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The Nepali Army (NA) has addressed a letter sent to the United Nations by Devi Sunuwar, mother of 15-year-old Maina Sunuwar, who died from torture in army custody during Nepal’s armed conflict. Speaking at a press conference, Brigadier General Om Bahadur Bhatta of the Judge Advocate General’s Department (NA’s legal wing) stated that he did not understand why the Sunar family was still pursuing legal proceedings after a court ruling had already been made.

In a letter addressed to the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, Devi urged Jean-Pierre Lacroix, Under-secretary general for Peacekeeping Operations, to urge the NA to demonstrate its commitment to truth, justice, and non-recurrence.

“The NA may argue that these officers already faced a court-martial on 8 Sept 2005 regarding my daughter’s killing. But let me be clear: a) under international human rights law, crimes against civilians should not be handled by a military court; and b) the court-martial only addressed improper interrogation techniques and improper body disposal,” she wrote.

“I do not understand why Sunuwar’s family is still pursuing legal action, claiming the verdict was either too lenient or too harsh,” Bhatta said. “The way the verdict has been obtained from the district court and the way pressure is being exerted at the national and international levels, it is unclear what their objective is.” At that time, under the Army Act 2016, the military court had jurisdiction over this case, and a decision had already been made, he added.

On 17 Feb 2004, a team under the command of Nepali Army Major Niranjan Basnet took 15-year-old Maina Sunuwar from her home in Katunje, then Kharelthok VDC-6, Kavre. She later died due to extreme torture by military officers. Her remains were found eight months later following pressure from national and international human rights organizations.

Brigadier General Bhatta stated in the press conference that the resolution of this case is expected to happen through the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). “At present, there is the TRC, and its law has already been enacted,” he said. “If the commission is formed, maybe it will say something about this matter.” Since the case is under consideration at the Supreme Court, he refrained from providing further details, saying, “That is a matter for the TRC; the issue of jurisdiction comes under that. If tomorrow the TRC addresses it, it will be resolved from there.”

Later in 2004, the military court sentenced three army officers—Boby Khatri, Sunil Prasad Adhikari, and Amit Pun—to six months in prison and a one-year promotion ban for violating human rights and humanitarian laws in the Maina Sunar case.

However, dissatisfied with the military court’s ruling, Maina’s mother, Devi, filed a complaint against four officers at the Kavre District Police Office on 6 Dec 2005. After Nepal’s peace process began, a case was filed against four military officials on 21 Jan 2008 in Kavre District Court. On 17 April 2017, the court sentenced three army officers to life imprisonment for extrajudicial killing. It acquitted Basnet. This was the first case in which Nepali Army officials were convicted of a crime committed during the decade-long armed conflict that began in 1996.

The High Court upheld the ruling, but the NA appealed it to the Supreme Court. Khatri, Adhikari, and Pun are no longer in the army.

Devi informed the United Nations that some army officials had contacted her and proposed building a memorial in honor of her daughter. While she supports a memorial in Maina’s memory, she stated in her letter that she could not accept it unless certain conditions were met.

Major General Prem Dhoj Adhikari, head of the Department of Military Operations, clarified that no formal proposal had been made by army headquarters. “Rather, I heard discussions that if the issue could be resolved at the municipal level, a memorial could be built at an initiative of the mayor of Panchkhal in Kavre.”

Major General Adhikari also mentioned that the army does not have land for building the memorial and that the initiative was taken at the local level by the mayor. “The army does not have land for this; I think the mayor took the initiative to see if this could be resolved at the local level,” he said.

Although he acknowledged hearing about the letter sent to the United Nations, he stated that since the state has already enacted the TRC law, the issue should be resolved through it.

The Nepali Army (NA) has stated that it is closely observing the unfolding geopolitical landscape, particularly in light of the policies introduced by the newly-elected US President Donald Trump. Speaking at a press conference on Sunday, Major General Prem Dhoj Adhikari, head of the Department of Military Operations of the NA, emphasized that Nepal must assess the potential impact of major powers’ policy shifts on its security and economy.

“The policies adopted by powerful nations and evolving regional dynamics have far-reaching consequences,” Adhikari stated. “The Nepali Army is continuously evaluating these developments through a comprehensive strategy framework to address all security concerns.”

Trump’s return to the White House has raised global uncertainties, with expectations of significant policy shifts in US foreign relations, trade, and military engagement. Analysts anticipate that his ‘America First’ approach could impact US alliances and global economic policies, which may indirectly affect Nepal.

During the recently-concluded two-day meeting of the head of NA divisions, senior army officials including General Officer Commanding (GOC) of the divisions delved into the country’s internal and external challenges including Nepal’s strategic positioning amidst global shifts. The conference, attended by Chief of Army Staff General Ashok Raj Sigdel, reviewed national security challenges and emphasized Nepal’s need to adapt its strategies to emerging threats.

General Sigdel underscored the importance of maintaining Nepal’s military professionalism and preparedness while fulfilling constitutional duties. He stressed that Nepal must remain vigilant in the face of evolving geopolitical challenges, including technological advancements, climate change, and regional security dynamics.

Defense Minister Manbir Rai, who also addressed the meeting, highlighted the need for Nepal to assess the implications of global power struggles, ongoing conflicts and the rise of artificial intelligence in warfare.

Nepal is witnessing an alarming trend—its youth, the backbone of the country, are leaving in droves in search of better opportunities abroad. This mass exodus is not just a migration story; it is a consequence of economic disparity, limited opportunities, and systemic failure to retain its brightest minds.

