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The 2022 FIFA World Cup is under way in Qatar. After the oil-rich Middle East country won the bid in 2010 to host the tournament in quite a controversial manner, it poured in billions of dollars to build the infrastructure to stage the games. Eight venues were built or renovated in 12 years with oil money and the sweat, blood, and life of thousands of migrant workers, including from Nepal. Despite the controversies, many have described these stadiums as architectural and technological masterpieces.

Here is a look at them:

Al Bayt Stadium Al Bayt Stadium, with a capacity of 60,000 seats, hosted the opening fixture and will also host another eight matches. Of these, five are group meetings and three are knockout matches. In addition to having play areas and exercise stations, Al Bayt Park also has running, cycling, horseback riding, and camel riding courses. After the tournament is over, the modular upper tier will be taken down, and the seats will be used to build sports facilities in Qatar and abroad. The stadium received a five-star rating from the Global Sustainability Assessment System (GSAS) for its design and construction.

Khalifa International Stadium Khalifa International Stadium, which was constructed in 1976, has previously served as the venue for the Asian Games, Arabian Gulf Cup, and AFC Asian Cup. The IAAF World Athletics Championships and matches from the FIFA Club World Cup Qatar were also held here in 2019. To get it ready for the World Cup, the stadium underwent a significant reconstruction. With a capacity of 45,000, the stadium will host six group-stage games, one round-of-16 game, and the third-place play-off. It was the first World Cup venue in Qatar to achieve GSAS certification.

Al Thumama Stadium One of the quarterfinals of the World Cup, one round-of-16 match, and six group-stage games will all be played at Al Thumama Stadium. The layout of the stadium is modeled after the Middle Eastern men’s traditional woven headgear known as the ‘gahfiya’. After the World Cup, the current capacity of 40,000 will be lowered to accommodate local demands and give other developing countries with top-notch athletic infrastructure. Football games and other sporting events will be held in the arena’s remaining 20,000 spectators. On-site developments include a boutique hotel that will take the place of the stadium’s upper stands and a branch of a sports clinic.

Stadium 974 Stadium 974 is built from 974 standard-certified shipping containers and modular steel pieces, evoking the local port and the area's industrial past. It is the only waterfront venue with a breathtaking perspective of the Doha cityscape. The first-ever FIFA compliant stadium that can be fully dismantled and re-purposed post-event includes flexibility in the design to rebuild the stadium with the same capacity in a different location or build multiple smaller venues using the same materials. The GSAS gave it a five-star rating for both the design and the construction. The end product is an arena that is unique, brightly colored, and utterly contemporary. Because of its modular construction, less typical building material was needed than in the construction of a standard stadium, which helped keep construction costs low. Stadium 974 has a capacity of 40,000 and will host seven matches during the world cup, with six group games and one round-of-16 knockout match. 

Ahmad bin Ali Stadium The fifth shape, a shield, unites them all and symbolizes the unity and strength that are especially important to the city of Al Rayyan. The stadium, which has a 40,000-person tournament capacity, will host six group-stage games and one round-of-16 game. After the competition, the movable upper tier will be taken down, and the seats will be used to build other sports venues in Qatar and abroad. Numerous components of the demolished building that formerly stood in this location have been utilized in the new construction, some of which have been transformed into works of public art. The majority of the building materials—more than 90 percent—have been recycled or reused. To reduce harm to the environment, trees that originally encircled the old arena have been saved for future replanting.

Lusail Stadium The largest stadium in Qatar, with 80,000 seats, is Lusail. Along with the World Cup final, it will hold six group-stage games and one from each round. The current plan for Lusail Stadium is to study the modification of the venue’s interior space to house a mixture of civic facilities. After the World Cup, the venue could feature affordable housing units, shops, food outlets, health clinics, and even a school.  A community football field might be constructed on the higher deck and used as an outdoor terrace for new residences. Some of the tournament installations will need to be taken down to make room for these new amenities. Any materials removed will be saved, reused whenever possible, and donated to areas in need of sporting facilities. Polytetrafluoroethylene (PTFE), a cutting-edge polymer, shields the stadium from heated winds, prevents dust from entering, lets in enough light for the pitch to flourish, and provides shade to lessen the demand for air conditioners. The GSAS awarded the stadium a five-star rating.

