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Nepal’s sex workers, especially females, continue to face systemic discrimination, criminalization and social stigma despite growing calls for legal reforms and recognition of their rights. A comprehensive report submitted to the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) by multiple sex worker-led organizations and advocacy groups reveals widespread injustices, including arbitrary arrests, police brutality, lack of access to justice and exclusion from healthcare and social security systems.

The report prepared by Sex Workers and Allies South Asia (SWASA), Jagriti Mahila Mahasangh (JMMS), Nari Chetna Samaj (NCS/SWAN) and 17 other grassroots organizations highlights how Nepal’s current legal framework conflates consensual sex work with human trafficking, leading to severe human rights violations. The organizations urge the government to decriminalize sex work and implement policies that protect sex workers from abuse and exploitation.

Sex work in Nepal exists in a legal gray area—it is neither explicitly legalized nor outright criminalized. However, the Human Trafficking and Transportation (Control) Act, 2007 and the National Penal Code treat sex work as an offense by criminalizing solicitation, brothel ownership, and third-party involvement.

The conflation of voluntary adult sex work with human trafficking has resulted in severe misapplications of the law. Many sex workers have been arrested under public decency laws, accused of engaging in trafficking or harassed for merely carrying condoms—often used as “evidence” of solicitation.

According to the report, sex workers often experience arbitrary arrests and detentions, with many routinely apprehended under Section 119 of the National Penal Code, which criminalizes solicitation, and Section 4(1) of the Human Trafficking Act, which wrongfully categorizes all sex work as trafficking. These legal provisions have been widely misused to target sex workers rather than to address actual cases of human trafficking.

Additionally, police extortion and harassment are rampant, with many sex workers reporting that they are forced to pay bribes to avoid arrest. Per the report, law enforcement officers often threaten to expose their identities to families and communities, leveraging social stigma as a means of coercion. This fear of public shaming and familial rejection further isolates sex workers and prevents them from seeking legal protection.

The report also highlights the discriminatory application of laws, where sex workers are frequently targeted under anti-trafficking statutes, while the real perpetrators of human trafficking often evade justice due to weak enforcement mechanisms. Instead of focusing on traffickers, law enforcement prioritizes punitive actions against sex workers, reinforcing a cycle of victimization rather than addressing the root causes of trafficking and exploitation.

“Sex workers are criminalized not because of any harm they cause, but because of moral and social stigma,” says Shanti Tiwari from SWASA Nepal. “This pushes them into more vulnerable conditions, making them easy targets for violence and exploitation.”

The report documents numerous instances of police brutality against sex workers, detailing how law enforcement officers frequently engage in physical and sexual abuse. Many sex workers report being beaten, harassed or even forced to perform sexual favors in exchange for their release. Such abuses not only violate fundamental human rights but also contribute to the deepening stigma and fear within the sex worker community.

Illegal detentions and raids are also common, with more than 55 sex workers forcibly taken to so-called “rescue homes” between 2022 and 2024. These operations, carried out by anti-trafficking NGOs in collaboration with police, often occur without the consent of those being detained. Instead of providing support or protection, these forced rescues further marginalize sex workers, subjecting them to confinement and, in some cases, even mistreatment under the guise of rehabilitation.  

Additionally, violations of privacy and forced outings are widespread. “Police officers frequently threaten to disclose a sex worker’s identity to their families or communities as a means of coercion,” Tiwari says. “This tactic not only places sex workers at risk of social exclusion and family rejection but also discourages them from reporting abuses or seeking legal help, effectively trapping them in a cycle of vulnerability and fear.”

The report submitted to CEDAW highlights that over 25 percent of reported violence cases against sex workers in Nepal were perpetrated by police. Another 15 percent involved anti-trafficking NGOs who, instead of assisting victims of trafficking, have been accused of unlawful detentions and forced rehabilitation.

One case study in the report details how a sex worker in Kathmandu was arrested under a public decency law while simply waiting for a bus. She was detained overnight, forced to pay a bribe and later released without any formal charges. “They told me I was loitering and accused me of soliciting clients. But I was just trying to go home,” she recounts.

The report calls for law enforcement reforms, including sensitivity training and legal distinctions between consensual sex work and human trafficking.

Access to healthcare remains a significant challenge for sex workers in Nepal, with many avoiding medical services due to fear of discrimination from healthcare providers. The report submitted to CEDAW highlights several concerning trends in this regard. 

One major issue is the denial of medical services, with some hospitals and clinics refusing to treat sex workers once their profession is known. Additionally, many sex workers are subjected to forced HIV testing without their informed consent, violating their privacy and autonomy. Furthermore, sex workers often face difficulties accessing reproductive healthcare, including contraception and safe abortion services, putting them at a higher risk of unintended pregnancies and unsafe abortions.

According to Tiwari, legal barriers prevent sex workers from enrolling in government health programs. “Since citizenship certificates are often required for medical services, many sex workers—who lack proper identification—are denied healthcare altogether,” she says.

One HIV-positive sex worker in rural Nepal was reportedly expelled from her village after her status came to light. “The doctor violated my confidentiality. When my neighbors found out, they forced me to leave,” she shared.

The report recommends that the government implement gender-sensitive health care policies, ensure confidentiality, and remove citizenship requirements for accessing essential health services.

A staggering 63 percent of sex workers in Nepal lack citizenship certificates, rendering them effectively stateless. “Without these essential documents, they face significant barriers in accessing basic rights and services,” Tiwari says. “They are unable to vote in elections, open bank accounts, enroll their children in school or access government welfare programs, further marginalizing them from society and denying them the opportunities that citizenship provides.”

Under the Citizenship Act, a woman can only pass on citizenship to her child if the father is unknown and she provides a formal declaration. This disproportionately affects sex workers, many of whom are single mothers or have been abandoned by their partners. “I wanted to enroll my son at school, but they asked for my citizenship. Without it, he cannot study,” says a sex worker from Nawalparasi.

The report submitted to CEDAW urges the government to reform citizenship laws to ensure that sex workers and their children are not left stateless.

Sex workers and their children face significant barriers in accessing education. Many children of sex workers are denied school admission due to their mother’s profession, while others are expelled if they lack birth certificates. Higher education also remains out of reach for these children as universities require a citizenship certificate for enrollment.