Over the past three decades, nearly 6.8m Nepalis have received labor approval for overseas jobs (excluding India), with an estimated 1,700 leaving daily. The Department of Foreign Employment (DoFE) estimates that an additional 1.5m–1.7m Nepalis are working in India, while many others bypass formal channels to seek opportunities elsewhere. On top of this, over 100,000 students leave Nepal annually for studies abroad.

Despite Nepal’s economic growth in recent years, wealth remains concentrated in the hands of a few. Rural communities continue to suffer from limited access to quality education, healthcare, and employment. The lack of industrialization and sustainable job opportunities forces thousands of youths to seek employment in foreign lands, particularly in the Gulf nations, Malaysia, and beyond.

Even educated youths are struggling. Many university graduates find themselves unemployed or working in low-paying jobs unrelated to their fields of study. The mismatch between education and market demand has left an entire generation disillusioned, forcing them to look elsewhere for stability and prosperity.

The fourth Nepal Living Standard Survey report, published by the National Statistics Office in June 2024, shows that the unemployment rate climbed up to 12.6 percent in 2022-23 from 11.4 percent in 2017-18, representing a 1.2 percent rise in the five-year period. The unemployment rate has risen from 4.9 percent in 1995-96 to 12.6 percent in 2022-23.

The situation is even more dire for younger workers. Among those aged 15-24, the unemployment rate jumped from 7.3 percent in 1995-96 to 22.7 percent in 2022-23. The report said this highlights the challenge of finding jobs for youths in Nepal. 

The survey also shows that only 32.4 percent of the population is employed, while 62.9 percent are not in the labor force, and 4.7 percent are unemployed. These figures underscore the scale of the problem.

While average per capita income has risen significantly—from Rs 7,690 to Rs 136,707 over the past few decades—this growth has been highly uneven. The richest 20 percent saw their per capita income surge from Rs 19,325 to Rs 259,867, while the poorest 20 percent experienced only a modest increase, from Rs 2,020 to Rs 61,335. This stark disparity is a key driver of rising unemployment and mass youth migration.

Nepal’s income inequality, as measured by the Gini coefficient, has worsened over the years. In 2010/11, Nepal already had one of the highest levels of income inequality globally, and this gap has only widened since. By 2019, the income Gini coefficient had risen further, reflecting growing disparity.

Wealth inequality is even more extreme. The Palma Ratio, which compares the income share of the richest 10 percent to that of the poorest 40 percent, shows that Nepal’s richest 10 percent earn more than three times the income of the poorest 40 percent. Their wealth is over 26 times greater.

During the first Nepal Living Standards Survey in 1995, the poorest 20 percent of the population held only 5.6 percent of the total wealth, while the richest 20 percent controlled around 50 percent. The survey continued in 2010 and 2024, showing a rising trend for both groups, with the wealth share of the richest 20 percent now reaching 56 percent, says economist Chandra Mani Adhikari.

This uneven distribution of wealth has created a system where resources—education, employment opportunities, and access to capital—are concentrated among a small elite. Wealthier families can afford private schooling, overseas education, and business investments, ensuring their children access to high-paying jobs or entrepreneurial success. Meanwhile, lower-income youth, particularly in rural areas, struggle with poor educational infrastructure, lack of vocational training, and limited job prospects.

The government’s failure to address this gap has resulted in a labor market that systematically favors the privileged. Public education and vocational training programs remain underfunded, leaving many young people with few pathways to employment. Without robust skill-development initiatives, many are forced to choose between low-wage informal jobs or seeking opportunities abroad.

Economist Adhikari explains, “Once money began influencing Parliament and the government, policies started prioritizing large corporations over ordinary citizens.” In Nepal, economic policies heavily favor the affluent. “Big corporations and landowners benefit from tax cuts, subsidies, and easy access to loans, while small businesses and startups are bogged down by bureaucratic hurdles and limited financial support,” he notes. “This creates an environment where young entrepreneurs from lower-income backgrounds struggle to compete, reinforcing a system where only the wealthy can succeed.”

He further adds, “Nepal’s governance is controlled by a small, wealthy elite that designs policies to maintain their economic power.” Rather than focusing on industrialization or job creation, economic policies prioritize imports and service sectors dominated by the rich. The lack of industrial development severely restricts employment opportunities, forcing skilled and semi-skilled workers to seek work abroad. “A growing share of the service sector in GDP only exacerbates economic inequality,” Adhikari concludes.

Furthermore, while remittances contribute to nearly 29 percent of GDP, the funds primarily sustain daily consumption rather than being reinvested into productive sectors. The elite class, meanwhile, dominates high-profit industries like banking, real estate, and large-scale import businesses, limiting the economic space available for young professionals and workers to establish themselves.

The dependence on remittances has also created a paradox—while foreign employment helps individual families, it weakens the country’s long-term prospects by depriving Nepal of its skilled workforce. Many skilled workers—engineers, IT professionals, nurses, and hospitality workers—are leaving, creating a brain drain that could take decades to reverse.

Nepal’s literacy rate for youths (15–24 years) is over 90 percent, but many lack access to quality higher education or vocational training. During an interview with ApEx, former member secretary of the Council for Technical Education and Vocational Training (CTEVT) Ramhari Lamichhane said that the government has prioritized technical and vocational education, but it’s limited to policy documents. “It has stated that 70 percent of students will receive technical education, but there is no clarity on what kind of technical education this entails,” he says.

About a decade ago, there were around 800 institutions affiliated with CTEVT, but today, that number has grown to approximately 1,700. However, Lamichhane points out a concerning trend: When there were 800 institutions, 56,000 students were enrolled in technical education, but now, despite the increase in institutions, there are only 38,000 students.