Education City Stadium The front side of the Educational City Stadium features triangles that form complex, diamond-like geometrical patterns which appear to change color with the sun’s movement across the sky. With a capacity of 45,000, it will host eight games during the competition, including two knockout games and six group games. The stadium’s movable upper tier will be taken down, and the seats will be donated to a nation lacking in sporting facilities. The stadium, which has cutting-edge cooling equipment for the benefit of spectators, players, and officials, is the first World Cup venue to receive a five-star design and build rating from the GSAS.

Al Janoub Stadium The sails of conventional dhow boats served as inspiration for the design. It has playgrounds for kids, running and cycling trails, and other open spaces. After the World Cup, the stadium’s capacity will be reduced from 40,000 to 20,000 and it will be donated to football development projects abroad. The stadium is scheduled to host six group-stage matches and one round-of-16 match.

The text is prepared on the basis of information available on FIFA’s website

For over two decades, Nepali handicraft businesspersons have been participating in international handicraft fairs. They have been doing decent business, say the organizers. The stats also prove that. Nepali traders started to take part in the Artigiano Fair of Italy from 2002. They participated in the fair with five stalls in the first year and over the years, Nepalis has had huge involvement.

Nowadays, there are over 100 stalls of Nepali handicrafts.  Due to the unique make and reflection of Nepali culture, Nepali handicrafts have been the first choice for the international buyers, says Keshav Jung Thapa of Krish Enterprises. “International fairs play a very significant role in advancing the sales of handicraft items.” Despite the contribution of these traders, they face a few problems which are hampering their business.

According to the Nepal Rastra Bank (NRB), a person can exchange $500 for foreign travel. For that too, s/he has to show a valid passport with a visa. But for international fairs, NRB allows any company any amount as per their demand. However, the company needs to submit the required documents and invoice. Thapa says the central bank has issued a directive that there will be no Tax Deduction at Source (TDS) for sending the money to international organizers.

However, few banks are unaware of this and they ask for 15 percent TDS. “I don’t know if the central bank sends different circulars to different banks or why is this a problem?” says Thapa.   Bashudev Bhattarai, director of Foreign Exchange Management Department of the central bank agrees that the NRB circular doesn’t ask for TDS.

“I have noted this issue and asked the department to ensure that all banks follow the circular,” he adds.  Also, the cargo companies have been bearing loss when sending handicrafts abroad. Janak Pyakurel of Speedmark Cargo Pvt Ltd, says only a couple of airlines carry huge cargo. “To manage all these logistics, we have to make a special request for which they charge extra fees.”

Similarly, Nepali traders have to pay 21 percent Value Added Tax (VAT) to export goods.  Pyakurel says Nepali companies, for instance, can’t register themselves in Italy. “If the fair organizers offer some subsidies, it will help us.” 

According to the former President of Federation of Nepalis Chamber of Commerce and Industry (FNCCI) Bhawani Rana, the demand for handicraft items is very high in international markets. “If only investments could be increased, Nepali traders can export more items to earn foreign currency.” The government should encourage and help traders participate in these events, she says. 

The Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML appear to be heading towards a right-wing race to emerge as the first and the second largest party in the federal parliament (not necessarily in that order). Numbers streaming in from more than 140 constituencies point at such a scenario as the counting of votes after Nov 20 elections reach its midway.

The sideshow of this race is no less interesting, with the CPN (Maoist Centre), Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), and the CPN (Unified Socialist) competing to become the third, fourth, and fifth largest parties. As of Nov 22 evening, NC has won two seats under the First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) system and is leading in 50 seats, whereas UML has bagged two seats and is leading in 40 seats.

Trailing well behind, the Maoist party is leading in 15 constituencies, while the CPN (Unified Socialist) is leading in eight constituencies. Under Proportional Representation (PR), UML is in the first position, NC second, RSP third, whereas the Maoist is in a distant fourth position. In the Kathmandu valley, RSP is receiving more votes than major parties under PR, giving the latter more than what they had perhaps bargained for.