Additionally, Labour Act 2017 does not recognize sex work as a form of labor, meaning sex workers are excluded from labor protections, social security benefits and workplace rights. “The government says we are criminals, but at the same time, they refuse to provide us with alternative livelihoods,” says a sex worker from Kathmandu. “If we are to leave this work, where do we go?”

The submission outlines several key recommendations for the government to address the challenges facing sex workers. These include decriminalizing sex work by removing punitive laws against sex workers, clients and third parties. It also recommends amending trafficking laws to clearly distinguish between consensual sex work and human trafficking. The submission calls for ensuring police accountability by investigating and prosecuting law enforcement officers who abuse sex workers. 

Additionally, it emphasizes the need to provide legal recognition and protections, such as granting citizenship, labor rights and access to justice. Finally, the report urges the government to improve healthcare and social security access by removing legal and bureaucratic barriers that prevent sex workers from accessing essential services.

Nepal is home to three otter species—the Eurasian otter, the smooth-coated otter, and the Asian small-clawed otter—but these charismatic creatures are facing an uphill battle for survival. Habitat destruction, illegal fishing, pollution, and human encroachment are pushing these species to the brink. However, a new initiative led by WWF Nepal, funded by the UK government’s Darwin Initiative, is working to address these challenges by integrating otter conservation with community empowerment and sustainable livelihoods. While the project has shown promise, it also highlights the complex interplay between conservation efforts and the needs of local communities.

The Eurasian otter, locally known as the black otter, is increasingly threatened by habitat loss and degradation. The smooth-coated otter, listed as ‘Vulnerable’ on the IUCN Red List, is distinguished by its sleek fur and social behavior, while the Asian small-clawed otter, the smallest of the three, lives in large social groups and is particularly vulnerable to human disturbances. All three species depend on healthy freshwater ecosystems—clean, flowing rivers, sandy banks, and dense riparian forests—but these habitats are under severe pressure from illegal fishing, sand mining, deforestation, and pollution.

In response, WWF Nepal launched the Strengthening Communities’ Livelihood and Stewardship to Conserve Otters in Karnali project. The initiative aims to protect otter habitats while supporting the livelihoods of marginalized communities, such as the Sonaha and Tharu, who rely on the Karnali River for their survival. “The idea is to reduce pressure on river resources by providing communities with sustainable alternatives,” explains Aashish Kapali, Freshwater Program Associate at WWF Nepal. “If we can empower these communities to make sustainable decisions, it will benefit both people and wildlife.”

Otters depend on healthy freshwater ecosystems, including deep river channels, clean flowing water, sandy riverbanks, and dense riparian forests. However, these habitats are being degraded by illegal fishing, sand mining, deforestation, and pollution. Interestingly, Kapali, who has been working in the otter area for two years, has not seen a live otter. “It is a shy animal and is not seen frequently, so it faces more indirect threats than direct ones,” he says.

Six key otter habitat hotspots have been identified in Lumbini’s Bardiya (Tikuligadh, Rajipur, Tihuni, and Chhedia) and Sudurpaschim’s Kailali (Phanta and Nuklipur). The project focuses on four key areas: community-based river management, livelihood diversification, strengthening governance and law enforcement, and developing a national otter conservation plan.

Along the Karnali River, 15 Community River Stretch Management Groups (CRSMGs) have been established, comprising 375 members—68 percent of whom are women. These groups monitor river health, promote sustainable fishing practices, and collaborate with government agencies to enforce regulations. However, challenges remain.

Buddhi Singh Tharu, a 59-year-old member of a river monitoring group, points to the dumping site on the banks of the Karnali River in Tikapur Municipality, Kailali, as a major source of pollution. “Garbage leaks into the river, affecting otter habitats,” he says. He also highlights the disturbance caused by motorboats operated by Rajapur Municipality in Bardiya, which are marketed as a tourist attraction but disrupt otters, dolphins, and other wildlife.

Livelihood diversification is a cornerstone of the project. By providing training and resources, the initiative is helping communities transition from river-dependent livelihoods to sustainable enterprises. On-farm initiatives include training in vegetable farming, betel leaf cultivation, pig farming, and fish farming, while off-farm programs offer alternatives such as hospitality training, handicraft production, tailoring courses, and driving instruction.

Sudha Chaudhary, a 45-year-old farmer from Bardiya, is one of the beneficiaries. She now grows tomatoes and chilies on her 500-square-meter farm and has seen a significant improvement in her income. “Last season, I made a profit of around Rs 50,000,” she says. “Farming has become our primary source of income, and we no longer rely on the river.” 

Program Associate Kapali states that the project team assessed the intensity of fishing activities and the dependence of families on the river before selecting beneficiaries.

Photos: WWF Nepal

The project also aims to strengthen governance and law enforcement by enhancing the capacity of government agencies to regulate illegal fishing and the over-extraction of river resources. Additionally, a national otter conservation plan is being developed to ensure long-term protection for otters and other aquatic species. “We’ve drafted a Smooth-Coated Otter Conservation Action Plan based on insights from 158 participants across 13 sites in Nepal,” says Kapali. “The goal is to create a framework that balances conservation with community needs.”

Despite these efforts, the project faces significant challenges. Pollution, illegal fishing, and habitat degradation remain persistent threats, and the success of the initiative depends on the active participation of local communities. To raise awareness, the project introduced Sakhi, an otter mascot whose name means ‘friend’ in the Tharu language, and selected 45 ‘Otter Champions’ to lead conservation campaigns.

Arun Sonaha, a 27-year-old Otter Champion from Rajapur-1, has been actively sharing his knowledge about otter conservation with other young people. “Communities have adapted their livelihoods to support otter conservation,” he says. Saraswati Sonaha, a 21-year-old tailoring trainee, hopes to open her own shop once her training is complete. “My family depended on the river, but I want to start my own business,” she says. “Otters should be protected for future generations.”

Kapali explains that the project has provided sewing machines to all 15 trainees and will offer additional support if they decide to start their own businesses after the training. “However, we don’t provide 100 percent funding. If they invest a share themselves, they will feel a greater sense of ownership,” he says.