A 2021 report by the International Labor Organization (ILO) found that over 60 percent of Nepali youths are either underemployed or working in jobs that do not match their qualifications. An estimated 1,500 highly skilled professionals—doctors, engineers, IT experts—leave Nepal annually for better opportunities abroad.

If current economic conditions persist, youth migration is expected to increase, with an estimated 600,000–700,000 Nepalis leaving annually by 2030. Nepal’s economy is projected to grow at a modest rate of four to five percent annually, which may not be sufficient to create enough jobs for its growing youth population.

“Only a handful of youths connected to the elites are benefiting,” says sociologist Pranab Kharel. “The elites are not only making money within Nepal but also taking it abroad, which means future opportunities are almost nonexistent, and it negatively impacts the youth.” According to him, this will not only widen economic inequality but also exacerbate racial, communal, and gender disparities, intensifying various forms of social injustice.

In 2019, the Prime Minister’s Employment Program was launched, but its impact remained limited due to poor implementation. In 2020, the government introduced a Rs 2bn Covid-19 relief package to provide temporary support for returning migrant workers. In 2021, amendments to the Foreign Employment Act were introduced to strengthen protections for migrant workers. The government then shifted its focus to digital employment in 2022, allocating Rs 3bn to promote remote work and IT jobs. But despite numerous political promises, the government has failed to create a sustainable environment for job creation and economic development. 

The Palma Ratio, which compares the income share of the richest 10 percent to that of the poorest 40 percent, shows that Nepal’s richest 10 percent earn more than three times the income of the poorest 40 percent. Their wealth is over 26 times greater

These programs, meant to support employment—such as youth entrepreneurship funds and skill-training initiatives—rarely reach the most vulnerable. Bureaucratic inefficiencies, corruption, and an unstable political climate further discourage young entrepreneurs and investors from staying in Nepal. Programs aimed at youth employment often lack proper implementation and fail to address the core issue: the absence of a thriving industrial and business ecosystem. As a result, despite various initiatives, youth unemployment remains high, and migration continues to be seen as the only viable path to financial stability for many.

Reversing the youth exodus requires a multi-pronged approach. Economic reform is crucial, with a focus on encouraging industrial growth, promoting entrepreneurship, and investing in key sectors such as technology, agriculture, and tourism to generate employment opportunities. Education reform is equally important, as aligning education with market demand and fostering skill-based training can help bridge the unemployment gap.

Government accountability is also vital. Creating a corruption-free and investment-friendly environment can encourage businesses to thrive and generate more jobs at home. Empowering youth by supporting startups, providing financial incentives, and ensuring a fair job market can help retain talent and reduce the outflow of young workers.

Nepali youths are not leaving just for money; they are leaving for dignity, security, and opportunity. If Nepal fails to address the root causes of economic disparity, the country risks losing its most valuable asset—its youth. It is high time that policymakers, businesses, and society work together to create an environment where young Nepalis see a future within their own country, rather than beyond its borders.

Addressing the House of Representatives on Thursday, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, the leader of the main opposition party, the CPN (Maoist Centre), started his speech by expressing dissatisfaction at the absence of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and senior leaders from the ruling party, the CPN-UML. 

Dahal remarked that, as per parliamentary traditions, when a leader of the opposition addresses the House, it is customary for the leader of the largest party and the Prime Minister, to be present. While Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba arrived a bit late, Prime Minister Oli was notably absent.

During an hour-long speech, Dahal voiced his concern regarding the government’s recent decision to issue multiple ordinances. He questioned the constitutional validity of such ordinances as they were brought forward just six before the Parliament was due to convene. 

The former prime minister accused the government of taking a shortcut in issuing ordinances and claimed that it demonstrated a lack of proper intention and transparency. He raised questions about the necessity of such ordinances, especially considering that the ruling parties had previously boasted of their strong mandate and two-thirds majority. 

Dahal expressed skepticism over the recent ordinances related to land reforms. He questioned whether the new land-related ordinances would ease the process of granting land rights to marginalized communities, including Dalits, indigenous people, and squatters. He warned that the amendments might complicate matters rather than solve them. Dahal also highlighted the discrepancies between the government’s actions and the promises made regarding land rights, emphasizing that the new policies appeared to favor the wealthy and urban elites over the rural poor.

“These amendments seem to benefit the land mafia and real estate developers, while leaving the poor and marginalized people struggling for their basic rights,” he noted.

A significant portion of Dahal’s address was dedicated to the government’s social media regulation bill. He said that while he had long been aware of Prime Minister Oli’s intentions regarding social media regulation, the tacit support of other ruling parties, especially the Congress, to the controversial bill was alarming.

He questioned Congress’s alignment with the government’s move and said, “I know Oli’s intentions, but how can you support such a bill now? Yesterday, you stood against such measures, and today you are supporting them.” He asked the Congress leaders if they really want a country where a citizen is barred from asking questions, from holding government to account.

He accused the government of trying to move forward in an authoritarian manner and intentionally causing distress to the citizens. He added that the government’s political retribution and the misuse of state power had become commonplace

In an attempt to defend himself from allegations related to the controversial ‘Shera Durbar’ incident in Nuwakot, Dahal challenged the government to investigate his possible involvement. “If I am involved in the Shera Darbar case in any way, let the investigation begin,” he said. He further claimed that the government was using the issue to tarnish his reputation, with an aim to find some link, no matter how tenuous, to attack him and his party.

 “The government has been working hard to frame me in this case,” Dahal said.

The case involves the alleged illegal possession of land in Nuwakot, which is thought to have been occupied by Dahal’s former private secretary. Following a prolonged investigation, the Central Investigation Bureau (CIB) of Nepal Police has concluded that the land should be returned to the government.