The new federal parliament will see new parties such as RSP, CK Raut-led Janamat Party, and Nagarik Unmukti Party led by Resham Chaudhary’s spouse Ranjita Shrestha. Nagarik Unmukti Party candidate Ganga Ram Chaudhary has won in Kailali-3, whereas Shrestha is leading in Kailali-1 and is expected to win. Resham Chaudhary is in jail in connection with the 2015 Tikapur incident in which nine people were killed in a violent clash.

This time, the royalist Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) is likely to increase its strength in the parliament. The new party in the parliament means voices opposing the constitution will get louder in the coming days. But RPP is not the only political force that will make its presence felt in the parliament. RSP also has reservations about the current structures of the federal government and it made its reservations quite public by not fielding candidates for the provincial assembly. The RPP wants to scrap secularism and federal structures.

The Nagarik Unmukti Party and Raut’s party have their own positions on the constitution. So, it will be tough for the major political parties to manage those voices within the framework of the constitution.

If the preliminary count is anything to go by, the Maoist party is unlikely to perform well. Before the elections, the party had hoped to secure 50 seats combined in FPTP and PR, but preliminary counting does not indicate so. Top party candidates Pampha Bhushal (Lalitpur-3), Onsari Gharti Magar (Kathmandu-2), and Dev Gurung (Lamjung-1) are lagging behind in vote counts.

Maoist candidates from mid-western districts and Madhes are faring well in preliminary counting. It is almost certain that the Maoist's chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal will emerge victorious in the elections. If the Maoist party fails to win 40-50 seats, thereby emerging as a king-maker in power-sharing, a new scenario may emerge, which will affect government formation. The election result is likely to cause animosity between the NC and the Maoist party, with preliminary results showing that NC cadres did not vote for Maoist candidates in several constituencies.

And if the CPN (US) also does not fare well in the elections, the ruling coalition will find it harder to secure majority seats in the parliament. If the Maoist party's strength decreases, it may lose its bargaining power. In such a scenario, the chances of the NC and the UML coming together for government formation cannot be ruled out.

Just before the election, in an interview, UML chair KP Sharma Oli had hinted at this possibility. The chances of Oli becoming prime minister cannot be ruled out.

If the current coalition remains intact even after the election, Dahal is likely to become prime minister. Preliminary counting is indicating a more impractical and complex power-sharing deal. The incumbent, Sher Bahadur Deuba, would want to be re-elected prime minister on the ground that the NC became the largest party under his leadership (if this indeed happens). But Deuba is not the only candidate in the fray: Youth leader Gagan Kumar Thapa has made it clear that he will contest the race to become NC’s parliamentary party leader and then the PM.

The local level election held on May 13 was the second of its kind after Nepal adopted federalism. It elected representatives in six metropolitan cities, 11 sub-metropolitan cities, 276 municipalities, and 460 rural municipalities. On Nov 20, the country will once again head to voting stations to elect representatives to the federal parliament and seven provincial assemblies. The polls, which will elect 825 representatives in the federal parliament and provincial assemblies, are being held in a single phase. Here is an explainer on the elections.

How is the federal parliament formed?

The House of Representatives (lower house) and the National Assembly (upper house) make up the federal parliament.  The lower house has 275 seats of which, 60 percent (165 seats) are chosen through first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system, while the remaining 40 percent (110 seats) will be elected through a proportional representation (PR) basis. The PR system aims to ensure representation of women, Dalits, Madhesis, indigenous groups, and minorities in the governing structures. Article 85 of the constitution says: “Unless dissolved earlier, the term of the HoR shall be of five years.”

The previous federal and provincial elections took place in two phases in November and December 2017. So, this December will be the end of the five-year term of parliament. The constitution has not envisioned a parliamentary vacuum of over six months; hence it was necessary to conduct parliamentary elections within six months of December 2022. But Nepal didn’t enter this period, as the government announced the elections before December. 

However, the Nov 20 election is not for the National Assembly (NA) or the upper house. The NA is a 59-member permanent body, with 56 members chosen by an electoral college consisting of provincial assembly members and village and municipal executive members. The president nominates three members. It has a term of six years, with one-third of its members retiring every two years on a rotational basis.

What about provincial assemblies? 

