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As the country continues to witness sporadic Covid-19 outbreaks, China has been loath to reopen its borders. Mistrust in China of other countries and their vaccination status is sky-high. Authorities are terrified of allowing foreigners—who have been projected in Chinese media as rather blasé about Covid-19 precautions—and incurring public backlash. 

During the start of the Covid-19 outbreak in China in December 2019, some Nepali students enrolled at Chinese universities were already in Nepal for their winter vacation. Others soon followed suit. But nearly 19 months after leaving China over 3,000 students are still stuck in Nepal with neither Nepali nor Chinese officials informing them when they can return.

Despite the emergence of various variants of coronavirus, people around the world have resumed their daily lives by following health protocols. Even international students, who had returned home from different countries, went back to their colleges and universities months ago. But that’s not the case with Chinese university students.

On July 1, ApEx had reported on the dire situation of Nepali students stuck at home. Unfortunately, their status remains much the same. An international online protest, #TakeUsBackToChina, which was gaining traction at the time, also seems to have fizzled out.

International students have sent open letters to President Xi Jinping to be allowed back in, and signed a petition seeking UN intervention. In Nepal, too, students have repeatedly written to resident Chinese Ambassador Hou Yanqi, to no avail.

In 2010, President Xi had labeled international students as “forever, a friend of China”. But his government’s action suggests otherwise, these stranded students say.

Rista Deuba, a second-year engineering student and a Chinese Scholarship Council beneficiary, fears her scholarship may be at risk. The scholarship has to be periodically renewed, but it has been 19 months since the last renewal. “In these months, I had to renew it twice but I couldn’t. I don’t know if my scholarship is still valid.” Meanwhile, she has had to pay full fees; council officers assure her she will get the money back after the renewal.

Most Nepali students chose China because of its scholarship scheme. With that on the line, they are in a dilemma. Deuba’s colleague Monica Pudasaini says she would have studied in Nepal on full payment if she knew she had to pay to attend Chinese university. Courses in China are more expensive than they are in Nepal and those who were not expecting to pay are short of options.

Deuba, for instance, is more concerned about likely future payments instead of her classes. She wants Nepali officials to facilitate conversation with their Chinese counterparts. “I am only asking for assurance that my scholarship is secure, nothing else,” she adds. Without the scholarship, she is in no position to pay her full dues.

During the lockdown, some students have already completed their theoretical courses, while others still struggle online. Many need to return to their college soon to complete their internships and practical exams, which can’t be done online. 

When Chinese authorities did not heed the students’ call, they had urged the Nepal government to send a diplomatic note to China to allow the students to return. Medical students of the 2015 and 2016 batches have announced protests, asking to be allowed to complete their internships in Nepal. 

After waiting for 18 months, the 2014 batch was permitted to take up internships at Nepali hospitals, but others are still left in the lurch. 

Dipendra Rauniyar, a member of the 2016 batch, says, “We are just asking for an internship, and even on that score, our government doesn’t care.” For over three weeks he and his batch-mates have been picketing the Nepal Medical Council. “Students from other countries are also stuck, but their respective governments have been helping them in every possible way,” he shares.

Similarly, another campaigner for the return of Nepali students, Roman Khatiwada, is disappointed at the Nepal government’s lack of initiative to secure their future. “Our seniors lost 18 months, almost 75 percent of their internship time. We don’t want to do that,” he adds. “Here we are ready to help the government meet the country’s health needs and yet they don’t listen to us.”

Even though China was the virus epicenter, its officials soon had the contagion under control. And as migrant workers were allowed into China from select countries, the hopes of students were raised as well. But then only South Korean students were allowed back into China. 

Khatiwada’s Chinese friends inform him that the decision to bring back Koreans students was not a popular one in China, as they are now being accused of importing new Covid-19 cases. “All this means that I am not very hopeful of a swift return,” he adds.

Li Bin, the Vice-Minister of the National Health Commission in China, has noted in a press brief that Guangzhou, Shenzhen, and Ruili have witnessed local clusters of the imported Delta variant. “The recent waves have reminded us we cannot relax our pandemic control measures,” he said. Chinese border restrictions could thus be in place for at least another year.

Rishab Mahato, another medical student, says, “This is a time of summer break at Chinese universities and it would thus have been the best time for us to return.” If students could enter China before September, they would have time for quarantine too before the start of their classes.

But Rauniyar reckons that is unlikely and suspects the earliest students like him could be recalled would be after the 2022 Winter Olympics in Beijing, which is in February. He was also told by his Chinese contacts that foreign students would be allowed back in when all the Chinese got their jabs.