Dahal also accused the government of causing hardship to the citizens. He expressed frustration over the government’s tendency to press serious charges even in situations where a simple resolution could have been found. “In situations where things could be settled through discussions, citizens are being shackled and dragged from one district to another, with severe charges being placed. Is this arrogance of power, or fear of the people?”

He also accused the government of trying to move forward in an authoritarian manner and intentionally causing distress to the citizens. He added that the government’s political retribution and the misuse of state power had become commonplace.

He linked this to the incident involving the Pathibhara Cable Car dispute, where the police had fired shots, and the introduction of the social media regulation bill, which he argued was an attempt to legally control freedom of expression. “What is this? Are you above the people’s sovereignty? Are you above the constitution? Are you the masters and the citizens your slaves?”

Further criticism was directed at the government’s treatment of Rabi Lamichhane, the leader of the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), who was suspended from Parliament despite being released on bail by the court. Dahal raised concerns about the political motives behind Lamichhane’s suspension, accusing the government of orchestrating a political revenge campaign.

He addressed the Speaker of the House, requesting a re-evaluation of Lamichhane’s suspension, calling into question its fairness and constitutional grounds. “Even after being released on bail, how can Lamichhane’s suspension be justified? We need to reconsider this issue in light of the constitutional principles of justice,” he urged the Speaker.

Dahal emphasized that the current government’s strength was evident when it came to pursuing political revenge. He argued that the opposition leaders were being unfairly painted as villains despite the lack of evidence.

Lawmaker Sobita Gautam from RSP also expressed regret over the decision to suspend Lamichhane and urged for a swift correction of the decision. “My party and I deeply regret this decision, and I request the Parliament Secretariat to correct it as soon as possible,” Gautam said. “I humbly request that the suspension be revoked.”

“Parliamentary rules have provisions for suspension only if an MP is sent to jail by a court. But the suspension notice was posted without a court case,” she said. “The law was meant to prevent MPs from being targeted unnecessarily.”

Similarly, Sumana Shrestha, MP from RSP raised concerns about the social media bill, which has been registered in Parliament, and highlighted the growing protests from youth against the bill. She brought the issue to the government’s attention. “Protests have started on social media since yesterday. There is a growing voice against the social media bill the government has registered,” she said. “Will the government listen to this voice? I am raising this issue to attract the government’s attention.”

She also suggested engaging the youth for further discussions on the bill. “Invite the youth and let them discuss. We’ve seen that the bill can pass through this House even if they are pushed. What is content creation? The government has brought this bill without even understanding basic social media matters,” Shrestha said.

Case I

Bhago Devi Sadaya, 40, is one of the many women in Jhutki village, Lahan Municipality-24, Siraha, whose life revolves around the daily struggle of fetching water. In her village of 33 households, there is only one hand pump, which often dries up during the summer months. “The extreme heat in recent years has made the hand pump unusable, forcing us to walk up to two hours to find water,” she explains.

As members of the Dalit community, Bhago Devi and her neighbors are barred from using hand pumps in nearby villages. This systemic discrimination leaves them with no choice but to rely on distant rivers or hand pumps in other Dalit villages.

Previously, two ponds near Jhutki served as vital resources for the community, providing water for cattle, gardening, washing clothes, and cleaning utensils. However, a few years ago, the municipality filled one pond to build a local market and drained the other to construct a temple in its center. “Now, we have to fetch water not just for drinking but for all our daily needs,” Bhago Devi told ApEx.

“Women in my community have been walking at least four hours a day, often in two shifts, to fetch water since they were 10 years old,” she adds. The physical toll of this labor has led to menstrual health issues for many women. “The time spent fetching water leaves us with little opportunity to earn a living through other work,” she says.

The loss of the ponds has also deprived the community of their fishing livelihood, further exacerbating their economic struggles.

Case II

In Sisawani village, part of Lahan Municipality-22, the Sadaya community faces similar challenges. The village once had two ponds, but one was filled by the municipality to construct a road, and the other was handed over to the private sector. Now, villagers must pay Rs 100 per kilogram of fish they catch.

Despite these setbacks, the community has shown resilience by initiating collective efforts like community farming and establishing a savings fund. “We don’t face major issues with drinking water since we have a hand pump and a well, but irrigation for farming remains a challenge,” says Cheti Sadaya, 34. “Using the hand pump or well for irrigation dries them up quickly, and changing rainfall patterns make rainwater unreliable,” she explains.

A decade ago, monsoon rains were predictable and timely. Now, heavy rainfall often occurs during harvest time, damaging crops. “The municipality hasn’t provided any support for irrigation, so we struggle to manage,” Cheti says. “Our fishing livelihood is also gone.”

Case III

Aahale, in Dhangadhimai Municipality-12, Siraha, is home to 35 households from the Sadaya community. Despite being in the Tarai region, Aahale’s hilly terrain makes hand pumps impractical. Villagers rely on an electric submersible pump for water, but frequent breakdowns and costly repairs leave them without access for months.

“When the pump breaks down, it takes about six months to collect enough funds for repairs. During that time, we walk an hour to the nearest river to fetch water,” says Ganauri Sadaya, 47. “Relying on river water has led to frequent waterborne diseases in the village.”

A nearby community forest offers some relief, but access is restricted to Saturdays, and villagers must pay Rs 10 for entry. “We’re only allowed to carry as much firewood as we can in one trip, even though there’s plenty of dried wood that could be used or sold,” Ganauri laments.

Case IV

In Bihibare, another hilly region in Dhangadhimai-14, hand pumps are also unfeasible. Villagers store groundwater near rivers, but the sparse population means some households are an hour’s walk from the water source. “Women manage agriculture while men work abroad,” says Shova Thakuri, 34, whose husband has been in the Middle East for a decade. “We’re doing our best, but the changing climate makes it harder every year.”

