All Nepal National Independent Students’ Union (Revolutionary) Biraj Thapa says that GenZ Red Force is an unofficial group and it has no credibility within the party. “They have neither consulted with party leaders nor with the student wing of the party,” he told ApEx.

On policy, the Maoist Centre is likewise repositioning to mirror youth grievances. Dahal has publicly echoed GenZ demands: he repeatedly highlighted the need for a directly elected president and a proportional electoral system as answers to the crisis. In recent rallies, he urged Maoists and GenZ activists to “contest the elections together” so that the protesters’ goals can be achieved. 

The party is effectively trying to invert its image: long seen as a gerontocracy, it now champions youth empowerment and transparency—even if many doubt the sincerity of these moves.

On communication, Maoist leaders have tried to show solidarity with the young protesters. Dahal issued statements supporting the GenZ protests while cautioning against violence, and he has repeatedly framed the Maoist Center as the only major party with a genuine record of progressive reform. The party’s official mouthpiece and youth organizations have used social and mainstream media to court young voters. 

Post‑GenZ reforms in the Maoist Center have been seen as more profound and systemic than other parties. No top leader (including Dahal) was immediately forced out, but the entire party apparatus has been set to be renewed. However, the general convention of the party has always seen the election of Dahal as the party chair. However, the party cadets now talk openly about “new leadership” and rectifying past errors. 

ANNISU (Revolutionary) Vice-chair Thapa says this is the high time to listen to the youth voices in the party and cash in on the momentum of the GenZ movement. “This movement has marked time to restructure the party wing and sister organizations,” he said.

Meanwhile, the Maoist Center, along with the CPN (Unified Socialist) and six other parties, has signed an agreement on party unification. The chairpersons of these parties signed the agreement after reaching a consensus on an 18-point proposal.

Former Speaker of the House of Representatives, Krishna Bahadur Mahara, was arrested by the Central Investigation Bureau (CIB) of Nepal Police on Sunday. This marks the first high profile arrest from the new government. The arrest is linked to the 9-kilogram gold smuggling case dating back to Dec 2022, when a Chinese national, Li Hansong, arrived in Kathmandu from Fly Dubai flight FZ-0587 carrying two suitcases. Inside those suitcases were 73 vape packs containing a total of 730 vape pieces, which were later found to have concealed gold worth Rs 85.5m.

According to CIB’s investigation, the gold was smuggled and sold in collusion with customs officer Rewant Khadka and others. Mahara is accused of exerting pressure on customs officials to release the gold. His son, Rahul Mahara, had earlier been arrested and sent to jail in connection with the same case.

The suspicious suitcases had been seized by the Tribhuvan International Airport Customs Office after the discovery of the vapes. Li Hansong had left Kathmandu shortly after retrieving his passport, while the seized vapes remained in customs custody.

Following suspicions that the gold concealed in the vapes had been secretly replaced, the Customs Office formally requested the CIB to investigate in April 2023. After two months of investigation, CIB concluded that 9 kilograms of gold had been smuggled, filing a case against six people including customs officer Khadka.

A supplementary charge sheet was later filed, naming Belgian national of Chinese origin Dawa Chhiring, his driver Lokendra Paudel, Rahul Mahara, and Nima Gurung as accomplices. Krishna Bahadur Mahara’s arrest marks the third prosecution related to the case.

CIB had recently taken Mahara’s statement as part of its ongoing investigation. Call records reportedly showed continuous communication between Mahara, his son Rahul, and Chinese nationals Li Hansong.

Although Mahara had earlier been questioned, the case had not progressed due to alleged political protection.

Once known as an honest leader during the conflict era, Mahara’s political career has been marred by controversies since joining peaceful politics. He has previously faced allegations in multiple cases,  including the misuse of Rs 400m in funds meant for Maoist combatant management, irregularities in frequency distribution during his tenure as Minister for Information and Communications, and an infamous 2010 audio scandal in which he was allegedly heard seeking Rs 500m from a Chinese national to buy lawmakers’ support. None of those cases, however, led to prosecution.

Elected from Dang-2 in the 2017 general election, Mahara became Speaker but was forced to resign in 2019 after charges of sexual misconduct against a female employee at the Federal Parliament Secretariat. Though he was arrested and jailed, he was later acquitted by the District Court and the verdict was upheld by the Patan High Court.

Since then, Mahara has remained largely inactive in politics, limiting himself to party affairs. He was elected Vice-chairperson of the CPN (Maoist Centre) at its last General Convention and was also serving as the party’s spokesperson.