The project’s impact extends beyond individual success stories. Three local cooperatives—Deuthan Krishi Cooperative, Sharad Saana Kishan Cooperative, and Shree Bindeshwori Cooperative—have been strengthened, offering loans, training, and support to over 180 community members. Bhagawati Shah, chairperson of the Sharad Saana Kishan Cooperative, explains that the cooperative provides loans of up to Rs 40,000 at a six percent interest rate without collateral to eligible beneficiaries who present a business plan. “Around 100 people qualify for these loans, and so far, 23 individuals have already benefited,” she says. The cooperative also offers training in pig, fish, goat, and vegetable farming, as well as tailoring. “Our goal is to help people transition from river-dependent livelihoods to business ventures,” she adds.

In Tighra, Rajapur-3, Maiti Tharuni, 60, is engaged in handicraft production. She was one of 18 women who participated in a 15-day training program on grass-based handicrafts, which included a buy-back guarantee. She explains that crafting a handicraft item takes anywhere from 30 minutes to four days, depending on its size and design. “There is strong demand, and we frequently export our products to Kathmandu, but we haven’t been able to meet the growing orders,” she says. “We used to make handicrafts before, but with this training, we now work in a more professional, modern, and efficient way, incorporating new and diverse designs,” she adds.

While the project has made strides in empowering communities and protecting otter habitats, its long-term success will depend on sustained efforts and collaboration between stakeholders. The challenges are significant, but the initiative offers a glimpse of what’s possible when conservation and community development go hand in hand. As Kapali puts it, “The goal is to create a future where both people and wildlife can thrive.” For now, the story of Nepal’s otters is one of resilience and hope, a reminder that even in the face of daunting challenges, positive change is possible.

The Nepali Army (NA) has addressed a letter sent to the United Nations by Devi Sunuwar, mother of 15-year-old Maina Sunuwar, who died from torture in army custody during Nepal’s armed conflict. Speaking at a press conference, Brigadier General Om Bahadur Bhatta of the Judge Advocate General’s Department (NA’s legal wing) stated that he did not understand why the Sunar family was still pursuing legal proceedings after a court ruling had already been made.

In a letter addressed to the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, Devi urged Jean-Pierre Lacroix, Under-secretary general for Peacekeeping Operations, to urge the NA to demonstrate its commitment to truth, justice, and non-recurrence.

“The NA may argue that these officers already faced a court-martial on 8 Sept 2005 regarding my daughter’s killing. But let me be clear: a) under international human rights law, crimes against civilians should not be handled by a military court; and b) the court-martial only addressed improper interrogation techniques and improper body disposal,” she wrote.

“I do not understand why Sunuwar’s family is still pursuing legal action, claiming the verdict was either too lenient or too harsh,” Bhatta said. “The way the verdict has been obtained from the district court and the way pressure is being exerted at the national and international levels, it is unclear what their objective is.” At that time, under the Army Act 2016, the military court had jurisdiction over this case, and a decision had already been made, he added.

On 17 Feb 2004, a team under the command of Nepali Army Major Niranjan Basnet took 15-year-old Maina Sunuwar from her home in Katunje, then Kharelthok VDC-6, Kavre. She later died due to extreme torture by military officers. Her remains were found eight months later following pressure from national and international human rights organizations.

Brigadier General Bhatta stated in the press conference that the resolution of this case is expected to happen through the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). “At present, there is the TRC, and its law has already been enacted,” he said. “If the commission is formed, maybe it will say something about this matter.” Since the case is under consideration at the Supreme Court, he refrained from providing further details, saying, “That is a matter for the TRC; the issue of jurisdiction comes under that. If tomorrow the TRC addresses it, it will be resolved from there.”

Later in 2004, the military court sentenced three army officers—Boby Khatri, Sunil Prasad Adhikari, and Amit Pun—to six months in prison and a one-year promotion ban for violating human rights and humanitarian laws in the Maina Sunar case.

However, dissatisfied with the military court’s ruling, Maina’s mother, Devi, filed a complaint against four officers at the Kavre District Police Office on 6 Dec 2005. After Nepal’s peace process began, a case was filed against four military officials on 21 Jan 2008 in Kavre District Court. On 17 April 2017, the court sentenced three army officers to life imprisonment for extrajudicial killing. It acquitted Basnet. This was the first case in which Nepali Army officials were convicted of a crime committed during the decade-long armed conflict that began in 1996.

The High Court upheld the ruling, but the NA appealed it to the Supreme Court. Khatri, Adhikari, and Pun are no longer in the army.

Devi informed the United Nations that some army officials had contacted her and proposed building a memorial in honor of her daughter. While she supports a memorial in Maina’s memory, she stated in her letter that she could not accept it unless certain conditions were met.

Major General Prem Dhoj Adhikari, head of the Department of Military Operations, clarified that no formal proposal had been made by army headquarters. “Rather, I heard discussions that if the issue could be resolved at the municipal level, a memorial could be built at an initiative of the mayor of Panchkhal in Kavre.”

Major General Adhikari also mentioned that the army does not have land for building the memorial and that the initiative was taken at the local level by the mayor. “The army does not have land for this; I think the mayor took the initiative to see if this could be resolved at the local level,” he said.

Although he acknowledged hearing about the letter sent to the United Nations, he stated that since the state has already enacted the TRC law, the issue should be resolved through it.

The Nepali Army (NA) has stated that it is closely observing the unfolding geopolitical landscape, particularly in light of the policies introduced by the newly-elected US President Donald Trump. Speaking at a press conference on Sunday, Major General Prem Dhoj Adhikari, head of the Department of Military Operations of the NA, emphasized that Nepal must assess the potential impact of major powers’ policy shifts on its security and economy.

“The policies adopted by powerful nations and evolving regional dynamics have far-reaching consequences,” Adhikari stated. “The Nepali Army is continuously evaluating these developments through a comprehensive strategy framework to address all security concerns.”

Trump’s return to the White House has raised global uncertainties, with expectations of significant policy shifts in US foreign relations, trade, and military engagement. Analysts anticipate that his ‘America First’ approach could impact US alliances and global economic policies, which may indirectly affect Nepal.