A decade ago, rainfall began in April, but now it often arrives only in August or September, with heavy downpours destroying crops. “On my three bighas of land, I used to grow 2,000 kilograms of maize. Now, I’m lucky to get 200 kilograms,” says Bhakta Maya Thakuri, 65.

“Winter used to start in December and end by January, but now we face extreme heat in December and cold waves later,” she adds. “Potato plants dry up in December, and those that survive are damaged by late cold waves during harvest.”

The above cases highlight the intertwined challenges of climate change, resource degradation, and systemic inequality. Erratic rainfall and shifting weather patterns have disrupted traditional farming cycles, drastically reducing crop yields and threatening livelihoods. Women, who manage agriculture and daily survival while men seek employment abroad, bear the brunt of these changes.

The loss of public commons like ponds and forests has further exacerbated their struggles. Without reliable water infrastructure, villagers are forced to rely on rivers, increasing their vulnerability to waterborne diseases. Restrictions on forest access limit their ability to collect firewood, cutting off a vital resource.

Despite these challenges, communities are demonstrating resilience through collective efforts like community farming and savings funds. However, the lack of institutional support for irrigation and sustainable resource management underscores the need for urgent policy interventions to protect public commons and adapt to climate change.

Mahesh Prasad Chaudhary, mayor of Lahan Municipality, denies allegations that the municipality has filled ponds. He claims efforts are underway to expand remaining ponds and provide drinking water taps to every household by 2030. “We have already dug around 10 ponds and are collaborating with organizations to construct water tanks,” he says.

Shiva Shankar Mahato, mayor of Dhangadhimai Municipality, claims the Dalit communities “destroy hand pumps themselves,” shifting blame onto marginalized communities rather than addressing structural issues of inequality and inadequate infrastructure. 

The persistent struggle of Dalit communities to access clean water is a stark reminder of the need for inclusive policy-making and accountability at the local level.

Climate change demands cohesive action across governance levels. For Nepal—one of the most climate-vulnerable countries—the stakes are high. Increasing risks of floods, landslides, and droughts disproportionately affect marginalized groups, particularly women, intensifying the urgency for climate-resilient policies.

Public commons—forests, water sources, and grazing lands—are pivotal tools for climate resilience. However, these resources face growing strain from overexploitation, ineffective governance, and climate impacts. Recognizing their role in addressing climate challenges offers Nepal a sustainable path forward.

“Over the past decade or more, discussions on climate change have largely focused on emissions, but it is not the only pressing issue at hand,” says environmentalist Madhukar Upadhya. “There are many other concerns: loss of biodiversity, land and soil degradation, water shortages, declining productivity. At the heart of it all is the public commons, which is essential not only for maintaining a healthy environment but also for helping communities combat and mitigate the climate crisis.”

As the Climate Change Division falls under the Ministry of Forests and Environment, there have been strong policies and efforts regarding forests. However, there are no dedicated agencies or policies to oversee public commons. 

“Everyone benefits from public commons, but no one has taken responsibility for their protection. It has not even been able to be a part of climate dialogues,” says Upadhya.

The Local Government Operation Act 2017 establishes disaster management, environmental protection and conservation, land management, and natural resource management as joint responsibilities of the federal and provincial governments. However, the Act neglects to specifically address climate change risks and necessary adaptation interventions. Local governments, despite having environmental and disaster management units, often struggle to respond effectively to vulnerable communities—such as Dalits, indigenous groups, and women—due to limited capacity and resources.

Similarly, the Gender Equality Policy 2021 identifies cross-cutting areas to address the vulnerabilities of marginalized groups. However, sectoral policies often treat communities as homogenous entities, disregarding historical discrimination, contextual risks, and differential impacts. This approach risks isolating gender equality and social inclusion (GESI) strategies from broader development policies. While the policy acknowledges the vulnerabilities of women and marginalized groups, it does not recognize their roles as contributors and agents of change, which limits the scope of their involvement in driving climate action.

Furthermore, the National Forest Policy 2019 envisions sustainable and participatory forest management, conservation, and biodiversity protection. While it includes a sectoral GESI policy, it does not prioritize climate change issues or explicitly outline how women and socially excluded groups can benefit from initiatives like REDD+. Forest laws and policies lack a climate justice perspective to adequately protect and empower the poor, women, and marginalized groups disproportionately impacted by climate change. 

“None of our institutions are equipped to address emerging climate challenges, as they still operate under traditional policies,” says Upadhya. 

The loss of ponds has not only worsened water scarcity but also eliminated traditional fishing-based incomes, further deepening economic struggles

The recently organized Bagmati Province-Level Dialogue on ‘Localization of Climate Action: A Gender Lens on Public Commons Conservation and Justice’ in Hetauda underscored the importance of local climate actions enhanced by a gender-inclusive approach, focusing on conserving public commons and ensuring justice for all.  

During the event, a woman from indigenous community shared firsthand accounts of how climate change has impacted their lives. “Agriculture has been greatly affected due to the lack of rain during the rainy season and the continuous increase in temperature. Food production has declined, and irregularities in agriculture have made food supplies unsafe,” she explained. 

Another noted, “Whether it’s the heat or the lack of water and food, the fear of wild animals has increased. They destroy all our crops. If you defend yourself and kill an animal, you go to jail, but if a person dies, no one cares—especially for us slum dwellers, workers, landless, and marginalized groups.”

Subarna Ghimire, a local activist who is also a student of forestry, pointed out that the vulnerable communities lack information about the impacts of climate change. He stressed that  a comprehensive effort is needed to help communities understand and adapt.