Provincial assemblies are unicameral legislative bodies. The numbers of provincial lawmakers vary from one province to another. Unless dissolved earlier according to the constitution, the term of these assemblies is five years. Their term may be extended for a period not exceeding one year in cases where a proclamation or order of the state of emergency is in effect.  As provincial assembly elections were held simultaneously with the federal elections in 2017, the end of their tenure was also in December 2022. Under the FPTP component, twice as many members are elected to provincial assemblies as are elected to the HoR. And just like the lower house of federal parliament, 60 percent of provincial assembly seats are filled through the FPTP system and 40 percent through PR basis. 

Province 1 has 93 seats, Madhes has 107, Bagmati has 110, and Gandaki has 60 seats in their respective assemblies. Similarly, Lumbini Province has 87 seats, Karnali has 40, and Sudurpaschim has 53 seats. Altogether, there are 550 seats in the seven provincial assemblies.

What is the role of the Election Commission?

The Election Commission is a constitutional body responsible for conducting and monitoring elections, as well as registering parties and candidates and reporting election outcomes. However, it cannot announce dates for any election. Only the government holds this right.  For a long time, the commission has been making a case for its right to do so. According to former commission officials, giving the commission such a mandate will ensure timely elections. As the government has the right to announce dates, the ruling parties often tend to declare elections at their convenience.

Is there any change in our electoral system? 

Even though there was a debate about changing the electoral system, Nepal is still following the same election system: a mixed voting system based on FPTP and PR. Ruling coalition partner CPN (Maoist Center) had proposed a completely proportional election system, citing that elections are becoming costly and adopting a fully PR electoral system was a solution. Other parties like the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML did not accept the proposition. A party has to cross the election threshold of three percent of the overall valid vote to be allocated a seat under the PR method. And to be a national party, a party should have at least one seat from FPTP and one from PR in the lower house. 

Who can vote?

Those Nepalis who are 18 years old and are registered on the voters’ list of the poll body can vote. As soon as the government announced the election, the Election Commission stopped the voter registration process. And if you didn’t register before the cut-off time, you missed the voting rights this time. The next voter registration process will resume soon after the upcoming elections ends.  If you are a registered voter, you can vote by showing your Voter ID or other government-issued IDs at your respective polling station. Newly registered voters can collect their Voter IDs from the polling centers.  

How many types of ballot papers are there this time? 

Each voter has to vote on four separate ballot papers this time. There are two ballots (FPTP and PR) for the HoR and two (FPTP and PR) for the Provincial Assembly. For the FPTP election system of the HoR and the PA, the ballot paper has the election symbol and other details printed in red on a white background. While in the PR election system, the ballot paper has black color printed on a white background.  Remember, under the FPTP system, you are directly voting for a candidate of your constituency. Under the PR system, you are voting for a party and the party, if it passes the stipulated threshold, will send as many PR candidates as the seats it won to parliament. The parties have already submitted their PR list to the commission and they will be called up in an already-fixed serial order.  There will be four separate ballot boxes as well. Each voter will first get the FPTP ballot paper for the HoR election. After casting the vote in the respective ballot box, the voter will get a PR ballot paper. The same pattern will follow for the provincial assembly. 

How to reduce invalid votes?

There are a few things you need to do to make your votes count. When you get your ballot paper, check if it has the signature of the voting officer. Use the ‘Swastik’ stamp, which is available in your polling booth, to mark your ballot paper. And make sure to stamp it clearly. Don’t use more or less ink and just stamp it once.

You should only stamp a single electoral symbol on each ballot paper to make your vote valid. Do not cast a vote for multiple symbols. You can neither divide your vote for two symbols. Make sure that your stamp is inside the set box. Do not put your stamp outside the box. It must not overlap with another, horizontally or vertically to make the vote valid.  The last part is folding your ballot paper, which is where many people fail. Fold it in a way that the ink does not get smudged or leave an imprint on any other symbol. Be mindful of where the ink stamp is and where it can leave an imprint. It is also a good idea to make sure that the ink has dried before you fold the paper. 

You also need to maintain the secrecy of your vote. Do not fold the ballot paper in a way the face of the paper is turned outside. Visit the social media of the Election Commission for a better video graphical explanation of how to make your vote valid.  

Why is there no electronic voting machine?

According to Chief Election Commissioner Dinesh Thapaliya, the commission had no problem using the electronic voting machine (EVM), but there was no political consensus regarding its use. The Election Commission had held talks with the leaders of several political parties several times to introduce EVMs, but to no avail. 