During the recently-concluded two-day meeting of the head of NA divisions, senior army officials including General Officer Commanding (GOC) of the divisions delved into the country’s internal and external challenges including Nepal’s strategic positioning amidst global shifts. The conference, attended by Chief of Army Staff General Ashok Raj Sigdel, reviewed national security challenges and emphasized Nepal’s need to adapt its strategies to emerging threats.

General Sigdel underscored the importance of maintaining Nepal’s military professionalism and preparedness while fulfilling constitutional duties. He stressed that Nepal must remain vigilant in the face of evolving geopolitical challenges, including technological advancements, climate change, and regional security dynamics.

Defense Minister Manbir Rai, who also addressed the meeting, highlighted the need for Nepal to assess the implications of global power struggles, ongoing conflicts and the rise of artificial intelligence in warfare.

Nepal is witnessing an alarming trend—its youth, the backbone of the country, are leaving in droves in search of better opportunities abroad. This mass exodus is not just a migration story; it is a consequence of economic disparity, limited opportunities, and systemic failure to retain its brightest minds.

Over the past three decades, nearly 6.8m Nepalis have received labor approval for overseas jobs (excluding India), with an estimated 1,700 leaving daily. The Department of Foreign Employment (DoFE) estimates that an additional 1.5m–1.7m Nepalis are working in India, while many others bypass formal channels to seek opportunities elsewhere. On top of this, over 100,000 students leave Nepal annually for studies abroad.

Despite Nepal’s economic growth in recent years, wealth remains concentrated in the hands of a few. Rural communities continue to suffer from limited access to quality education, healthcare, and employment. The lack of industrialization and sustainable job opportunities forces thousands of youths to seek employment in foreign lands, particularly in the Gulf nations, Malaysia, and beyond.

Even educated youths are struggling. Many university graduates find themselves unemployed or working in low-paying jobs unrelated to their fields of study. The mismatch between education and market demand has left an entire generation disillusioned, forcing them to look elsewhere for stability and prosperity.

The fourth Nepal Living Standard Survey report, published by the National Statistics Office in June 2024, shows that the unemployment rate climbed up to 12.6 percent in 2022-23 from 11.4 percent in 2017-18, representing a 1.2 percent rise in the five-year period. The unemployment rate has risen from 4.9 percent in 1995-96 to 12.6 percent in 2022-23.

The situation is even more dire for younger workers. Among those aged 15-24, the unemployment rate jumped from 7.3 percent in 1995-96 to 22.7 percent in 2022-23. The report said this highlights the challenge of finding jobs for youths in Nepal. 

The survey also shows that only 32.4 percent of the population is employed, while 62.9 percent are not in the labor force, and 4.7 percent are unemployed. These figures underscore the scale of the problem.

While average per capita income has risen significantly—from Rs 7,690 to Rs 136,707 over the past few decades—this growth has been highly uneven. The richest 20 percent saw their per capita income surge from Rs 19,325 to Rs 259,867, while the poorest 20 percent experienced only a modest increase, from Rs 2,020 to Rs 61,335. This stark disparity is a key driver of rising unemployment and mass youth migration.

Nepal’s income inequality, as measured by the Gini coefficient, has worsened over the years. In 2010/11, Nepal already had one of the highest levels of income inequality globally, and this gap has only widened since. By 2019, the income Gini coefficient had risen further, reflecting growing disparity.

Wealth inequality is even more extreme. The Palma Ratio, which compares the income share of the richest 10 percent to that of the poorest 40 percent, shows that Nepal’s richest 10 percent earn more than three times the income of the poorest 40 percent. Their wealth is over 26 times greater.

During the first Nepal Living Standards Survey in 1995, the poorest 20 percent of the population held only 5.6 percent of the total wealth, while the richest 20 percent controlled around 50 percent. The survey continued in 2010 and 2024, showing a rising trend for both groups, with the wealth share of the richest 20 percent now reaching 56 percent, says economist Chandra Mani Adhikari.

This uneven distribution of wealth has created a system where resources—education, employment opportunities, and access to capital—are concentrated among a small elite. Wealthier families can afford private schooling, overseas education, and business investments, ensuring their children access to high-paying jobs or entrepreneurial success. Meanwhile, lower-income youth, particularly in rural areas, struggle with poor educational infrastructure, lack of vocational training, and limited job prospects.

The government’s failure to address this gap has resulted in a labor market that systematically favors the privileged. Public education and vocational training programs remain underfunded, leaving many young people with few pathways to employment. Without robust skill-development initiatives, many are forced to choose between low-wage informal jobs or seeking opportunities abroad.

Economist Adhikari explains, “Once money began influencing Parliament and the government, policies started prioritizing large corporations over ordinary citizens.” In Nepal, economic policies heavily favor the affluent. “Big corporations and landowners benefit from tax cuts, subsidies, and easy access to loans, while small businesses and startups are bogged down by bureaucratic hurdles and limited financial support,” he notes. “This creates an environment where young entrepreneurs from lower-income backgrounds struggle to compete, reinforcing a system where only the wealthy can succeed.”

He further adds, “Nepal’s governance is controlled by a small, wealthy elite that designs policies to maintain their economic power.” Rather than focusing on industrialization or job creation, economic policies prioritize imports and service sectors dominated by the rich. The lack of industrial development severely restricts employment opportunities, forcing skilled and semi-skilled workers to seek work abroad. “A growing share of the service sector in GDP only exacerbates economic inequality,” Adhikari concludes.

Furthermore, while remittances contribute to nearly 29 percent of GDP, the funds primarily sustain daily consumption rather than being reinvested into productive sectors. The elite class, meanwhile, dominates high-profit industries like banking, real estate, and large-scale import businesses, limiting the economic space available for young professionals and workers to establish themselves.

The dependence on remittances has also created a paradox—while foreign employment helps individual families, it weakens the country’s long-term prospects by depriving Nepal of its skilled workforce. Many skilled workers—engineers, IT professionals, nurses, and hospitality workers—are leaving, creating a brain drain that could take decades to reverse.

