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“Media plays an important role in moulding public opinion and developing better understanding between countries. Objective reporting so as not to jeopardise friendly bilateral relations is therefore desirable,” reads one of the norms of the Journalist Conduct issued by the Press Council of India in 2019.

Not just India, such code of conduct bars journalists from nearly all countries from reporting on matters harming friendly bilateral ties. The media are instead expected to play a positive role in the conduct and formulation of foreign policy. Recent news reports on Nepal by Indian TV channels, according to experts, is a serious breach of the journalist code of conduct, and the Press Council of India should thus take action. Such reports damage bilateral relations instead of contributing to better understanding between the two countries.

An Indian TV news channel had reported on how the Chinese envoy to Nepal was trying to ‘honey trap’ Oli, in what read like a fictional story. This invited outrage not only in Nepal but also India. The Press Council Nepal (PCN) has drawn the attention of its Indian counterpart on the report. The PCN is also closely monitoring the contents of Indian news channels on Nepal. “It would be easy for us to take up the matter with the Indian side if Nepal government filed a complaint with the PCN, which in turn could be forwarded to the Indian Press Council,” said PCN acting chairman Kishor Shrestha. In the past two decades, the number of television stations has mushroomed, posing a challenge to the norms of accuracy, journalistic ethics, and probity. Not only in Nepal, there has been huge criticism of Indian TV stations in India, too.

In the recent case involving the prime minister, discussions are underway in Nepal about what the government can do to counter such fabricated news stories. Nepal has dispatched a protest letter to the Indian government, objecting to the story, but it yet to get a response. Nepali Ambassador to Nepali New Delhi Nilambar Acharya reportedly spoke to the owner of Zee, the offending news station, and reports suggest the station has apologized. But that is insufficient, says the Nepali side.  

Ban no solution

Senior journalist Dhurba Hari Adhikari says Nepal can seek legal remedy on such fabricated reports, but the question is: should it? “Our embassy in New Delhi can consult legal experts and file a case against the news channel but it is better to resolve it diplomatically, as the legal battle will be long and costly,” he says. Adhikari says the role of Nepali mission in New Delhi is vital on such issues.

In immediate response, Nepali cable operators decided to ban (later removed) Hindi news channels. As a temporary measure, the ban can be justified, say media experts, but also impractical in the long run.

“Showing your dissatisfaction is a symbolic act. Yet a blanket broadcast ban on Indian television channels is not a long-term solution as their content is also easily available on the web,” says media expert Laxman Datt Pant, who heads Media Action Nepal.

According to Pant, there are three ways to tackle Indian media’s fabricated stories on Nepal. First, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs could take the initiative to start dialogue with Indian authorities. Second, we could communicate with the Indian Press Council and the Broadcasting Authority, arguing the broadcast content violates ethical standards and the two countries’ media laws. And, third, Nepal’s media and Nepal-India relation experts could provide insights on how such fabricated stories hurt bilateral relations in general and the Indian establishment in particular.

In India, private television stations fall under the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, which is regulates the content on private satellite channels. For the purpose, the ministry has an Inter-Ministerial Committee headed by Additional Secretary, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting.

The Indian government cannot dictate the content of its television stations as the constitution of India grants them full freedom of speech and expression. But it can seek clarification and urge correction or removal of objectionable content. “Compared to print and other outlets, there is more government control on Indian broadcasting media. In 2016, the Indian government had banned the NDTV for 24 hours. So the Indian government can do something meaningful whenever a broadcast media breaches its norms,” says Media expert and educator Dr Kundan Aryal.

Two-way street

Aryal points to the need for extensive discussions among media persons and other sections of the society about the negative coverage of Indian TV channels. “The problem with Indian news channels is that most of them do not have correspondents here so their observation is weak. They rather depend on high-level sources in New Delhi who often misguide them,” Aryal says.

Nepal can also ask organizations such as the International Federation of Journalists to take up the issue with India. Speaking with AP1HD television, senior journalist P. Kharel said Indian laws bar the media from any reporting that could hamper India’s relations with other countries. So Nepal also has the option of taking up the issue with India at the official level.

Despite objectionable coverage by some India media outlets, Prime Minister KP Oli’s baseless remarks on Nepal-India relations, according to experts, will weaken Nepal’s claim that Indian media are carrying inaccurate stories on Nepal. On July 13, he claimed without any evidence that the birthplace of Lord Ram is in Nepal and not India. Expressing his dissatisfaction over the PM’s remark, Aryal, who once served as PM Oli’s press advisor, said such statements could weaken the country’s position on Indian media coverage of Nepal.

“What sort of a statement was it, anyway? Was PM Oli trying to compete for attention against Indian TV channels?” Aryal questions.