Could Nepalis outside Nepal vote? 

In 2018, the Supreme Court issued a directive to the government, parliament, and the Election Commission to make necessary arrangements to ensure voting rights for all Nepalis living abroad. But this order has been ignored. None of the stakeholders have any valid reason as to why this is.  Even though the Maoist Center and the Nepali Congress had said that they would make it possible for Nepalis living abroad to vote, there have not been any positive results. The Election Commission officials say that the parties lack consensus on the matter. Election experts also suggest that political commitment, necessary laws, and resources are a must for this provision. So Nepalis based abroad cannot vote in this election. 

What will the country get after the polls?

Same as now, a multi-party, federal democratic republic and parliamentary form of government will be formed after the election. As soon as the members of parliament are elected, it will elect a prime minister, who is the executive head. The leader of the party that wins a simple majority is invited to form the government. The prime minister will then form a cabinet. Similarly, the members of the provincial assemblies will choose chief ministers to run the respective provincial governments.  As for the president and vice president, they are constitutional posts with nominal power. An electoral college formed by the two houses of federal parliament and Provincial Assembly members will elect them.

Over 12,000 candidates are contesting the elections for 825 seats in federal and provincial elections. According to the Election Commission, 1,7985,570 voters will exercise their right to vote. Morang district has the highest number of voters for the elections with 735,525 people on the voter's list in six constituencies. The least number of voters is in Manang district with a total of 6,779 in a single constituency.

Violations of the election code of conduct have increased as the election draws near. So far, 71 complaints have been filed at the commission. The Nepal Police has deployed a large number of security personnel across the country to ensure that the elections are held in a peaceful environment. The police have prepared to mobilize 186,693 security personnel in all seven provinces.

According to the integrated security plan, along with the Nepal Police, there are 115,000 temporary police. The Nepali Army is also ready to mobilize 75,000 security personnel. Similarly, the Armed Police Force (APF) is set to mobilize around 35,000 security personnel. The responsibility of APF is to provide security at the Chief Electoral Office, Election Office, and District Election Office.

It’s estimated that Rs 24.11bn will be spent on the Nov 20 elections. The security forces have asked for Rs 16bn. The Ministry of Finance, however, has agreed to spend Rs 8.822bn on security.

For the first-past-the-post election system of the House of Representatives and the Provincial Assembly, the ballot paper has the election symbol and other details printed in red on a white background. While in the proportional election system, the ballot paper has black color printed on a white background.

Each voter has to vote on four separate ballot papers. There are two ballots (first-past-the-post and proportional) for the House of Representatives and two (first-past-the-post and proportional) for the Provincial Assembly.

Come Nov 20, Nepali voters will elect their representatives to the federal parliament and seven provincial assemblies. Political parties and candidates are out campaigning. But it appears as though the electioneering is gaining momentum only for the federal parliament. Elections to the seven provincial assemblies seem to have been overshadowed by the typical campaigning razzmatazz for federal polls. The constitution envisions three tiers of government, so what goes on in provinces are equally important for voters.

Considering this importance, ApEx recently organized a roundtable with four independent youth candidates contesting for provincial assembly seats to find out about their election agendas. Excerpts. 

Robust provinces for a prosperous country

Jagannath Lamichhane, Kathmandu 5 (2)

Our political leadership has made the provinces a place to install their cadres. This suggests that they are against federalism. This has set a negative narrative regarding the provinces among the public and has kept the provincial assemblies and elections in shadows. But we must realize that, in federalism, there will be no local levels without provinces as all the three tiers of government are interrelated. Bagmati province generates almost 40 percent of the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP), and around 90 percent of total investment goes to this province.

Being such an important province, it could be a center for the country’s economic development.  So it is necessary to develop a culture of identifying and implementing development plans based on the suggestions of experts, rather than political parties.  As an independent, I am campaigning with the agendas of minimum living cost, affordable housing, inflation control, community center (with public library, café, mental health, career counseling, etc.), sustainable urban development, and digitalization.