Nepal’s literacy rate for youths (15–24 years) is over 90 percent, but many lack access to quality higher education or vocational training. During an interview with ApEx, former member secretary of the Council for Technical Education and Vocational Training (CTEVT) Ramhari Lamichhane said that the government has prioritized technical and vocational education, but it’s limited to policy documents. “It has stated that 70 percent of students will receive technical education, but there is no clarity on what kind of technical education this entails,” he says.

About a decade ago, there were around 800 institutions affiliated with CTEVT, but today, that number has grown to approximately 1,700. However, Lamichhane points out a concerning trend: When there were 800 institutions, 56,000 students were enrolled in technical education, but now, despite the increase in institutions, there are only 38,000 students.

A 2021 report by the International Labor Organization (ILO) found that over 60 percent of Nepali youths are either underemployed or working in jobs that do not match their qualifications. An estimated 1,500 highly skilled professionals—doctors, engineers, IT experts—leave Nepal annually for better opportunities abroad.

If current economic conditions persist, youth migration is expected to increase, with an estimated 600,000–700,000 Nepalis leaving annually by 2030. Nepal’s economy is projected to grow at a modest rate of four to five percent annually, which may not be sufficient to create enough jobs for its growing youth population.

“Only a handful of youths connected to the elites are benefiting,” says sociologist Pranab Kharel. “The elites are not only making money within Nepal but also taking it abroad, which means future opportunities are almost nonexistent, and it negatively impacts the youth.” According to him, this will not only widen economic inequality but also exacerbate racial, communal, and gender disparities, intensifying various forms of social injustice.

In 2019, the Prime Minister’s Employment Program was launched, but its impact remained limited due to poor implementation. In 2020, the government introduced a Rs 2bn Covid-19 relief package to provide temporary support for returning migrant workers. In 2021, amendments to the Foreign Employment Act were introduced to strengthen protections for migrant workers. The government then shifted its focus to digital employment in 2022, allocating Rs 3bn to promote remote work and IT jobs. But despite numerous political promises, the government has failed to create a sustainable environment for job creation and economic development. 

The Palma Ratio, which compares the income share of the richest 10 percent to that of the poorest 40 percent, shows that Nepal’s richest 10 percent earn more than three times the income of the poorest 40 percent. Their wealth is over 26 times greater

These programs, meant to support employment—such as youth entrepreneurship funds and skill-training initiatives—rarely reach the most vulnerable. Bureaucratic inefficiencies, corruption, and an unstable political climate further discourage young entrepreneurs and investors from staying in Nepal. Programs aimed at youth employment often lack proper implementation and fail to address the core issue: the absence of a thriving industrial and business ecosystem. As a result, despite various initiatives, youth unemployment remains high, and migration continues to be seen as the only viable path to financial stability for many.

Reversing the youth exodus requires a multi-pronged approach. Economic reform is crucial, with a focus on encouraging industrial growth, promoting entrepreneurship, and investing in key sectors such as technology, agriculture, and tourism to generate employment opportunities. Education reform is equally important, as aligning education with market demand and fostering skill-based training can help bridge the unemployment gap.

Government accountability is also vital. Creating a corruption-free and investment-friendly environment can encourage businesses to thrive and generate more jobs at home. Empowering youth by supporting startups, providing financial incentives, and ensuring a fair job market can help retain talent and reduce the outflow of young workers.

Nepali youths are not leaving just for money; they are leaving for dignity, security, and opportunity. If Nepal fails to address the root causes of economic disparity, the country risks losing its most valuable asset—its youth. It is high time that policymakers, businesses, and society work together to create an environment where young Nepalis see a future within their own country, rather than beyond its borders.

Addressing the House of Representatives on Thursday, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, the leader of the main opposition party, the CPN (Maoist Centre), started his speech by expressing dissatisfaction at the absence of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and senior leaders from the ruling party, the CPN-UML. 

Dahal remarked that, as per parliamentary traditions, when a leader of the opposition addresses the House, it is customary for the leader of the largest party and the Prime Minister, to be present. While Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba arrived a bit late, Prime Minister Oli was notably absent.

During an hour-long speech, Dahal voiced his concern regarding the government’s recent decision to issue multiple ordinances. He questioned the constitutional validity of such ordinances as they were brought forward just six before the Parliament was due to convene. 

The former prime minister accused the government of taking a shortcut in issuing ordinances and claimed that it demonstrated a lack of proper intention and transparency. He raised questions about the necessity of such ordinances, especially considering that the ruling parties had previously boasted of their strong mandate and two-thirds majority. 

Dahal expressed skepticism over the recent ordinances related to land reforms. He questioned whether the new land-related ordinances would ease the process of granting land rights to marginalized communities, including Dalits, indigenous people, and squatters. He warned that the amendments might complicate matters rather than solve them. Dahal also highlighted the discrepancies between the government’s actions and the promises made regarding land rights, emphasizing that the new policies appeared to favor the wealthy and urban elites over the rural poor.

“These amendments seem to benefit the land mafia and real estate developers, while leaving the poor and marginalized people struggling for their basic rights,” he noted.

A significant portion of Dahal’s address was dedicated to the government’s social media regulation bill. He said that while he had long been aware of Prime Minister Oli’s intentions regarding social media regulation, the tacit support of other ruling parties, especially the Congress, to the controversial bill was alarming.

He questioned Congress’s alignment with the government’s move and said, “I know Oli’s intentions, but how can you support such a bill now? Yesterday, you stood against such measures, and today you are supporting them.” He asked the Congress leaders if they really want a country where a citizen is barred from asking questions, from holding government to account.

He accused the government of trying to move forward in an authoritarian manner and intentionally causing distress to the citizens. He added that the government’s political retribution and the misuse of state power had become commonplace

In an attempt to defend himself from allegations related to the controversial ‘Shera Durbar’ incident in Nuwakot, Dahal challenged the government to investigate his possible involvement. “If I am involved in the Shera Darbar case in any way, let the investigation begin,” he said. He further claimed that the government was using the issue to tarnish his reputation, with an aim to find some link, no matter how tenuous, to attack him and his party.

 “The government has been working hard to frame me in this case,” Dahal said.