Meanwhile, Greshes Acharya of the China University of Geosciences doesn’t know how to renew his visa. “It’s been a year since our visa expired, but there is no way to renew it,” he rues. Visa renewals require an offer letter from the university, which has been impossible to get. 

Although Deuba has some hope, Pudasaini doesn’t think she will ever return to China and is already exploring alternatives in Nepal.

(The names of some students have been changed at their request)

Bibeksheel Sajha Party President Rabindra Mishra’s call for doing away with federalism and a referendum on secularism has stirred Nepali politics anew. These are the things the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) has long asked for. So are the old RPP agendas going mainstream? What does the party make of the recent turn of events and how are its election preparations going? Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to RPP Chairman Kamal Thapa.

What is the RPP up to these days? Your party seems to have gone completely off the radar.

We are currently focused on organizing the party general convention, which is to be held on November 13 in Kathmandu. Leading up to it, our district-level committees are organizing their own conventions. We will also complete the selection of convention representatives by October 1. The party is all-set to start campaigning for the upcoming local-level elections as well. 

Your party didn’t fare well in the 2017 elections. Despite that you seem to be sticking to the agenda that has been rejected by voters.

There is a misconception about our agenda. The monarchy we are talking about is constitutional, not like the one we had before 2006. In our vision, the House of Representatives shall hold the legislative power and a ceremonial king will be the national guardian. When we lobby for a Hindu state, we don’t want any privilege for a particular religion. All we want is to restore the identity of Nepal as the country of Sanatan dharma.

Similarly, the dissolution of federalism will be accompanied by the formation of a strong central government, and well-equipped and capable local governments. In other words, it is a system where local governments will enjoy autonomy. It is a synergy between traditional and contemporary systems. 

The ruling and the opposition parties have repeatedly failed, which is also the failure of the system they represent. We are a small party at this point, but the public has realized the necessity of our systematic and progressive agenda—nationalism, democracy, and Sanatan dharma. We are the alternative force with the most number of supporters.

What do you make of Rabindra Mishra’s recent political proposal over federalism and secularism?

I am positive about his proposal. RPP believes in the system, not a particular person, and Mishra is talking about changing the system. No matter who builds a progressive path, we will always feel proud. Fifteen years ago, RPP was alone in condemning federalism and secularism and now we have many other politicians, intellectuals, and members of the public who share our sentiment. Even senior leaders of the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML are changing their minds. I take this as my achievement. There should be more open dialogue and discussion on these matters.

Is the RPP open to an electoral alliance with other like-minded forces, say like Mishra’s party?

Although we prioritize political parties that are close to our ideals, our door is open for everyone for an electoral alliance. I can’t confirm it yet, but we will certainly work together with some parties in the upcoming local elections. 

And the alliance for the federal election will rely on the steps of the ruling coalition. If the coalition continues into the election, of course, we will also come up with something competitive. Also, I can’t deny that we will be interested in merging with parties with shared beliefs. 

As a close confidante of ex-King Gyanendra, how do you read his concerns? Is he too planning a comeback of some kind?

He has serious concerns. He always talks about how Nepal could achieve peace, prosperity, and stability. He feels sad because the political parties have failed to live up to people’s expectations. This is his public as well as official view. I don't think the ex-king wants to be involved in mainstream politics, though if the monarchy is restored, it will be a different matter altogether. He will accept the verdict of political parties and citizens.

It has been almost 14 years since Nepal became a secular state but discussions on the country’s secular status have not stopped. This time, Rabindra Mishra, president of Bibeksheel Sajha Party, which was widely hailed as an ‘alternative force’ in Nepali politics, has formally proposed a referendum on secularism. Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to 10 public intellectuals on this rather controversial issue.

Vox Pop 

Abdus Miya, Bibeksheel Sajha Party

Gauging by the level of public support for Mishra’s political proposal, you can easily assume that a sizable number of people are disappointed with the country’s secular status. Restoration of the Hindu state does not mean establishing a theocracy. It is only honoring the feelings of the majority. A referendum would be an ideal way to settle this issue, one way or the other.  

Tell me, can there ever be sustainable peace in the country by ignoring public demand? I support secularism, yet I think the public should be allowed to decide.

Chandika Timalsina, Bibeksheel Sajha Party

This is the time to update the 2015 constitution, but a referendum on secularism is uncalled for. This is not a good idea as it will fragment the society and potentially lead to communal violence. Secularism has helped minorities come forward and speak up. If a state embraces a single religion, people-to-people relations will be severely affected.