Despite these systemic challenges, several local governments in Nepal have made commendable efforts to address climate risks and build resilience. Madi Municipality in Chitwan, for instance, has developed a Local Adaptation Action Plan (LAPA) that focuses on agriculture, water management, and disaster risk reduction. The municipality has implemented community-based water management projects, such as rainwater harvesting systems and the rezoning of traditional water sources, while also promoting climate-smart agricultural practices and drought-resistant crops. 

Similarly, Dhangadhi Sub-Metropolitan City has prepared a Disaster Risk Reduction and Climate Change Adaptation (DRR-CCA) plan that integrates climate adaptation strategies with local emergency management. It has undertaken vulnerability assessments to address issues such as floods, heat waves, and water scarcity. The city has focused on promoting climate-resilient crops, training farmers in water conservation techniques, and establishing early warning systems along with flood protection infrastructure to enhance emergency preparedness. 

Meanwhile, Gorkha Municipality has integrated climate adaptation strategies into its urban development plan. It has prioritized building resilient infrastructure, including flood protection and irrigation systems, while promoting sustainable agricultural practices. The municipality has also initiated community-based forest management projects to conserve natural resources and mitigate the risk of landslides.

In Rasuwa, local governments have introduced a Climate-Smart Village Plan to address climate challenges in remote and rural areas. These initiatives emphasize community participation in building climate resilience, particularly in the agricultural sector. The district has initiated watershed management projects to conserve soil and water resources while promoting alternative livelihoods such as eco-tourism. Farmers in the region have been trained in crop diversification, soil conservation techniques, and water-saving irrigation practices, further strengthening the local economy and climate resilience.

Nepal lacks dedicated policies to protect public commons like water sources and forests, making climate adaptation harder for marginalized groups

While these efforts are promising, they reveal persistent challenges, including weak coordination among federal, provincial, and local governments, conflicting jurisdictions, and overlapping responsibilities. The lack of comprehensive data on climate risks and resource constraints further hampers evidence-based planning and implementation. Addressing these challenges requires bridging gaps in policies, empowering local governments with resources and technical capacity, and fostering better coordination across governance levels.

“Local governments are primarily focused on increasing revenue, but they are overlooking how communities are living and struggling with the consequences,” says environmentalist Upadhya. “The constitution grants local governments the authority to manage natural resources, so they should prioritize their people and take action at the ground level.” 

As local governments are responsible for formulating their own policies, he suggests that the central government provide clear guidelines to help align these policies with a climate-focused approach. To build a more inclusive and climate-resilient future, Nepal must integrate gender-sensitive approaches and leverage the potential of public commons. Recognizing vulnerable groups as active agents of change in climate action, rather than passive recipients, is essential. 

Public commons hold immense potential for building climate resilience and supporting adaptation strategies. Forests and wetlands act as carbon sinks, reducing greenhouse gas emissions, while healthy ecosystems mitigate the risks of floods, landslides, and droughts. Empowering women is essential, as they are the primary users and stewards of these resources in many rural communities. Integrating gender perspectives into climate policies can strengthen resource management and resilience efforts.

Provincial governments play a crucial role in bridging the gap between national and international commitments and local priorities. Frameworks like the Paris Agreement and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) emphasize inclusive governance, providing Nepal with a pathway to integrate public commons into its climate solutions. 

Localizing climate actions requires developing tailored climate plans and budgets that address specific local needs while incorporating gender-sensitive approaches to ensure inclusive participation. Provincial and national synergy can be enhanced by aligning provincial policies with broader frameworks and facilitating data sharing and resource allocation for coherent governance. 

“The conservation of Nepal’s public commons is more than a localized issue. It’s a critical component of global climate strategies,” says Upadhya. “By integrating commons into climate policies and prioritizing gender-sensitive approaches, Nepal can empower its communities and combat the crisis of climate change.”

The government has tabled a bill on social media regulation in the National Assembly. Minister for Communication and Information Technology, Prithvi Subba Gurung, who is also the government spokesperson, tabled the bill. 

The proposed bill mentions economic fines and imprisonment for social media platforms and their users in nearly a dozen provisions.

The government has proposed imposing a fine of up to Rs 2.5m on individuals operating social media platforms in Nepal without permission or in violation of a ban. Any person or organization found guilty of actions detrimental to national interests could face five years of imprisonment, a fine of up to Rs 500,000, or both.

Section 18(1) of Chapter 5 of the bill states: “No one should engage in or promote any activity that undermines Nepal’s sovereignty, territorial integrity, national security, unity, independence, dignity or national interests, or causes hatred or discord based on class, caste, religion, culture, region or any other basis through social media.” Those found guilty of such acts could face five years in prison, a fine of up to Rs 500,000, or both.

The bill also proposes two years of imprisonment or a fine of up to Rs 300,000 or both for those committing cyberbullying (Section 19), and three years of imprisonment or a fine of up to Rs 500,000 or both for cyberstalking (Section 20). Cyberbullying is defined as acts of harassment, intimidation, threats, humiliation, defamation or rumor-spreading through social media or internet-connected devices. This includes sending, posting or sharing harmful or misleading text, symbols, images, sketches, photos, audio, video, audiovisual content, signals or messages as well as imitating someone’s voice to cause trouble.

Section 21 proposes three years of imprisonment or a fine of up to Rs 1.5m or both for hacking someone’s ID or information. Section 22 suggests similar penalties for phishing or imposter scams.

Section 23 proposes three years of imprisonment or a fine of up to Rs 1.5m or both for extortion or sextortion offenses. Section 24 includes three months of imprisonment or a fine of up to Rs 50,000, or both, for posting or sharing grotesque images, videos, or audios.