The case involves the alleged illegal possession of land in Nuwakot, which is thought to have been occupied by Dahal’s former private secretary. Following a prolonged investigation, the Central Investigation Bureau (CIB) of Nepal Police has concluded that the land should be returned to the government.

Dahal also accused the government of causing hardship to the citizens. He expressed frustration over the government’s tendency to press serious charges even in situations where a simple resolution could have been found. “In situations where things could be settled through discussions, citizens are being shackled and dragged from one district to another, with severe charges being placed. Is this arrogance of power, or fear of the people?”

He also accused the government of trying to move forward in an authoritarian manner and intentionally causing distress to the citizens. He added that the government’s political retribution and the misuse of state power had become commonplace.

He linked this to the incident involving the Pathibhara Cable Car dispute, where the police had fired shots, and the introduction of the social media regulation bill, which he argued was an attempt to legally control freedom of expression. “What is this? Are you above the people’s sovereignty? Are you above the constitution? Are you the masters and the citizens your slaves?”

Further criticism was directed at the government’s treatment of Rabi Lamichhane, the leader of the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), who was suspended from Parliament despite being released on bail by the court. Dahal raised concerns about the political motives behind Lamichhane’s suspension, accusing the government of orchestrating a political revenge campaign.

He addressed the Speaker of the House, requesting a re-evaluation of Lamichhane’s suspension, calling into question its fairness and constitutional grounds. “Even after being released on bail, how can Lamichhane’s suspension be justified? We need to reconsider this issue in light of the constitutional principles of justice,” he urged the Speaker.

Dahal emphasized that the current government’s strength was evident when it came to pursuing political revenge. He argued that the opposition leaders were being unfairly painted as villains despite the lack of evidence.

Lawmaker Sobita Gautam from RSP also expressed regret over the decision to suspend Lamichhane and urged for a swift correction of the decision. “My party and I deeply regret this decision, and I request the Parliament Secretariat to correct it as soon as possible,” Gautam said. “I humbly request that the suspension be revoked.”

“Parliamentary rules have provisions for suspension only if an MP is sent to jail by a court. But the suspension notice was posted without a court case,” she said. “The law was meant to prevent MPs from being targeted unnecessarily.”

Similarly, Sumana Shrestha, MP from RSP raised concerns about the social media bill, which has been registered in Parliament, and highlighted the growing protests from youth against the bill. She brought the issue to the government’s attention. “Protests have started on social media since yesterday. There is a growing voice against the social media bill the government has registered,” she said. “Will the government listen to this voice? I am raising this issue to attract the government’s attention.”

She also suggested engaging the youth for further discussions on the bill. “Invite the youth and let them discuss. We’ve seen that the bill can pass through this House even if they are pushed. What is content creation? The government has brought this bill without even understanding basic social media matters,” Shrestha said.

Case I

Bhago Devi Sadaya, 40, is one of the many women in Jhutki village, Lahan Municipality-24, Siraha, whose life revolves around the daily struggle of fetching water. In her village of 33 households, there is only one hand pump, which often dries up during the summer months. “The extreme heat in recent years has made the hand pump unusable, forcing us to walk up to two hours to find water,” she explains.

As members of the Dalit community, Bhago Devi and her neighbors are barred from using hand pumps in nearby villages. This systemic discrimination leaves them with no choice but to rely on distant rivers or hand pumps in other Dalit villages.

Previously, two ponds near Jhutki served as vital resources for the community, providing water for cattle, gardening, washing clothes, and cleaning utensils. However, a few years ago, the municipality filled one pond to build a local market and drained the other to construct a temple in its center. “Now, we have to fetch water not just for drinking but for all our daily needs,” Bhago Devi told ApEx.

“Women in my community have been walking at least four hours a day, often in two shifts, to fetch water since they were 10 years old,” she adds. The physical toll of this labor has led to menstrual health issues for many women. “The time spent fetching water leaves us with little opportunity to earn a living through other work,” she says.

The loss of the ponds has also deprived the community of their fishing livelihood, further exacerbating their economic struggles.

Case II

In Sisawani village, part of Lahan Municipality-22, the Sadaya community faces similar challenges. The village once had two ponds, but one was filled by the municipality to construct a road, and the other was handed over to the private sector. Now, villagers must pay Rs 100 per kilogram of fish they catch.

Despite these setbacks, the community has shown resilience by initiating collective efforts like community farming and establishing a savings fund. “We don’t face major issues with drinking water since we have a hand pump and a well, but irrigation for farming remains a challenge,” says Cheti Sadaya, 34. “Using the hand pump or well for irrigation dries them up quickly, and changing rainfall patterns make rainwater unreliable,” she explains.

A decade ago, monsoon rains were predictable and timely. Now, heavy rainfall often occurs during harvest time, damaging crops. “The municipality hasn’t provided any support for irrigation, so we struggle to manage,” Cheti says. “Our fishing livelihood is also gone.”

Case III

Aahale, in Dhangadhimai Municipality-12, Siraha, is home to 35 households from the Sadaya community. Despite being in the Tarai region, Aahale’s hilly terrain makes hand pumps impractical. Villagers rely on an electric submersible pump for water, but frequent breakdowns and costly repairs leave them without access for months.

“When the pump breaks down, it takes about six months to collect enough funds for repairs. During that time, we walk an hour to the nearest river to fetch water,” says Ganauri Sadaya, 47. “Relying on river water has led to frequent waterborne diseases in the village.”

A nearby community forest offers some relief, but access is restricted to Saturdays, and villagers must pay Rs 10 for entry. “We’re only allowed to carry as much firewood as we can in one trip, even though there’s plenty of dried wood that could be used or sold,” Ganauri laments.

Case IV

In Bihibare, another hilly region in Dhangadhimai-14, hand pumps are also unfeasible. Villagers store groundwater near rivers, but the sparse population means some households are an hour’s walk from the water source. “Women manage agriculture while men work abroad,” says Shova Thakuri, 34, whose husband has been in the Middle East for a decade. “We’re doing our best, but the changing climate makes it harder every year.”

A decade ago, rainfall began in April, but now it often arrives only in August or September, with heavy downpours destroying crops. “On my three bighas of land, I used to grow 2,000 kilograms of maize. Now, I’m lucky to get 200 kilograms,” says Bhakta Maya Thakuri, 65.