Instead of discussing political ideologies, political leaders are creating controversy about religions and taking the country towards conflict. The country cannot be pushed back decades.

Ghanshyam Khatiwada, Executive Director, Pashupati Area Development Trust

Hindu philosophy directs us towards wellbeing, a healthy lifestyle, and spiritual development. Nepal is a place where we can find Hindu temples at every step. It is thus uneasy for us to accept Nepal as a secular state.

I accept that there were a few problems in our religious practices but now we have solved them. Hinduism respects everyone and is the focal point to unite all religions. From ancient times, the world has known Nepal as a Hindu state and the majority want its restoration—we should not let this spirit die.

JB Biswokarma, Writer and researcher

Anyone is free to ask for a referendum on any issue. But on a sensitive one like this, the vote does not matter. The main objective of secularism is to allow citizens to choose their own religion and treat every religion equally, regardless of the number of its followers. Nepal is a secular country yet minorities feel that the Hindus still dominate every aspect of life.

When the follower of every religion has an equal right, why bring up this controversial issue again? Let’s respect each other because we are equal. How will a Buddhist person feel if someone tells him,“You live in a Hindu state?” This is a disgrace and an open call for rioting. We should not take this path—never. 

Manavi Paudel, Newspaper columnist 

How can you call yourself a ‘social activist’ if you bar others from expressing their opinion? How can you become a member of ‘civil society’ when you are the reason for social conflict? We are in a democracy and we are all free to imagine our country as we see fit. The people should decide whether they want a secular or a Hindu state.

Democracy can’t be defined according to the will of so-called progressive people. Understanding people’s opinions is the proper way to celebrate democracy. But frankly, I care little about a secular or a Hindu state. What I think is that federalism needs to be reconsidered.

Nirga Nabin, Political activist 

The state doesn’t have a religion and no one should try to force the inclusion of a particular religion in the constitution. Religion is based on individualist beliefs. For this reason, we should preserve secularism. The current issue of Hindu state is nothing new. It has come up now because of the influence of ultra-Hinduist Narendra Modi.

A state should be governed by modern and scientific modalities, not a certain religious mindset. I think political ideology should be religion-free. Else, you are only performing a stunt to get votes as you don’t have a strong political agenda. No one can achieve progress through ideas like these.

KB Rokaya, President, Nepal Intellectuals’ Forum

Nepal is a country established by monarchs and Nepal Army, so we should not forget our origin. What the predecessor sets, the successor must follow. I am a Christian pastor but I never felt the Hindu state ever stopped us from performing any religious task. They rather helped us in establishing our church, schools, and organizations. 

Above all, we are Nepalis and amid the geopolitical tensions and other risk factors, our patriotic spirit can be preserved only with the restoration of Hindu state. Most Nepalis think the same, whether they are Buddhists, Muslims, or Kirats. Referendum is a must, there is no other option.

Rita Pariyar, Civil society member

We should not give religion-related stuff such high priority. Having come this far, we should be thinking of progressing further. Instead, we are thinking of going back to the Hindu state.

Definitely not! Our recent achievements are the result of countless struggles. If the minorities are not cared for, where should they go? If the Hindu state is restored, other religions, like before, would again have to live under suppression.

I hear the advocates of Hinduism say that no one was unhappy when Nepal was a Hindu state. But who are they to say so? Elites will never understand the pain of the suppressed groups. When the minorities are quiet, people think there is peace and harmony in society, but when they raise their voice, Hindus try to shut them down.

Trailokya Raj Aryal, Writer

The practice of liberal Hinduism is what makes us Nepalis. Prithivi Narayan Shah had brought Muslims to repair his arms and ammunition. Till today Nepal Army has assured their jobs. Ali Miya of Pokhara had received Pragya Puraskar. Christians established schools in the 1950s.

Hindus worship Lord Buddha and vice-versa. Then where is the discrimination? Nepal is not a caste-based society. It has instead become a class-based society and discrimination is our reality. We can’t abolish it politically or at gunpoint. Society will revise itself slowly over time.

Lawmakers promulgated the constitution enshrining secularism during the crisis of the 2015 earthquake. Secularism doesn’t respect the feelings of Nepalis. To restore harmony, a referendum is a must.