Section 25 proposes a penalty of up to two years of imprisonment or a fine of up to Rs 300,000 or both for spreading obscene, false or misleading content. Section 26 suggests similar penalties for uploading or disseminating deepfake videos. Section 27 proposes penalties for writing anonymously on social media, with up to three months of imprisonment or a fine of up to Rs 50,000 or both for those who create or use pseudonymous identities.

Additionally, the bill proposes an extra one year of imprisonment for those who incite or engage in criminal acts on social media, as per the prevailing law. Section 28(2) proposes double the penalty for repeat offenders of any crime under this Act. Public office holders or individuals benefiting from state funds, who commit such offenses, could face up to 50 percent additional punishment. Offenses involving the use of children could incur an additional year of imprisonment.

Laxman D Pant, executive director of Media Action Nepal, shared his concerns on social media regarding the newly-tabled bill saying that the bill aligned with the government’s agenda, if passed without any changes, could lead to a growing influence of those who suppress dissent by labeling it as a crime. This, he warned, would result in the abuse of state powers, discourage those trying to expose injustices, and cultivate a culture of silence. In his post, he also questioned why the rulers failed to remember the fundamental truth of democracy: that power is temporary, and one day, they too may find themselves walking on the streets.

In 1980, Ramhari Lamichhane was one of four students out of 16 to pass the School Leaving Certificate (SLC) examination from Shwachchanda Bhairab Secondary School in Makawanpur. “I rushed to Kathmandu on foot from Chitlang as soon as I heard the SLC results were out,” he recalls, sipping coffee on a chilly Kathmandu afternoon. “It was about a two-hour run, and when I saw my symbol number in Gorkhapatra, it confirmed that I had passed. It was a milestone for our village. We were the first batch of SLC graduates, and the villagers welcomed us with musical instruments and fanfare at Chandragiri.”

This young man would later become the member secretary of the Council for Technical Education and Vocational Training (CTEVT) and the first and only Nepali to hold the position of director general at the Colombo Plan Staff College (CPSC).

However, Lamichhane’s career path was anything but linear. After SLC, he faced uncertainty. “I didn’t know what to do next. I thought about becoming an overseer engineer after observing a few in action. But my friends advised me to study law because of my strong speaking skills,” he says. However, practicality won and he pursued commerce, which offered better job prospects while continuing studies—a crucial factor given his family’s financial struggles.

Although he completed his course and worked at a hotel alongside his studies, this was not the path he would ultimately follow in the long run.

 “I worked various jobs, including teaching in my village and running my own construction company,” he says. But a stint as a contractor in Hetauda left him disheartened. The workers at his site asked for Rs 150 for the Maghe Sankranti festival, and he couldn’t provide it. “That made me realize I had failed to provide for my own staff. The construction sector then, like now, suffered from mismanagement,” he says. “Contractors would often spend the money they received from clients on other things, leaving nothing for proper construction work or to pay their workers.”

Determined to continue his education, Lamichhane moved to Kathmandu in 1987, completing a Bachelor’s in Commerce and later earning an MBA in 1990.

During this time, he gained valuable experience through various roles. He worked on a USAID project and later passed the job exam for the Agricultural Development Bank, where he worked briefly. However, he continued exploring options to find the best fit for himself. He successfully cleared officer-level job exams for Sajha, CTEVT, and Rastriya Banijya Bank—all three at the same time. Ultimately, he chose to join CTEVT and was posted as a finance officer at Jiri Technical School in 1989. At this point, his career began to take shape. “I kept seeking new roles throughout my life to discover where I fit best,” he says.

At the technical school, teachers often traveled abroad for training, but those in the administrative department had no such opportunities. This disparity made Lamichhane realize the importance of being in the technical department. He decided to shift his focus from administration to the technical side. Around the same time, in 1995, an opportunity arose to pursue an Advanced Diploma in Hospitality Management in Australia. Administrative staff from CTEVT were eligible to apply, and completing the course would allow them to transition to the technical department. 

“This was the first time in CTEVT’s history that administrative staff could transition to the technical side,” he says. “I was instrumental in lobbying for this change because there were already enough human resources in administration, but there was a shortage in the technical sector. I advocated for capacity development within the CTEVT staff to bridge this gap.”

Lamichhane’s professional teaching journey began at this point. He taught in Lete, Dhaulagiri, and Pokhara, where he eventually became a school principal. His role in Pokhara involved establishing a technical school from the ground up.

In 2000, Lamichhane earned both PhD and MPhil in Educational Leadership from Kathmandu University. Additionally, in 2010, he went to America for a degree in Educational Administration, Planning, and Policy from Vanderbilt University. “Promotions in the technical field happen relatively quickly, and by 2010, I had already become a first-class officer,” he says.

In 2013, the government invited applications for the CTEVT member secretary position through open competition for the first time. Applicants were required to present business plans, a departure from the previous practice of discretionary appointments. Despite being the junior-most candidate among 17 applicants, Lamichhane’s business plan secured him the role.

During his tenure, he spearheaded the development of Nepal’s National Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) Policy and implemented numerous TVET programs. With over three decades in the sector, Lamichhane served as an instructor, principal, program coordinator, project manager, and director. 

As his tenure as member secretary of CTEVT was coming to an end, Lamichhane applied for the position of Director General at the Colombo Plan Staff College. “My friends said it was almost impossible to get the job, but I was selected, becoming the first and only Nepali to hold the position,” he says.

“Skilled human resources are an asset to a country, but Nepal lacks it,” he says. “Various trainings are organized in different sectors, but they are just training for the sake of training, with no proper plan.” After many years of working in this sector, he believes that Nepalis lack patience. “They don’t set goals when coming to training, and there are issues with the providers as well. Our teachers and trainers are also not TVET-oriented,” he adds.