Women’s participation key to institutionalizing federalism 

Sabita Maharjan, Lalitpur 3 (1)

Even if our constitution has mandated 33 percent women’s participation in each sector, this has not been implemented in a real sense. In the federal parliament, there are a few female lawmakers, but in the provinces, I have not seen anyone. This is one of the reasons why I decided to contest the provincial election.  Although Nepal is said to have made significant progress in terms of political and socio-economic aspects, a common Nepali person hasn’t been able to taste and experience these achievements. This is because we have yet to institutionalize federalism. In a well-functioning federalism, the general people can see the progress around them, as all levels of government are connected. I strongly believe that women’s participation is a must to institutionalize federalism and bring about real change. 

My constituency has many problems that I have identified. There are issues with drinking water, sewage management, social security fund, agriculture, etc. but nobody has shown the commitment to resolve these problems. But if I were to be elected, I would take the necessary steps to deal with these problems.  I have been involved in social work and empowerment of single women for more than a decade. I believe that my work experience will help me connect with the issues that need addressing.  

Will set an example of what provincial assembly member should be like

Sasmit Pokharel, Kathmandu 5 (1)

A change in the system is a great deal for a country. But we Nepalis have the tendency of easily accepting a political change. We accepted federalism but the political parties took it for granted. Today, it seems like the parties themselves don’t want federalism.  In the Bagmati assembly, there are 110 members, and three of them have served as the chief minister and almost 60 as ministers. The same case applies with other provinces. There has been no political stability at all.    If the political parties continue these types of practices, why should Nepalis believe them? 

So my argument is if a few independent candidates were to be elected in provinces, we could become examples of what real lawmakers should be like. My presence in the provincial assembly will ensure public discussion, public decisions, good governance, meritocracy, integrity, and transparency. I believe in teamwork. I will also forward a concept of provincial universities, as a large number of Nepali students are going abroad because we lack decent educational institutions. As a provincial assembly member, I will also focus on health insurance, digitization of services and promotion of art and culture. 

Will build youth-focused entrepreneurial province

Suraj Raj Pandey, Kathmandu 1 (2)

Our constitution has ensured a check and balance among all three tires of government. But what our politicians have been doing is fooling Nepalis by recruiting their puppets in provincial assemblies. There is no political discipline, no programs or policies for development. Every sector is paralyzed as a result.  I am an entrepreneur and I have no working environment in this country. So why will I stay here and struggle for no reason? This is the voice of present youths. Nearly 90 percent of my friends have left Nepal. The problem of brain drain is real, but no politician acknowledges it, let alone tries to address it. We can’t make a prosperous country by relying on remittance.  If I get elected, my first focus will be to create a youth-friendly entrepreneurial environment in Bagmati province. For better educational activities, my concern will be in the promotion of skillful education and the betterment of community schools.  

Nepal is a young country and it needs a government led by youths. So my objective will be to encourage youth engagement and participation in all sectors. My other priorities will be creating jobs, addressing the problem of drug abuse among youths, affordable healthcare and working closely with the Kathmandu Metropolitan City to find sustainable solutions for parking, waste management.

Constitutional provisions for provincial assemblies 

The main functions of the provincial assembly are to form the government, make provincial laws, monitor the activities of the provincial government, and discuss provincial public affairs issues in the assembly meeting. According to the provisions of Part 13 (Provincial Executive), Part 14 (Provincial Legislature), Part 15 (Provincial Management Procedures), and Part 16 (Provisions on Economic Procedures) of the constitution, the Provincial Assembly has to enact the following laws related to:

• Determining the language of state government work
• Grants received from the Government of Nepal and financial normalization grants to subordinate local bodies from their own revenue
• Establishment of judicial bodies at the local level
• Work, duties and powers, and other conditions of service of the advocate general
• Certification of authority in the name of the head of state and the decision or order of the state government
• Remuneration and facilities and oath of the chief minister and the cabinet 
• Provincial government work division and work execution regulations 
• Extension of term of the provincial assembly
• Privileges of provincial assemblies
• Rules of the provincial assembly
• Service conditions of the provincial assembly secretariat, secretaries, and employees
• Remuneration and benefits of the speaker, deputy speaker, and members of the assembly
• Provincial contingency fund 
• Provincial financial procedures
• Operation of the district assembly, the facilities of the members of the DCC
• Procedure for making laws of rural municipal assemblies and municipal assemblies
• Other provisions of rural municipal assemblies and municipal assemblies
• Equal protection, treatment, and facilities accorded to residents of another state in their own state
• Procedures for resolving political disputes between local levels and provinces 
• Work, duties, and rights of provincial public service commission, police, and government services 

Source: Constitution of Nepal 2015

The Nov 20 election is less than two weeks away. Candidates contesting the elections—ranging from 22 to 99 years old—are on door-to-door campaigns to bring voters on their side. Unlike previous parliamentary elections, this time there are a lot of independent candidates. Top political honchos find themselves pitted against new, aspiring leaders.