Tula Narayan Shah, Political analyst 

Ten years of Maoist insurgency and the 2006 people’s movement were the turning points in Nepali political history. The idea of a secular state was born out of these movements. Today, if someone wants the Hindu state restored, it is undoubtedly a regressive idea, and it will be against the norms and values of the second people’s movement.

What I think is, this issue was hyped because the proposal-maker, who is supposed to be the harbinger of alternative politics, has an enormous fan-base. Else, these kinds of issues don’t make sense. We should also not consider them seriously. 

Birth: 30 April 1937, Kathmandu
Death: 21 July 2021, Kathmandu

King Tribhuvan had for some obscure reason sent his father into exile. This is why Uttam Nepali, accompanying his father, lived and studied in Lucknow, India, along with the rest of the family.

It was in the city of the Nawabs that Nepali developed his taste for all forms of art, including painting and acting. After completing grade ten, he ran from his family home to go to Mumbai for acting classes. Having established a decent network in Mumbai, Nepali was looking forward to starting his career in Bollywood when his family members found him and brought him home.

He also didn’t get his family’s support for his other passion, painting. His businessman father wanted him to follow in his footsteps and let go of his passion for art. Although father was not convinced, Nepali convinced his mother to send him to the College of Arts and Crafts, Lucknow, and later to the prestigious Sir Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy (JJ) School of Art, Mumbai.

In 1959, after completing his studies in India, Nepali came to Kathmandu, which would become his new home and workplace, to launch his career as an artist. He debuted with an exhibition at the Tri-Chandra College.

Nepali is widely hailed for promoting solo exhibitions. Before him, only famed artists organized solo exhibits. Nepali taught his juniors the essence of art at various workshops and encouraged them to organize solo shows.

In the 1960s and 1970s, Nepali made a name for himself by employing modernist forms like expressionism, abstractionism, expressionism, and surrealism, and incorporating traditional Nepali themes, paper, and color. This would define his whole body of art for years to come. He organized 13 solo exhibitions in his lifetime, including in India, Bangladesh, Japan, South Korea, the Soviet Union, and Australia.

King Mahendra was his patron and well-wisher. For the king’s ‘Gau farka’ (Return to the village) campaign, Nepali prepared paintings to encourage people to develop their villages.

Meanwhile, Nepali found time to fulfill his desire to act in a movie. In fact, he made it to the silver screen twice: ‘Aama’ (1964) and ‘Hijo Aaaj Bholi’ (1964). Apart from that, Nepali also published his poem collection—Uttam Nepalika Kavitaharu.

In 2000, he was granted lifetime membership of the Nepal Academy.

A long-time heart patient Nepali died of cardiovascular complications on July 21 at a hospital in Kathmandu. He is survived by his wife, two sons, and two daughters.

The months-long dispute between CPN-UML chair KP Sharma Oli and senior leader Madhav Kumar Nepal is far from being resolved. Each camp has upped its ante against the other through verbal attacks, demonstrations, and revival of militant-like groups such as the Youth Force and the People’s Volunteer.

A couple of weeks ago, Oli revived the party’s Youth Force, which was set up in 2008 to counter the Maoists’ Young Communist League (YCL). It was dissolved a year later by the party’s eighth general convention. Following Oli’s revival of the Youth Force now, the Nepal faction has also revived the People’s Volunteer (PV) group, which was also dissolved by the same party convention, for the same reason that its hooliganism, just like Youth Force’s, was tarnishing the party’s public image.

Now, the two groups are doing their bit to get the attention of their leadership and to take the rivalry to the streets. The Youth Force has already organized big rallies, by openly flouting Covid-19 social distancing and mask guidelines. The People’s Volunteer are following suit.

Defending the mass demonstrations his group has been organizing, Kshitij Thebe, commander of Youth Force, says: “The present political turmoil is more unbearable for the common folks than the impact of Covid-19.”

Shiva Kumar Shrestha, head of People’s Volunteer, says his group will retaliate if the Youth Force gets involved in any unruly behavior. “We will not remain silent if anyone besieges our leaders’ residence [as the Youth Force did a week earlier].”

However, both camps claim that the youth groups have been revived, not to intimidate one another, but to deploy volunteers at vaccine centers, assist in rescue programs during natural calamities, advocate for justice, and hold those in power to account.

But their actions suggest otherwise. The Youth Force recently formed a 1,101-member valley command under Pushpa Raj Shrestha, who in 2008 claimed to have brought the YCL “under control”.

“Nepal is now being controlled by international agents and we will expose them,” says Shrestha who, however, sees the midnight meeting between Oli and the head of RAW as no more than an innocuous diplomatic get-together.