“A skilled person could become an entrepreneur, but those without skills will remain at the bottom,” he explains. “In a country like Nepal, where 93 percent of the economy is informal, if you have skills, you can easily create small and micro-enterprises.” Lamichhane emphasizes that technical and vocational education is crucial because it helps drive economic growth. “For example, last year in Dolakha, the price of kiwi fruit was Rs 270 per kg, and a farmer cultivated kiwi on 200 ropanis of land. This year, the price dropped to Rs 70 per kg. However, if you are skilled, there’s no need to panic. The farmer could make jam, jelly, candy, or wine out of it,” he says.

The government has prioritized technical and vocational education, but it’s limited to policy documents. It has stated that 70 percent of students will receive technical education, but there is no clarity on what kind of technical education this entails. “When I was in Jiri, we used to go door-to-door to scout students by observing their potential. These days, such practices don’t exist,” says Lamichhane. 

About a decade ago, there were around 800 institutions affiliated with CTEVT, but today, that number has grown to approximately 1,700. However, Lamichhane points out a concerning trend: When there were 800 institutions, 56,000 students were enrolled in technical education, but now, despite the increase in institutions, there are only 38,000 students. 

Lamichhane identifies another issue: the transitional period under the federal system and the lack of coordination between federal and provincial levels. “Now, provinces have established parallel institutions similar to the federally-owned CTEVT, but the federal government has not dissolved its own structures, creating a conflict,” he says. “There are seven different curricula related to TVET which is a problem as this doesn’t create uniformity.” Additionally, he highlights that people with no expertise in technical education are leading these institutions, further compounding the challenges.

“We still have a demographic dividend for about another five years, but after that, there will be no youths left in the country,” he says, emphasizing the urgency for stakeholders to improve the technical sector to prevent youth migration abroad. “The government should pursue mergers and focus on quality rather than quantity.”

Lamichhane advises students who pass the Secondary Education Examination (SEE) to set career goals without rushing. “Setting an interest-based occupational goal is essential for youths,” he says. Occupational culture is another major aspect. “In Nepal, technical work is often undervalued, despite its importance, but Nepal should adopt an occupational culture similar to European countries,” he says. “This includes establishing proper attire, safety measures, and standards to create an environment where, for instance, a plumber can earn enough money and can commute to work in a car, looking neat and tidy.” 

Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli held a press conference on Wednesday at Singhadurbar to unveil the contents of four newly issued ordinances. The government had initially planned to issue five ordinances on Jan 10, but the ordinance related to land management was deferred by President Ramchandra Paudel. However, right after the press conference, President Paudel certified the fifth ordinance too.

During the 34-minute press conference, there was no Q&A session. For the first 17 minutes, Chief Secretary Ek Narayan Aryal provided details about the issued ordinances, followed by Prime Minister Oli explaining why the ordinances were issued and the reasons for not convening a parliamentary session. Prime Minister Oli concluded the conference without facing questions from the press.

Prime Minister Oli has asserted that there is no disagreement within the ruling party regarding the ordinances introduced by the government. He emphasized that the unity within the government parties has been strengthened through this process. “There is no disagreement, not even by a letter. The ordinances have come with full consensus,” said Oli.

He also claimed that the ordinances were introduced after listening to the top leadership of the Nepali Congress, the leadership of the bureaucracy, expert consultations, and the issues facing entrepreneurs. “The ordinances have been brought after much effort and preparation. They address the problems of the people and also promote good governance and development,” he added.

Regarding the opposition’s efforts to form a coalition, Prime Minister Oli likened it to attempting to block a river by throwing stones from the riverbank. He urged opposition parties to exercise their right to protest in a peaceful and civilized manner. “I have heard about the formation of a front. That is their right, and I respect it. However, I just suggest that it be done in a civilized manner. It must be peaceful and orderly,” he said.

He also clarified that the ordinances are not aimed at any individual or group. Referring to discussions about the parliament being obstructed, he dismissed these as rumors. “Who said that parliament is blocked? Parliament cannot be stopped unless it has already been called. It was adjourned after discussions, not because it was obstructed,” he questioned.

Prime Minister Oli explained that the delay in calling the parliament was due to the time needed to prepare the bills. “On the first day of the House session, we will present the ordinances in parliament. Within 60 days, we will introduce the replacement bills and have them passed,” he concluded.

Earlier on Wednesday, parliamentarians representing opposition parties including the major opposition—CPN (Maoist Center)—called for immediate running of the winter session of parliament. The meeting of the opposition party convened at the CPN (Maoist Center)’s parliamentary party’s office, they emphasized the need to summon the winter session of the parliament to deliberate on matters of public concern as well as to dwell on formulating legislations. 

Emerging from the meeting, Barshaman Pun, deputy general secretary of the CPN (Maoist Center), shared that the opposition parties have reached an understanding that they will take action to call the special session of parliament if the incumbent government continues to function ‘deceiving’ the institution of people’s representatives (parliament).

The constitutional provision has it that the Head of the State can summon a parliamentary session or meeting if one fourth of the total number of House of Representatives requests in writing for the same deeming it appropriate action. The constitution mandates that it requires signatures from at least 69 parliamentarians to request the Head of the State to call the special session of the parliament.

In attendance in the meeting were CPN (Maoist Center) Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal, CPN (Unified Socialist) Chairperson Madhav Kumar Nepal and Rastriya Swatantra Party’s Acting Chairperson DP Aryal and leaders from Rastriya Prajatantra Party and Nepal Aam Aadmi Party, among others.