Here are three such independent youths who are competing against the former prime ministers.   

Rahul Kumar Mishra, Rautahat-1

A 25-year-old engineer Rahul Kumar Mishra filed his candidacy for federal election from Rautahat-1. The chairman of CPN (Unified Socialist) Madhav Kumar Nepal is also contesting the election from the same constituency. Rautahat is the hometown of independent candidate Mishra while Nepal has also contested elections from Rautahat several times. In the last election, Nepal won from Kathmandu-2.

Mishra has an engineering degree from the Thapathali Engineering Campus in Kathmandu where he was president of the Nepal-Tarai student union. He is also a co-founder and vice-president of CharitAble, a group of youths working to promote practical education while encouraging youths on environmental sanitation, waste management, and carbon control.  His major agenda is to make Rautahat an exemplary town in the Madhes by providing better education. He envisions facilitating community schools so that people don’t have to pay expensive fees at private schools. Mishra also wants to establish good educational institutions in Rautahat so that youths don’t have to go abroad for education and employment.   

Sagar Dhakal, Dadheldhura-1

Independent candidate Sagar Dhakal is 31 years old. He is a hydro-mechanical engineer graduate from Pulchowk Engineering Campus in Lalitpur. He also has a policy and management degree from Oxford University. Dhakal says he got involved in politics after thinking about how Nepal can be developed in the next 50 years. Though his hometown is Gulmi, he is contesting parliamentary elections from Dadhedhura-1. He says he has seen more problems in the district of Nepali Congress President and Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba than in his own district. I

n 2017, Dhakal came into the limelight after a heated exchange with Deuba on live TV. He says that people under 40 should run the country. His electoral slogan is ‘Direct leadership of the youth, advice of parents, respect and rest for the grandparents’—meaning youths like him should run the country and second-generation political leaders should have an advisory role while Deuba, Oli, Dahal, and the others should now rest.

Yug Pathak, Jhapa-5

Yug Pathak, 44, is a writer, journalist, and political commentator. He filed his candidacy for the federal election from Jhapa-5, hometown of former Prime Minister and Chairman of CPN-UML KP Oli. Pathak was born and brought up in Makawanpur but he chose Jhapa for the election which he calls ‘Oozelution Movement’, a campaign against Oli. Pathak was also a leader of the civil society movement ‘Brihat Nagarik Aandolan’ whose aim was to fight against the unconstitutional move to dissolve the parliament by then Prime Minister Oli. He is a scholar of English literature. Two of his famous books are ‘Mangena’ and ‘Urgen Ko Ghoda’.

‘Mangena’ questions the ideologies that have been institutionalized since the Panchayat period. The book’s basic argument is that old ideologies should be discarded and new concepts should be developed to recognize and understand the current Nepali society.

Nepal has set four main agendas to present at the COP27 that takes place in Egypt later this week.  Climate change adaptation and reduction, climate finance, specific issues of mountain region, and financing for climate losses and damages will be the priorities, according to the Oct 23 media briefing by the Ministry of Forest and Environment.

The government has also released a press note on its intent to call for a global pledge on dedicated financial facilities for loss and damage caused by climate change and locally led adaptation principles. In last year’s climate conference, Nepal had submitted a research report on loss and damage attributed to climate change. 

“Relying on that document, we have framed our issues and will prioritize them,” says Megh Nath Kafle, spokesperson at the ministry. Nepal has been demanding $50bn annually as climate finance. To date, there is no exact figure as to how much funds Nepal has been getting as climate finance. Kafle says climate finance is a cross-cutting issue, where many areas overlap and interlink.  “There are no clear stats on how much we are getting in climate finance. The ministry is planning to maintain real data so that we can claim our share of climate finance.”