Meanwhile, public health experts are worried that crowded clashes between the two groups could trigger a third wave of Covid-19 infections in Kathmandu, just as demonstrations against the dissolution of parliament coincided with the second wave.

Kiran Poudel, chairperson of National Youth Federation Nepal, the mother association of Youth Force, says most of their volunteers are vaccinated so the rallies won’t spread the virus. “The media only blames us, but turns a blind eye to protests by other groups,” he adds. Likewise, Shrestha from PV says his group organizes rallies only when prohibitory orders are relaxed.

Some UML leaders such as Yogesh Bhattarai have called on the groups to end hostilities and lobby with party leadership to keep UML intact. “Leaders of the two groups must dissolve their respective youth forces at the earliest,” says Bhattarai, who was earlier in the Nepal camp. He urges both Oli and Nepal to work towards party unity and get the party back on track before rival forces take advantage of their disunity.

Many questions swirl around the new Sher Bahadur Deuba government, particularly after Deuba’s better-than-expected performance in the parliament, where he got the support of 165 lawmakers. He has a tough task balancing national and international actors even as he leads what is essentially an electoral government. ApEx’s Pratik Ghimire talked to veteran political analyst Vijay Kant Karna for some insights.

In your opinion, how long will Deuba’s coalition partners continue to support him?

The majority of MPs who stood against the House dissolution and announcement of midterm elections are now backing the government. So their hands are morally and politically tied to continue supporting it until the end of its term in late 2022. I don’t think we need elections right now because our constitution provides that our parliament will complete its full term. So, the Deuba government will and must continue until its natural expiry date.

How did the Thakur faction of the Janata Samajbadi Party come around to supporting Deuba’s premiership ?

The Thakur faction follows the majority. It would not have supported any government, whether led by Oli or Deuba, had other parties refrained from doing so. Its MP Resham Chaudhary is still in jail, the Supreme Court has scrapped the citizenship ordinance, and the issues of Madhes haven’t been addressed. The faction was compelled to vote for the government to stand a chance of getting their demands met. Deuba too asked Thakur for a favor.

How would you remember PM Oli’s over three-year tenure?

There are few bases to evaluate the government—political and constitutional—and election manifesto. The Oli government was a failure on all counts. He tried to weaken the essence of the republic: democracy, federalism, inclusion, proportionality, and secularism. The around 80 bills he introduced created mistrust between the central and provincial governments. This includes bills related to the Public Service Commission, bureaucracy adjustment, and more. The national intelligence department, which comes under the Home Ministry, was placed under his office. The Revenue Investigation and Money Laundering Department, which was to be governed by the Ministry of Finance, was also dragged under his office.

Moreover, Oli converted constitutional bodies and diplomatic posts into his party’s recruitment centers where he appointed his henchmen. The media and guthi bills, restrictions on protests in open places, and phone-tapping are also examples of his authoritarian tendencies.

What difference can we expect now that Deuba is at the helm?

I don’t have many expectations from the current government. But Deuba could take a few things back on track. I guess he won’t do things that will hamper the constitutional base of Nepal and further. He could also withdraw controversial bills.

Oli murdered our diplomatic relations and foreign policies with India, China, the US, the UK, and other European nations. None of the countries replied to the diplomatic note asking for vaccines. A few years back, in South Asia, we used to be the favorite of foreign powers. But today, Bhutan and Bangladesh are receiving vaccines as grants, but we aren’t. I hope the Deuba Cabinet will look into these things.

Unlike Oli, Deuba won’t run his office on individual whims. He has experience running a coalition government. Gandaki province has a Congress government, Province no. 2 has Congress alliance, and Lumbini could see a new Cabinet, so I think he will link well with provinces. For now, we should not expect more from him.

How do you expect the Deuba-India relationship to progress?

Nepali Congress and India have historical relations. And now too, I think these two friends will have normal diplomatic ties—but I can’t say it will reach new heights. Deuba shouldn’t take an ultra-nationalist stand and unnecessarily ditch the southern neighbor. India, in recent days, has established itself as one of the world’s most powerful nations, and it has fostered cordial relations with Western countries. The current government could use India’s diplomacy for national benefit.

The Non-Resident Nepali Association (NRNA) was established 18 years ago with the motto ‘For Nepali, By Nepali’. Right now, it has national coordination councils in 82 countries. Nepalis living outside the Saarc region or people of Nepali origin with foreign nationality are considered NRNs, according to the Non-Resident Nepali Act 2064.