• On July 1, 11-year-old Kanchan Kumari Panjiyar was raped and murdered in Janakpurdham in eastern Tarai. An Indian national was arrested for the crime.
• In July 2018, 13-year-old Nirmala Panta of Kanchanpur, a far-western district, was raped and murdered. The culprit is yet to be found.
• In July last year, 9-year-old Elisha Tamang was raped and murdered in Kavre district east of Kathmandu. Police arrested three culprits and started legal action.
• In February 2018, a 12-year-old girl was raped and murdered in Rupandehi district in central Tarai. The culprit was arrested and sent to jail.
• In March 2012, 14-year-old Puja Bohara of far-western Baitadi district was gang-raped while she was preparing to appear in the SLC exams. It took eight years for the two culprits to be convicted.

These are some incidents from the past few years that show the vulnerability of young girls to serious forms of sexual violence. Nepal Police have recorded an increasing number of rape cases over the past few years. And when the victims are minors, there is also the risk of murder, as we see from these incidents.

As per Nepal Police, 1,945 cases of rape were recorded in the past fiscal 2019/20. The number was 981 in 2014/15, which climbed to 1,093, 1,137, 1,480, and over 1,500 cases in fiscals 2015/16, 2016/17, 2017/18, and 2018/19, respectively. The three-month July-September period last year had the highest record of 591 rape cases, of which 368 victims were minors.

The police have divided the cases into six categories: isolated incidents of rape, rape after human trafficking, rape after kidnapping, rape and murder, murder attempt after rape, and rape after child marriage. Most perpetrators are close relatives or acquaintances.

During the lockdown, 155 cases of rape have been recorded with the highest number (37) recorded in Province 5. There were seven such cases in Kathmandu. Most of these incidents occurred in quarantine facilities.

The graph rises

Senior advocate Lava Kumar Mainali, who specializes in criminal law, says sexual offenses also happened in the past but are now being reported more frequently. “In the past, the rich, powerful, and landlords used to be the perpetrators.” He reckons fake complaints may also be the cause for the rising number of reported rape cases.

Niraj Bahadur Shahi, Nepal Police Spokesperson, says the perpetrators come from uneducated and low-income backgrounds in most rape cases. They choose minors as victims because they find it easier to take them under control and use force.

Psychologist Karuna Kunwar says most perpetrators are those with psychosexual disorders. “Often the perpetrators are close relatives. They may choose minors thinking that they could silence them with simple threats. And they don’t need to use much force.”

Besides, a victim of sexual violence is also likely to grow up to be an offender himself. According to her, sometimes the motive is to take revenge, sometimes it’s just compulsive desire, and sometimes the perpetrators are mentally ill. She reckons weak law enforcement encourages the perpetrators.

Khokana, a small ancient village on the southern outskirts of Kathmandu Valley, is famous for its rich Newari culture and festivals. Newars have lived here for centuries. The place is also popular for its high quality ‘tori tel’ [mustard oil].

But the village has been in national headlines for a different reason in the past few years. The government wants to build the much-hyped Kathmandu-Nijgadh expressway through this village. The locals have rejected the plan, objecting that massive construction works will devastate the village and destroy its rich Newari heritage. They have been asking the government to change its decision, to no avail.

On July 3, police clashed with locals when the latter tried to plant paddy in their lands that the government has acquired for building the highway. The locals have rejected compensation against the acquisition.

Apart from the expressway, other projects are also planned through this village. Locals fear that the construction of the proposed outer ring road of Kathmandu Valley, a 132-KV transmission line, Bagmati corridor, and Kathmandu-Hetauda tunnel-way will ruin their abode and decimate agricultural productivity. On July 4, over 2,000 people gathered to protest government plans.

Locals say they are ready to give land for the projects in a way that doesn’t harm their cultural heritage. “We have proposed to give land outside Khokana for this purpose, but the government does not even want to discuss this option. It is trying to appropriate huge areas near the village,” says Krishna Bhakta Dangol, chair of a local committee mandated to talk to the government on this issue. “We want to protect our culture as well as our agricultural lands.”

Inviting trouble

Development planners and experts say Khokana highlights the folly in our national planning. In other places too the government has invited trouble by bypassing local people while designing projects. As they are key stakeholders in any project, addressing their concerns is vital. Former vice-chair of National Planning Commission (NPC) Jagadish Chandra Pokhrel says such issues should have been resolved during project finalization. “Khokana shows how we always make mistakes while designing projects and rue them later. It is a historic village with rich culture. When we do projects in such places, there should be broad debates and discussions,” Pokhrel says.

Pokhrel reckons that as the expressway is a big highway, it is better not to take the road through the village or keep zero-point there. “If there is no alternative, then the case would be different. But there are alternatives for the starting point of this highway,” he says. According to him, the use of force and suppression of people’s sentiments won’t do the project any good. A democratic way of running development projects is to hear the concerns of local people, he adds.