During the COP26 held in Scotland, Nepal announced to remain cumulatively ‘net zero carbon’ from 2022-2045 and become carbon negative after that, halt deforestation and increase forest cover to 45 percent by 2030, and ensure all vulnerable people are protected from climate change by 2030. 

Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba also urged world leaders to recognize specific climate vulnerability of the high mountains and prioritize the mountain agenda in all climate-related negotiations. He said that keeping global temperature rise to below 1.5° Celsius was vital for the mountain people.

Madhukar Upadhya, an environmentalist and climate change expert, says Nepal’s commitments and appeals for climate action on international platforms are irrelevant.  “The likes of Pakistan and Bangladesh have been much more effective in highlighting their plight in international climate forums than Nepal,” he adds. “Those countries too have internal political conflict, yet they lead the international platforms like COP.”

According to the reports presented by the Nepal government, melting glaciers, erratic and unpredictable weather conditions, changing rainfall patterns, and increasing temperatures are impacting Nepalis.  But the government has failed to draw the attention of global communities on these issues.  Nepal has been raising its climate-related issue through the group of Least Developed Countries (LDC) on climate change. The group comprises 46 countries that are especially vulnerable to climate change but have contributed the least to the phenomena.

Nepal is also a member of the G-77 group on climate change issues. Climate experts like Upadhya are of the view that Nepal’s climate diplomacy through the LDC group and G-77 is not yielding results. Instead of only relying on these platforms, they recommend that Nepal take the initiative to lead the mountain agenda by bringing all mountainous countries.

Nepal’s climate agenda COP22 (Morocco, 2016)

• Informed that Nepal ratified Paris Agreement 
• Associated with the statements made by Thailand on behalf of G77 and China and Congo on behalf of the Least Developed Countries
• Informed that the government prioritizes accessing and managing climate finance, upscaling of renewable energy, building adaptive capacity and resilience and implementing mitigation actions to achieve sustainable development goals
• Over 80 percent of the climate finance to local level with a dedicated climate change budget code

COP23 (Germany, 2017)

• Urged the global leaders to implement key areas of Paris Agreement
• Sought funding support from the global community while also urged to raise relevant funding and support for calamity-vulnerable countries
• Sought developed countries’ contribution of $100bn per year by 2020 as agreed upon during the Paris COP21
• Raised questions on adaptation, mitigation measures, means of implementation and cross-cutting agendas like climate and gender

COP24 (Poland, 2018)

• Reported the good practices that has been carrying out to support the economic status of the local people affected by climate change as well as in the areas directly related to their livelihoods such as protection of forests, soil conservation, water management, agriculture, fruit cultivation, and livestock farming
• Raised the issues that will contribute to the concept of ‘Prosperous Nepal, Happy Nepali’ that the government had brought
• Highlighted the adverse impact of climate change on the economy of the Himalayan region as well as relating this to the marine economy
• Pursued issues related to agriculture, biodiversity, development infrastructure, and technology transfer among other topics

COP25 (Spain, 2019)

• Prioritized three areas considering the unique needs and circumstances of the fragile mountainous region: climate finance, technology transfer, and sharing of best practices
• Encouraged the parties to come up with ambitious NDCs by 2020 in both adaptation and mitigation measures so that the objectives of the Paris Agreement can be achieved by the stipulated time
• Engaged in discussions of loss and damage, technology development and transfer, transparency, capacity building, climate finance, as well as formal and informal networks
• Requested to implement Article 6 of Paris Agreement with the assurance that financing will be provided and technology transfers will occur to benefit the least developing countries (LDCs), to make them more climate-resilient

COP26 (Scotland, 2021)

• Called for recognizing the mountains’ climate vulnerability highlighting that around 80 percent of Nepal’s population is at risk from natural and climate-induced hazards and in the last 40 years, natural disasters have caused close to $6bn in physical and economic damage in Nepal alone
• Announced that emit ‘no net’ carbon between 2022 and 2045 and become carbon negative after
• Committed to halt deforestation and increase forest cover to 45 percent by 2030
• Urged the parties to agree on a clear roadmap for a new collective, quantified and ambitious goal on climate finance before 2025