Although the association was established to promote the use of knowledge and resources of NRNs for their home country’s benefit, critics argue that politics now dominates the organization. Its council meetings are often marked by fisticuffs and acrimonious exchanges, and NRNA leaders are often accused of using their resources to buy support to get to the top.

Pratik Ghimire of ApEx spoke to DB Chhetri, NRNA spokesperson, about the association’s plans and image.

What is the association’s focus right now?

Since last year, all our focus has been on Covid-19 pandemic. We are keen to help the Nepali diaspora with a suitable relief package by coordinating with respective national coordination councils. Also, we made some investments and carried out organizational restructuring. We have received complaints that the association has failed to transform its leadership. So, each coordination council is organizing its convention by October, following a proper restructured framework, legislations, methods, and laws. Besides, we have been putting pressure on the Nepal government and working with it to rescue Nepalis stranded abroad.

Is it mandatory for association members to fight during its gatherings?

As we know, Nepalis have a habit of celebrating election victories as festivals and wherever they go, they are driven with the same mentality. Because of this unnecessary hype surrounding the elections, unfortunately, we have to deal with various disrespectful acts. We will prepare directives to avoid these things in the coming days.

This story also has another side. We have grown into a massive organization and now, almost all political parties want to establish their dominance over the NRNA. But these are problems related to some individuals rather than organizational drawbacks.

Why don’t you bar miscreants from your organization?

Like I said, most of these disputes are the result of a handful of individual reasons. As an organization, we are not facing an ideological or organizational crisis. Yes, so we are working to forbid politically motivated people from joining our organization. Further, the association is determined to conduct its elections online, backed by strong laws, so that there are fewer instances of disputes. The NRNA wants to be the voice of over five million Nepalis living abroad. We are against those who use their money rather than their vision to claim leadership.

Can we imagine an NRNA that is completely free of political influence?

Politics is what helps make society aware of contemporary issues. We can’t avoid politically literate people, but NRNA never welcomes politically affiliated masses. When the mainstream political parties stop treating us like their sister organizations, only then can we implement our policies legitimately. We partner with the Nepal government in every task and they should also take necessary steps not to let the association come into dispute.

Politicians and bureaucrats should not treat us as rich investors. We are just stakeholders of Nepalis living abroad. The NRNA produces social activists, not politicians.

Candidates contesting NRNA elections are spending a lot of money and are reportedly even resorting to immoral acts to secure victories.

We are unaware of these kinds of conduct. If we find someone involved in such activities, we will immediately punish the related person. What I want to say to our members is, report illegal activities. If you don’t, you are defaming our glorified organization just for your benefit. No one has to spend money or resort to immoral means to win NRNA elections. All it takes is a proper agenda.

The media has also played some role in defaming the association. I request the fourth state to refrain from biased coverage.

Anger seems to be the dominant emotion in Nepal this monsoon. Prime Minister KP Oli is livid with the Nepal-Khanal faction for declining to withdraw its support for the premiership of Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba. The disgruntled faction in turn is not ready to believe anything CPN-UML chairman Oli says anymore. Although they continue to talk to find a collective way out, the two sets of leaders mostly talk past one another; a quick end of the internecine intra-party dispute appears unlikely.

The society is as riled up, most recently over the Rupa Sunar case, with the media-person denied a flat by a Newar landlady for no other reason than that she is a Dalit.  The dispute quickly snowballed into an ugly Newar-Dalit fight on social media. The Supreme Court has thrown out a case Sunar had filed against the landlady but the war of words is far from over. The Nepali society is so bitterly divided that it will only take another tiny spark to ignite an inferno.

Following the case, the landlords and tenants in Kathmandu valley are for the first time seriously thinking of signing rent agreements so that neither can act in bad faith. Formalization of landlord-tenant contracts in all cases will help sort many of the thorny issues that routinely crop between them. But it will arguably also mark a moment when that natural trust between people was broken.

If the political and social climate in the country is heating up, it is no less so outside. Xi Jinping is looking to consolidate the cooperation of BRI countries, most recently through a virtual summit, even as Joe Biden pushes ahead with his new ‘Build Back Better World’ (B3W) agenda, aimed squarely at challenging China’s primacy in Asia. More and more, countries like Nepal find themselves having to pick sides. Yet doing so would be a disaster as the country has been able to maintain its independence all these years only through delicate balancing.  

As the country continues to be ravaged by Covid-19, and with vaccines still in short supply, the summer of rage and blame-games, we are afraid, is far from over.