“Winter used to start in December and end by January, but now we face extreme heat in December and cold waves later,” she adds. “Potato plants dry up in December, and those that survive are damaged by late cold waves during harvest.”

The above cases highlight the intertwined challenges of climate change, resource degradation, and systemic inequality. Erratic rainfall and shifting weather patterns have disrupted traditional farming cycles, drastically reducing crop yields and threatening livelihoods. Women, who manage agriculture and daily survival while men seek employment abroad, bear the brunt of these changes.

The loss of public commons like ponds and forests has further exacerbated their struggles. Without reliable water infrastructure, villagers are forced to rely on rivers, increasing their vulnerability to waterborne diseases. Restrictions on forest access limit their ability to collect firewood, cutting off a vital resource.

Despite these challenges, communities are demonstrating resilience through collective efforts like community farming and savings funds. However, the lack of institutional support for irrigation and sustainable resource management underscores the need for urgent policy interventions to protect public commons and adapt to climate change.

Mahesh Prasad Chaudhary, mayor of Lahan Municipality, denies allegations that the municipality has filled ponds. He claims efforts are underway to expand remaining ponds and provide drinking water taps to every household by 2030. “We have already dug around 10 ponds and are collaborating with organizations to construct water tanks,” he says.

Shiva Shankar Mahato, mayor of Dhangadhimai Municipality, claims the Dalit communities “destroy hand pumps themselves,” shifting blame onto marginalized communities rather than addressing structural issues of inequality and inadequate infrastructure. 

The persistent struggle of Dalit communities to access clean water is a stark reminder of the need for inclusive policy-making and accountability at the local level.

Climate change demands cohesive action across governance levels. For Nepal—one of the most climate-vulnerable countries—the stakes are high. Increasing risks of floods, landslides, and droughts disproportionately affect marginalized groups, particularly women, intensifying the urgency for climate-resilient policies.

Public commons—forests, water sources, and grazing lands—are pivotal tools for climate resilience. However, these resources face growing strain from overexploitation, ineffective governance, and climate impacts. Recognizing their role in addressing climate challenges offers Nepal a sustainable path forward.

“Over the past decade or more, discussions on climate change have largely focused on emissions, but it is not the only pressing issue at hand,” says environmentalist Madhukar Upadhya. “There are many other concerns: loss of biodiversity, land and soil degradation, water shortages, declining productivity. At the heart of it all is the public commons, which is essential not only for maintaining a healthy environment but also for helping communities combat and mitigate the climate crisis.”

As the Climate Change Division falls under the Ministry of Forests and Environment, there have been strong policies and efforts regarding forests. However, there are no dedicated agencies or policies to oversee public commons. 

“Everyone benefits from public commons, but no one has taken responsibility for their protection. It has not even been able to be a part of climate dialogues,” says Upadhya.

The Local Government Operation Act 2017 establishes disaster management, environmental protection and conservation, land management, and natural resource management as joint responsibilities of the federal and provincial governments. However, the Act neglects to specifically address climate change risks and necessary adaptation interventions. Local governments, despite having environmental and disaster management units, often struggle to respond effectively to vulnerable communities—such as Dalits, indigenous groups, and women—due to limited capacity and resources.

Similarly, the Gender Equality Policy 2021 identifies cross-cutting areas to address the vulnerabilities of marginalized groups. However, sectoral policies often treat communities as homogenous entities, disregarding historical discrimination, contextual risks, and differential impacts. This approach risks isolating gender equality and social inclusion (GESI) strategies from broader development policies. While the policy acknowledges the vulnerabilities of women and marginalized groups, it does not recognize their roles as contributors and agents of change, which limits the scope of their involvement in driving climate action.

Furthermore, the National Forest Policy 2019 envisions sustainable and participatory forest management, conservation, and biodiversity protection. While it includes a sectoral GESI policy, it does not prioritize climate change issues or explicitly outline how women and socially excluded groups can benefit from initiatives like REDD+. Forest laws and policies lack a climate justice perspective to adequately protect and empower the poor, women, and marginalized groups disproportionately impacted by climate change. 

“None of our institutions are equipped to address emerging climate challenges, as they still operate under traditional policies,” says Upadhya. 

The loss of ponds has not only worsened water scarcity but also eliminated traditional fishing-based incomes, further deepening economic struggles

The recently organized Bagmati Province-Level Dialogue on ‘Localization of Climate Action: A Gender Lens on Public Commons Conservation and Justice’ in Hetauda underscored the importance of local climate actions enhanced by a gender-inclusive approach, focusing on conserving public commons and ensuring justice for all.  

During the event, a woman from indigenous community shared firsthand accounts of how climate change has impacted their lives. “Agriculture has been greatly affected due to the lack of rain during the rainy season and the continuous increase in temperature. Food production has declined, and irregularities in agriculture have made food supplies unsafe,” she explained. 

Another noted, “Whether it’s the heat or the lack of water and food, the fear of wild animals has increased. They destroy all our crops. If you defend yourself and kill an animal, you go to jail, but if a person dies, no one cares—especially for us slum dwellers, workers, landless, and marginalized groups.”

Subarna Ghimire, a local activist who is also a student of forestry, pointed out that the vulnerable communities lack information about the impacts of climate change. He stressed that  a comprehensive effort is needed to help communities understand and adapt.

Despite these systemic challenges, several local governments in Nepal have made commendable efforts to address climate risks and build resilience. Madi Municipality in Chitwan, for instance, has developed a Local Adaptation Action Plan (LAPA) that focuses on agriculture, water management, and disaster risk reduction. The municipality has implemented community-based water management projects, such as rainwater harvesting systems and the rezoning of traditional water sources, while also promoting climate-smart agricultural practices and drought-resistant crops. 

Similarly, Dhangadhi Sub-Metropolitan City has prepared a Disaster Risk Reduction and Climate Change Adaptation (DRR-CCA) plan that integrates climate adaptation strategies with local emergency management. It has undertaken vulnerability assessments to address issues such as floods, heat waves, and water scarcity. The city has focused on promoting climate-resilient crops, training farmers in water conservation techniques, and establishing early warning systems along with flood protection infrastructure to enhance emergency preparedness. 