Government authorities, however, say that as project designing and compensations have already started, it would now be costly to change the design and choose a different starting point.

Environmentalist Prabhu Budathoki says the problem lies in our traditional top-down development model. The dispute in Khokana shows that development planners focus only on technical aspects while neglecting social, cultural and environmental issues, he says. For a culturally rich country like Nepal, these issues should be of paramount importance, he adds. “Both sides should sit for talks and find a solution to minimize damages. We cannot recreate Khokana village and its culture. We can only preserve them,” he says.

A logical option would be to address the concerns of the local people and divert the road a bit, even if it’s a little costly, advises Budathoki. That would be better than unnecessarily delaying the project owing to local protests, “which will be costlier than the diversion.”  

In the worst case, projects even get canceled in such cases. In the past, Melamchi drinking water project and Arun-3 hydropower have been significantly delayed for similar reasons.

But it’s not always the government’s fault. Political players and vested groups also create unnecessary problems at the local level, experts point out. For instance, local representatives of opposition political parties often try to instigate protests against the government. There is also this natural tendency among people to doubt distant government representatives.

“Local people tend to doubt government officials and their work, creating problems,” says former NPC vice-chair Pokhrel. In the case of Khokana, locals are also unhappy with the compensation for their land.

Khokana residents have already submitted an application at the National Human Rights Commission demanding protection of their cultural and human rights. The expressway project was initiated two decades ago but it was soon stalled, for various reasons. The government later gave the work to the Nepal Army. The planned 76-km road, which will be the shortest linking Kathmandu and the Tarai, is estimated to take four years to complete at the cost of Rs 110 billion.

Around this time in the previous years, residents of Karnali province would be in the highlands collecting yarshagumba (caterpillar-fungus or Cordyceps sinensis). Their houses back in the villages would be padlocked. Even schools would be closed, and teachers and children together pick this high-value Himalayan herb.

But this year the government has not allowed locals to pick this symbiotic larva-fungus owing to the Covid-19 pandemic. The time between the first week of May and the first week of July is considered the best season to hunt for this treasured herb that is famously used as an aphrodisiac and neural stimulant. It has other medicinal benefits as well.  

Many locals who ran their households from this trade are now facing a livelihood crisis. “I relied on yarshagumba to cover my household expenses,” says Mun Bahadur Nepali of Bareykot Rural Municipality-3 of Jajarkot. “As I don’t have a farm of my own, how do I look after my kids now?”

Residents of Dolpa, Mugu, Jajarkot, Jumla, Humla, and Rukum sell yarshagumba, often regarded as ‘mountain jewel’, to domestic traders who charter helicopters to get the delivery. They in turn export it to China, Hong Kong, and India at significant mark-ups.

This time, the federal government is holding off permission for the locals due to coronavirus fears. On June 7, the provincial government had written to the federal government seeking permission, as the high Himalayan areas are less affected by the pandemic. The federal government declined.

Lives at stake

Local families are now worried. “Our ‘jewel’ is lost in the highlands. And I don’t have any other job,” rues Indra Bahadur Bitalu of Thuli Bheri Municipality of Dolpa. “How am I to look after my six-member family now?” He used to earn about Rs 200,000 per season picking the larva-fungus.

Chhiring Tamang from Mugumakarmarong-8 of Mugu district says his major income source was yarshagumba too. “Due to corona, we couldn’t go to pick yarsha. If the government does not help us, we will die of hunger.” Such is also the condition of Chyawa Tamang, who also earned Rs 200,000 this season last year.

Pushpa Basnet of Bareykot Rural Municipality-4 of Jajarkot, an undergraduate at a local college, has also been reliant on this income for her studies since her school days. “I made around Rs 50,000 each season in the previous years. That was my money for studies, which is now gone,” she laments. Raju Nepali, a grade 11 student from Limsa-11, has similar concerns.

The yarshagumba collected from Karnali is mostly exported. According to Prem Bohora, a yarsha trader, the annual yarsha business amounts to over Rs 1 billion. A piece of the fungus is sold anywhere between Rs 500 to Rs 2,000. A kilogram of it would sell for Rs 1.5 million. From Jajarkot district alone, traders would make Rs 100 million annually. On an average, about two quintals of this medicinal herb is exported every year, according to the data provided by the Division Forest Office.

With the ban, the government has lost millions in revenue. Traders pay export duties, and the locals too pay taxes. Revenue losses in Dolpa district alone are estimated at Rs 50 million. Mugumakarmarong Rural Municipality of Mugu had earned Rs 99 million in yarshagumba revenues last year. It was expecting to raise Rs 100 million this year.