Meanwhile, Gorkha Municipality has integrated climate adaptation strategies into its urban development plan. It has prioritized building resilient infrastructure, including flood protection and irrigation systems, while promoting sustainable agricultural practices. The municipality has also initiated community-based forest management projects to conserve natural resources and mitigate the risk of landslides.

In Rasuwa, local governments have introduced a Climate-Smart Village Plan to address climate challenges in remote and rural areas. These initiatives emphasize community participation in building climate resilience, particularly in the agricultural sector. The district has initiated watershed management projects to conserve soil and water resources while promoting alternative livelihoods such as eco-tourism. Farmers in the region have been trained in crop diversification, soil conservation techniques, and water-saving irrigation practices, further strengthening the local economy and climate resilience.

Nepal lacks dedicated policies to protect public commons like water sources and forests, making climate adaptation harder for marginalized groups

While these efforts are promising, they reveal persistent challenges, including weak coordination among federal, provincial, and local governments, conflicting jurisdictions, and overlapping responsibilities. The lack of comprehensive data on climate risks and resource constraints further hampers evidence-based planning and implementation. Addressing these challenges requires bridging gaps in policies, empowering local governments with resources and technical capacity, and fostering better coordination across governance levels.

“Local governments are primarily focused on increasing revenue, but they are overlooking how communities are living and struggling with the consequences,” says environmentalist Upadhya. “The constitution grants local governments the authority to manage natural resources, so they should prioritize their people and take action at the ground level.” 

As local governments are responsible for formulating their own policies, he suggests that the central government provide clear guidelines to help align these policies with a climate-focused approach. To build a more inclusive and climate-resilient future, Nepal must integrate gender-sensitive approaches and leverage the potential of public commons. Recognizing vulnerable groups as active agents of change in climate action, rather than passive recipients, is essential. 

Public commons hold immense potential for building climate resilience and supporting adaptation strategies. Forests and wetlands act as carbon sinks, reducing greenhouse gas emissions, while healthy ecosystems mitigate the risks of floods, landslides, and droughts. Empowering women is essential, as they are the primary users and stewards of these resources in many rural communities. Integrating gender perspectives into climate policies can strengthen resource management and resilience efforts.

Provincial governments play a crucial role in bridging the gap between national and international commitments and local priorities. Frameworks like the Paris Agreement and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) emphasize inclusive governance, providing Nepal with a pathway to integrate public commons into its climate solutions. 

Localizing climate actions requires developing tailored climate plans and budgets that address specific local needs while incorporating gender-sensitive approaches to ensure inclusive participation. Provincial and national synergy can be enhanced by aligning provincial policies with broader frameworks and facilitating data sharing and resource allocation for coherent governance. 

“The conservation of Nepal’s public commons is more than a localized issue. It’s a critical component of global climate strategies,” says Upadhya. “By integrating commons into climate policies and prioritizing gender-sensitive approaches, Nepal can empower its communities and combat the crisis of climate change.”

The government has tabled a bill on social media regulation in the National Assembly. Minister for Communication and Information Technology, Prithvi Subba Gurung, who is also the government spokesperson, tabled the bill. 

The proposed bill mentions economic fines and imprisonment for social media platforms and their users in nearly a dozen provisions.

The government has proposed imposing a fine of up to Rs 2.5m on individuals operating social media platforms in Nepal without permission or in violation of a ban. Any person or organization found guilty of actions detrimental to national interests could face five years of imprisonment, a fine of up to Rs 500,000, or both.

Section 18(1) of Chapter 5 of the bill states: “No one should engage in or promote any activity that undermines Nepal’s sovereignty, territorial integrity, national security, unity, independence, dignity or national interests, or causes hatred or discord based on class, caste, religion, culture, region or any other basis through social media.” Those found guilty of such acts could face five years in prison, a fine of up to Rs 500,000, or both.

The bill also proposes two years of imprisonment or a fine of up to Rs 300,000 or both for those committing cyberbullying (Section 19), and three years of imprisonment or a fine of up to Rs 500,000 or both for cyberstalking (Section 20). Cyberbullying is defined as acts of harassment, intimidation, threats, humiliation, defamation or rumor-spreading through social media or internet-connected devices. This includes sending, posting or sharing harmful or misleading text, symbols, images, sketches, photos, audio, video, audiovisual content, signals or messages as well as imitating someone’s voice to cause trouble.

Section 21 proposes three years of imprisonment or a fine of up to Rs 1.5m or both for hacking someone’s ID or information. Section 22 suggests similar penalties for phishing or imposter scams.

Section 23 proposes three years of imprisonment or a fine of up to Rs 1.5m or both for extortion or sextortion offenses. Section 24 includes three months of imprisonment or a fine of up to Rs 50,000, or both, for posting or sharing grotesque images, videos, or audios.

Section 25 proposes a penalty of up to two years of imprisonment or a fine of up to Rs 300,000 or both for spreading obscene, false or misleading content. Section 26 suggests similar penalties for uploading or disseminating deepfake videos. Section 27 proposes penalties for writing anonymously on social media, with up to three months of imprisonment or a fine of up to Rs 50,000 or both for those who create or use pseudonymous identities.

Additionally, the bill proposes an extra one year of imprisonment for those who incite or engage in criminal acts on social media, as per the prevailing law. Section 28(2) proposes double the penalty for repeat offenders of any crime under this Act. Public office holders or individuals benefiting from state funds, who commit such offenses, could face up to 50 percent additional punishment. Offenses involving the use of children could incur an additional year of imprisonment.

Laxman D Pant, executive director of Media Action Nepal, shared his concerns on social media regarding the newly-tabled bill saying that the bill aligned with the government’s agenda, if passed without any changes, could lead to a growing influence of those who suppress dissent by labeling it as a crime. This, he warned, would result in the abuse of state powers, discourage those trying to expose injustices, and cultivate a culture of silence. In his post, he also questioned why the rulers failed to remember the fundamental truth of democracy: that power is temporary, and one day, they too may find themselves walking on the streets.